Hansard: NA: Unrevised Hansard

House: National Assembly

Date of Meeting: 22 Aug 2017

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Minutes

ASSEMBLY CHAMBER TUESDAY, 22 AUGUST 2017
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WEDNESDAY, 22 AUGUST 2017
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

The House met at 14:02


The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation.


MOTION OF CONDOLENCES



(The late Mr T J Bonhomme)


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Deputy Speaker, I

move the motion printed in my name on the Order paper as follows:


That the House –


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notes with sadness the death of veteran ANC Member of Parliament, Mr Trevor John Bonhomme on Saturday, 29 July 2017, at the age of 75, after a battle with cancer;


further notes that he served on the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, as a full and alternate member respectively, from the commencement of the 5th Parliament until his illness prevented him from travelling;


acknowledges that Mr Bonhomme distinguished himself as an outstanding cadre of the ANC and served as a Member of Parliament from 2006 until his death;


remembers that he joined the liberation struggle at an early age, and was active in various underground structures of the ANC, the Mass Democratic Movement and the United Democratic Front;

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further remembers that he was in the forefront in organising the biggest march in Durban, campaigning for the desegregation of beaches in 1989;


understands that he maintained his constituency office in the community of phoenix very well, serving the community with distinction, and was an acknowledged nonracialist who worked to unite South Africa;


recalls that in the 1980s, he was detained for about six months for his work as an activist and was released under conditions;


recognises that Mr Bonhomme was a grounded and dynamic leader who always spoke out in defence of the poor and vulnerable in society, a warrior for social justice and a humble servant of the people;

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believes that he leaves behind a powerful legacy of relentless activism, spotless integrity and the highest organisational discipline; and


conveys its deepest condolences to his wife Lorraine, family and friends.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, before we proceed, allow me to welcome in the gallery the hon Bonhomme’s wife Lorraine, his son Clinton, his daughter Fiona Marano and sister Gennifer Langlois; welcome to Parliament. [Applause.]


Ms T E BAKER: Thank you, Deputy Speaker. Today I have the honour and the privilege to stand before you and speak of the life and legacy of one of our Members of Parliament, whom many of you knew as the hon Trevor Bonhomme, a title of which he was truly worthy, but whom I more fondly knew as my uncle Trevor.

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He came from a large family, one of 11 children. He himself had six children, 13 grandchildren and 12 great grandchildren. That’s quite a legacy, and probably thanks to his staunch Catholic upbringing, which he lived and practiced in so many ways.


However, in my opinion, by far the most significant of uncle Trevor’s legacies is the fact that today millions of poor South African households receive free basic water services as a result of a fight he won against the EThekwini municipality, a fight for the constitutional rights of a single mother from Newlands East who had been without services for months, resulting in what would later become a national policy, something for which he has never been credited. He made South Africa a better place to live in. [Applause.]


At his funeral on Saturday 5 August this year, flyers were distributed which sad, “A tribute to Comrade Trevor Bonhomme, a dedicated cadre of the ANC.” This I don’t doubt, as he had told me on several occasions that he would die an ANC member, and that he did.

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But truth be told, Uncle Trevor’s dedication was far greater than just being the member of a political party. He was indeed a dedicated South African citizen, a dedicated servant of the people. His service and commitment to the people of Newlands East where he lived and worked for over 30 years, bears testimony to the selflessness and passion which was the nature of the man who was Trevor Bonhomme.


A man who walked holes in the soles of his shoes and then padded them with cardboard as he couldn’t afford to replace them, declining his brother Alwaynn’s generous offer to by him a new pair, because he saw that as being unimportant in the big scheme of things. He knew then that the fight against poverty, the fight for the South African people, was a far worthier cause than his own personal comfort.


He was a humble God-fearing man of principle and virtue, although not without his faults and failings. What many of you may not know about him is that he was also a proud

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member of another organisation, alcoholic anonymous. He had been sober for over 40 years.


Growing up, I heard many entertaining stories, about him and my uncles in the good old day, and indeed I am glad that those are the old days, and I am sure no one would agree with me more than their wives, may aunty Lorraine, my aunty Jenny and my mum who are sitting up in the gallery this afternoon. His wife, Lorraine is my father’s eldest sister, and is renowned in our family for being the cheeky aunt.


The price he paid for choosing to be a servant, for choosing to stand up for those who either could not or would not stand up for themselves, was often very high, including spending time in prison as a political detainee.


So, when I heard the story of how Aunty Lorrain hid Uncle Trevor in the laundry basket the day the police arrived to arrest him, I could not help but smile. I can only imagine how much hell she must have given those police

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officers. It’s a wonder they didn’t just leave without him!


As a child growing up, I knew Uncle Trevor and his brother uncle Virgil were both upholsterers by trade. What I did not know was that the brothers worked from home simple because they could not find formal employment, as they were perceived as trouble-makers due to their activism as trade unionists, fighting for better working conditions and wages for others like themselves.


The Bonhomme brothers were no strangers to controversy. Over the years they fought tirelessly against the oppression and injustices of the apartheid government, together with others sitting amongst us here today, like hon Llewellyn Landers; he and Uncle Trevor went to primary school together, hon Pravin Gordhan and hon Terror Lekota, alongside with whom the Bonhomme brothers and others co-founded the UDF.


There are so many more of us who share a history with Uncle Trevor. In fact, the Chief Whip of the Majority

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Opposition, John Steenhuisen also served alongside Trevor Bonhomme, at all three levels of government, as a councillor in EThekwini municipality, as an Member of Provincial Legislature in the local KwaZulu-Natal Legislature as well as here, as a Member of Parliament.


Uncle Trevor always encouraged us as the younger generation in the family to become more politically active. So, naturally in December 2010, he was one of the first people I called, when I decided to stand as a DA candidate in the 2011 local elections. His response was immediate and genuine as he said: “That’s wonderful; the country needs a strong opposition.” That’s a conversation I will never forget, particularly given the current political climate of our country.


The man I knew as Uncle Trevor, the patriarch of the family, the community activist, the Member of Parliament, was extremely disturbed by the current situation in South Africa. It disturbed him greatly to think that all which he had fought for and held dear to his heart, all the years of sacrifice and struggle, might now be in vain.

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So, I call on us all as we are gathered here today to hold high the memory and legacy of Trevor John Bonhomme and the countless other struggle heroes, not only those of whom we speak often, but also the many unsung heroes and heroines of our democracy, who have gone silently to their graves.


Let us hold them in our hearts and minds not just for today, and not for what has past, but for the generations still to come, so that the South Africa of to morrow is a better place for all who live in it, filled with hope, encouragement and opportunity.


So, Uncle Trevor, to you we say: May the road rise up to meet you, may the wind be always at your back, may the sun shine always upon your face, the rain fall soft upon your fields, and until we meet again. May God hold you in the palm of his hand. Hamba kahle Uncle Trevor! [Applause.]


Mr N PAULSEN: Hon Deputy Speaker, on behalf of the EFF we wish to extend our condolences to the ANC for a fallen

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cadre; to the family of the former hon member, we wish to pass our condolences as well.


Hon Baker, your uncle‘s efforts were not in vain; we must continue to build that South Africa that inspires everyone. It is sad that all the good people from the former glorious movement are all dying; and very soon that glorious movement, itself, would have been condemned to the rubbish hip. But bear in mind, there are people that will carry on the good work that your uncle and many of his former comrades have started.


On behalf on the EFF, once again, our condolences. Thank you very much, Deputy Speaker.


Mr N SINGH: Hon Deputy Speaker, colleagues. Too often we are finding ourselves on this podium in solemn condolence with the family and friends of yet another fallen colleague; fallen due to an often protracted battle with some dread disease.

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Deputy Speaker, although I have been informed by his niece, hon Baker, – who just spoke – that the primary cause of his passing was not cancer. I remember the day on a flight from Durban to Cape Town when hon Bonhomme told me about the cancer.


So, hon Deputy Speaker, the question I would like to pose today as we remember our colleague, hon Bonhomme, is, are we doing enough in terms of medical research, not only into palliative care, for those who find themselves beyond the help of our current medical treatments, but also in respect of cures themselves, for dread diseases like cancer?


We send rockets to the moon, we dive the depths of the ocean, but medical research – and I include science and technology in this – seems to be lagging behind in respect of continuous and constant innovation.


In 2014, Dr Ambrosini, whilst battling stage 4 lung cancer and after running out of options with western medicine, introduced the Medical Innovation Bill; which

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sought amongst other objects to create a platform for innovative research into painkillers and cures for dread diseases. And this he tried to do through the use of integrative, complimentary and alternative medicines.


It is now three years later and this Bill still remains before Parliament. And this really makes me wonder how serious we are about taking the medical challenges of today seriously?


According to statistics, one out of every three people in South Africa will die from cancer. Is it not, therefore, out duty to do everything we can to advance medical research in this and other dread diseases, as a matter of utmost urgency?


Mr Bonhomme played an integral part in the fight against apartheid; his same courage shone through in his fight against cancer. Apartheid has fallen, thanks to people like hon Bonhomme, but cancer remains a mortal enemy of all mankind.

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In the memories of hon Bonhomme, Dr Ambrosini and countless others, we must continue and relentlessly so, to innovate and adapt in order to make ourselves a more resilient species than the many diseases that currently assail us.


On behalf of the IFP and our leader Prince Buthelezi, we send sincere condolences to his family, friends and our colleagues in the ANC, may his soul rest in peace.


Hon Deputy Speaker, we support the resolution as proposed by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party. I thank you. [Applause.]


Prof N M KHUBISA: Deputy Speaker, I must say, on behalf of the NFP we support this resolution.


And on behalf of the President of the NFP and the party as a whole, I convey our heartfelt condolences to the family of the late hon T J Bonhomme, relatives, friends, the ANC and all those who were touched by the life of

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this gentle giant of the struggle for the liberation of our country.


The late hon Bonhomme served the people of South Africa with honour, dignity, diligence and – of course – without blemish. He served this Parliament with distinction and diligence; and sat on a number of portfolio committees and making valuable contributions as well. And all of them aimed towards advancing the quality of life for all South Africans.


He was a humble servant of the people and made incisive contributions to debates. Service delivery and development came top of his agenda. And went an extra mile in serving the people of South Africa across racial and colour divide.


In his constituency in Phoenix and Ethekwini as whole, he was a darling for the people; for he empathically listened to their needs and tried to solve their problems; and sometimes using his personal resources.

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He left all of us with a classical example of a struggle icon who never used his position to serve his egoistic interests. He was indeed a true patriot for this country.


On behalf of the NFP we convey our condolences. Thank you very much. [Applause.]


Mr M L W FILTANE: Deputy Speaker, today, a sombre moment has again visited us. We salute the late Trevor John Bonhomme for his great love and dedication to his country and to the South African people. When this seasoned citizen breathed, he truly was a South African great elder, a friend and a fountain of wisdom.


Amongst many words of wisdom and encouragement he afforded this House was his member’s statement on 11 March 2008 where he said, and I quote:


To be active in sport is an integral part of the reconstruction and development of a healthier society. Sport cuts across all development programmes and should

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be made accessible and affordable to all South Africans.


He then urged all members of the National Assembly and the public to take part in the Human Rights Day fun run event. Had I been fortunate to be physically here, I would have taken his wise words and acted like as so many other South Africans and members of this House did.


Without this hon member, a humble servant of the people, we can claim, rightly so, that the launch of the Durban housing action committee which campaigned for tenants’ rights across racial divides, would not have been a success. This countryman who became one of those rare people who did not only suffer prejudice and racial discrimination, but also understood the importance of protection from its malice, survived. The umpteen achievements of this public servant are present in this institution as he played no small part in the progress of our democratic people’s Assembly. For people like me we could not be more indebted to this people-cantered foresight and moral vision.

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The UDM extends its heartfelt condolence to the family, the ANC and friends of the family. I quote in the words of Leonardo Da Vinci:


As a well-spent day brings happy sleep, so a life well spent brings happy death.


May the soul of Trevor rest in eternal peace. I thank you.


Mr M G P LEKOTA: Hon Deputy Speaker, I will resist the temptation to share with this House some of the experiences with Comrade Trevor, in particular the fact that he was braver than you in those days. It was Abraham Linchon who said that nearly all men can withstand any adversity, but if you want to test a men’s character give him power.


Comrade Trevor faced adversity under apartheid and in the struggle for a democratic and justice South African society. Having grown up in the then racially divided working class suburb of Overport in Durban, Comrade

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Bonhomme and his family were deeply affected by their forced removal from their family roots when their home was expropriated and they were relocated because of the implementation of the Group Areas Act.


Comrade Trevor and his brother, Comrade Virgile and their families, were synonymous with the pre and post-1994 era of struggle whether it was in the south coast or in the north cost, the Bonhommes were one way or the other somewhere involved in the struggle and mobilisation of our people.


I do recall when we were in trial, the Delmas Treason Trial, he also ended up with us in Modderbee Prison. I actually wondered whether he still lived in KwaZulu-Natal or he had moved to Gauteng. Regardless of the subsequent public office he held as municipal councillor, deputy mayor and Member of Parliament, Comrade Trevor always remained true to his deep humanitarian values and principles. He was a simple man always ready to exchange views on this or the other matters. Often I was moved by some of the feelings he had about what could have been

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done better than what we were doing. It was clear to me that his Stone’s Catholic upbringing played a very deep role herein. Power did not corrupt Comrade Trevor’s values and character or taint his integrity or judgement. He stayed true to his conscience, his sense of right and wrong.


On Behalf of Cope, I express our sincere condolences to his wife Lorraine and the extended family of the Bonhommes including his brother Virgile and Jackie, Trevor sister-in-law, and the hon Tarnia Baker of the DA. Let me say, to the comrades of my time as well as of today, even though sometime we may hold different views, it will never change the fact that the common struggle that we wedged against apartheid was a victory of us all. Therefore, we support the motion that has been moved on behalf of the ANC. Thank you. [Applause.]


Ms C DUDLEY: Deputy Speaker, on behalf of the UCDP I wish to convey our deepest condolences to the family of the late Trevor John Bonhomme, and thank you hon Baker for

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sharing some beautifully the insights into the life of your uncle, Trevor.


Hon Bonhomme, who was deployed from KwaZulu-Natal, clearly distinguished himself as an outstanding cadre of the ANC and served diligently as a Member of Parliament from 2006. He was describes, of course by his colleagues, as a person who fought against social injustices and he was known to be a vocal instrument for the poor who served his constituency with great distinction.


The ACDP commends hon Bonhomme’s contribution to uniting South Africans. We extend condolences to the members of the ANC and we pray for the comfort, strength and healing of the Bonhomme family and his friends. Thank you.


Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Hon Deputy Speaker, Comrade Mandlenkosi Galo sent me here and said because I always quote from scriptures so it would be very much relevant for me to be here.

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As the AIC we extend our condolences to the family of Trevor Bonhomme. We know very well that it has been something very bad and severe to lose the loved one. He has been a great asset to his family, his organisation the ANC and the people of South Africa. As an underground freedom fighter he did a lot to contribute to the struggle of our country. We are aware of the contribution he has made to Parliament and the nation as a whole. This has helped to bring about service delivery to the people, which is the main mandate. In isiXhosa we usually say,


IsiXhosa:

... isitya esihle asidleli.


English:

Those whom God loves die young. He died young not in terms of age, but in the sense that a lot was still expected from him. Family members, be comforted and feel good because your son, your brother and your father has contributed positively to Parliament, the nation and his own political party. The time had to come for him to leave this world for the better one. Each an every one of

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us is going to meet his or her fate because after all we are not immortal. May his soul rest in peace. Thank you.


The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-

OPERATION (Mr L T Landers): Hon Deputy Speaker, allow me, first of all, on behalf of the ANC, to express our thanks and appreciation to all hon members who spoke on this condolence motion.


Trevor Bonhomme’s character, personality and the values by which he lived were forged in the crucible of the struggle for liberation. So, critical analysis, self- criticism and a willingness to question the decisions and actions of those in leadership were second nature to him.


As you have already heard, during the early hours of the morning of Saturday, 29 July 2017, the hon Trevor Bonhomme succumbed to a terminal illness.


Trevor John Bonhomme was born to Virgil and Patricia Bonhomme in January 1942 in the area called Overport, in Durban. The Bonhommes were a staunch Catholic and

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working-class family. The hon Trevor Bonhomme attended the St Augustine Primary School, followed by the Umbilo High School in Durban from which he matriculated.


With his brother and comrade, Virgil, the hon Trevor Bonhomme started out as a worker in the upholstery industry for a company called Grafton-Everest. The low wages they earned forced the brothers to agitate against their bosses. Their success in getting wages doubled for the workers in the company and in the upholstery trade also resulted in them becoming marked men.


Later, they were dismissed and had great difficulty finding work in the upholstery industry. However, they continued their trade union work.


As apartheid took root in the 1960s, the Bonhomme family was forcibly removed from their Overport home by the Group Areas Act.


When he and his good wife Lorraine were married, they moved to Newlands East. The poverty of this community and

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its neglect by the authorities made it a site of struggle for the hon Trevor Bonhomme. Dedicated to the Newlands East community, he lived there for the rest of his life.


Civic issues became political and human rights issues for the Bonhomme brothers. They also succeeded in linking up with other activists who faced similar challenges in other black communities. They did all this through organisations like the United Committee of Concern, UCC, and the Durban Housing Action Committee, DHAC, amongst others.


Their work was critical in mobilising and demonstrating the oppressed communities’ resistance to apartheid.
Activism with comrades such as the hon Bheki Cele and Pravin Gordhan saw the building of alliances and networks across race, class and religious divides. This culminated in their role in the formation of the United Democratic Front, UDF, in 1983. Their struggles during the 1980s made it the decade that led to the eventual defeat of apartheid.

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Despite the intense repression and states of emergency during this time, the Bonhomme brothers worked actively in the ANC underground. In 1989, as has already been pointed out, the hon Trevor Bonhomme was detained and incarcerated at the Modderbee Prison, in terms of detention without trial laws, but the persistent security branch harassment and intimidation did not deter him. His collective activism with comrades around the country and, indeed, across the world forced the apartheid masters to the negotiation table.


Understandably, the release of Nelson Mandela with other ANC leaders and the unbanning of the ANC was a high point in the hon Trevor Bonhomme’s life. Consequently, it was no surprise that he was among the delegates to the first conference of the ANC to be held inside South Africa, in 1991.


Hon Trevor Bonhomme then threw himself into transitional politics, serving in leadership roles at local government level. In 2006, hon Trevor Bonhomme was deployed by the ANC to the National Assembly. Consequently, he opened a

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Parliamentary Constituency Office in Phoenix where he re- kindled the comradeship he had enjoyed with members of the Phoenix Working Committee since the 1970s.


We are informed by his good wife Lorraine that, as a consequence of his illness, hon Trevor Bonhomme suffered great pain during his last days. When he passed on, he was surrounded by his loved ones, holding onto Lorraine’s hand.


Honourable Trevor Bonhomme was a man of spotless integrity. He was an ANC cadre who led by example.


In honouring the hon Trevor Bonhomme’s contribution to the struggle for democracy and the liberation of the people of South Africa, we take this opportunity to say to his good wife Lorraine, his children and the Bonhomme and Dreyer families, thank you. [Applause.]


Debate concluded.


Motion agreed to, all members standing.

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The DEPUTY SPEAKER: The Presiding officers associate themselves with the motion. The condolences of the House will be conveyed to the Bonhomme family.


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT ON RED TAPE IMPACT ASSESSMENT BILL


Ms N R BHENGU: Chairperson, hon members, red tape is like a pothole in the road. It delays progress and creates frustration to someone who wants to achieve results within a short space of time. Some people even take their own lives when frustrated by red tape. The title of the Private Members’ Bill is the Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill. The choice of the name of the Bill is a conscience one. The Bill should have been named Regulatory Impact Assessment Bill.


The concept, red tape is politically loaded and fits the intention of drafters to build up public sentiment. The concept, while used by the ANC, must be understood in the context of its application by the ANC, and not that of the DA.

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The ANC supports progressive and necessary bureaucracy where the state develops a regulatory environment designed to achieve a particular objective, and where it is aligned to policy. The ANC does not support and is against a mechanism and conservative approach, which presents itself as an obstructive regulatory environment.


The drafters of the Bill are however ideologically driven by the theory of the free market and massive deregulation of the business and labour market. This theory is premised upon accumulation of monopoly capital and its subsidiaries, in order to obtain greater market access and build further consolidation on monopoly practices, even if those subsidiaries are themselves not viewed as monopolies. [Interjections.]


The ANC’s attitude towards the challenges of onerous regulations and bureaucratic inefficiencies that cause frustration, particularly to SMMEs and co-operatives is different to the DA’s. The DA’s point of departure is that regulations are the principle obstacle to the

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development of a thriving small business enterprise sector. [Interjections.]


The concept of removing red tape is lifted to the level of ideology in DA policy documents – absolutism. It tends to precede all other possible challenges faced by start- up business enterprises. In its five-point plan for economic freedom, fairness and opportunity, the DA promises that a DA government would ensure that all obstacles that prevent business from getting off the ground are removed. [Applause.] The most obvious of these obstacles is the crippling red tape that small and medium enterprises must deal with. [Applause.]


The DA’s aversion to regulations and desire to minimize them is based on its vision of an open-opportunity society ... [Applause.] ... and the principle that underpins it: “Freedom to earn a living and accumulate wealth in the way of our choosing” as articulated in its federal constitution. [Applause.]

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Our vision of a developmental state includes the following elements: financial regulation and control, including, through a state-owned bank; progressive and redistributive taxes; a wage and income policy that promotes decent work, growth and address poverty and inequality; progressive competition policies; a well- resourced state-led industrial and trade policy; increased state-owned ownership in strategic sectors where deemed appropriate on the balance of evident; and more effective use of state-owned enterprises.


The ANC does not support the Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill. I thank you.


Declarations of Vote:

Mr H C C KRUGER: Deputy Speaker and fellow small business owners. Five ANC members in the Portfolio Committee on Small Business Development support the motion that the Bill is undesirable. Today, I want small business owners and potential entrepreneurs to listen very carefully.

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The National Development Plan prescribes that small businesses move into the space of job creation to create 90% of all jobs, either by becoming an entrepreneur or an employee of a small business. Today, 9,3 million South Africans are unemployed and today, the ANC will be voting against the Bill that could make a difference in their lives.


Red tape is one of the stumbling blocks that impede small business. Red tape is the big elephant in the room, which is why the DA drafted and introduced the Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill, a Bill with solid principles that is well researched and welcomed by small business and organisations operating in the sector. This is a Bill that makes doing business easier. It is a Bill that can create jobs and empower South Africans.


The ANC in the committee found the Bill undesirable. They never discussed the content of the objectives of the Bill. No matter how hard the DA tried, the ANC was determined not to go there. It was clear that this Bill

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did not suit the political agenda of the ANC. I suspect they received orders directly from Luthuli House.


The DA offered the committee an option of conducting further consultation, both inside government and the private sector to refine the Bill, but they refused.


Afrikaans:

Ons mense in Suid-Afrika sit by die huis. Rompslomp verhinder duisende kleinsake om hulle sakebedrywighede uit te brei, sodat meer werksgeleenthede geskep kan word. Die munisipaliteite, provinsies en nasionale regering het geen benul van die omvang van onnodige aspekte wat besigheid kniehalter nie.


English:

A Member of Parliament developed a solution with sound principles, which the ANC said no to. They continue to say no to small business and yes to red tape. They say ANC first and small business and South Africa last.

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The ANC members in the committee concluded that the Bill is not desirable. Their concerns were that it is a burden on the fiscus, that there is a risk of duplication, and listen to this, that the Bill is too comprehensive. [Laughter.]


Afrikaans:

Wat ’n klomp snert! Wie is die verloorders? Dis verseker nie die lede wat hier aan my regterkant sit nie. Hierdie lede veg daagliks om politieke oorlewing. Die besigheidsgemeenskap verloor elke dag duisende rande, as gevolg van ’n oorlamse regering wat toelaat dat rompslomp besigheid dikteer.


English:

In counting the cost of red tape’s report, it is estimated that red tape costs business more than
R79 billion and that compliance costs represent 8% of the turnover of small enterprises.


The real question must be: Will the Bill solve the red tape problem in South Africa? Yes. Will the Bill create

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an environment that is business friendly? Yes. Will the Bill benefit job creation? Of course, yes. The simple fact is that the Bill benefits business owners. Clearly, the ANC members in the committee never acted to the benefit of small business, but rather to the benefit of their party.


Parliament cannot make an informed decision on this matter based on information from the Committee on Small Business Development. This Bill gives the fifth Parliament on opportunity to do the right thing. Vote with small business in your mind. Vote with 9,3 million jobseekers in your mind. Vote with South Africa in your mind. You can make the difference - #RedTapeMustFall. I thank you. [Applause.]


Tshivenda:

Vho T E MULAUDZI: Ndi masiari, Mufarisa Mulangadzulo na Miraḓo ya Phalamennde. [Good afternoon, Deputy Speaker and Members of Parliament]

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English:

Mr T E MULAUDZI: The EFF appreciates the challenge that faces small business and big business and co-operative due to the failure of the ANC government to build state capacity. We also recognise that we cannot legislate problem of inefficiency and poor state capacity. The administrative and the regulation challenges are not only facing small businesses and co-operative. It is a problem of the government across the board. It is not only small businesses that have a deal with the red tape.


The long term and the regulation sometimes for the simplest administrative matters cause the delay of the service deliverance. A good example is when you need to apply for a foreign qualification evaluation, SA Qualifications Authority, SAQA, need all sort of unnecessary documents. It takes a minor misunderstanding for the whole application to be considered. It is everywhere and there are more examples that the problem in a state does not have a capacity to deliver service delivery and regulate anything efficiently.

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If the state had capacity to regulate what needs to be regulated, processes what needs to be processed on time, issue whatever document needs to be issued would not be sitting with the same problem of red tape. However, while the state capacity is almost reason why we think the Bill is misguided and the problem of the red tape can be solved through building state capacity.


The interpretation of the understanding of small business and co-operative in South Africa and small business role in an informal economy in relation to formal economy is equal misguided. Informal economies where most small businesses operate in South Africa continue to be underestimated and be little and disregarded. Instead, we want to recognise registration of companies and certificate of operation, permits and filling of endless documents while such so called small business and co- operatives are adding value to the economy.


Small businesses and co-operative in an informal economy average more than 30% of GDP, a figure that can go as high at 60% like in Nigeria where informal economy is

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taken serious, 80% of labour forces in Sub-Saharan Africa is in the informal economy. The informal economy is what contributes to the GDP and it is an area that requires our sharp focus as a portfolio committee and the Department of Small Business because small business and co-operative in the informal economy are largely marginalised since they cannot pass the problem of red tape. They have a weak voice and are really listened to by the government.


We cannot legislate away lack of state capacity to deliver necessary services and regulate efficiently. Equally, we cannot continue to ignore what the small businesses must focus on to exploit the potential small businesses and co-operative as a source of employment and redistribution of economic growth. This is why ... [Interjections.] ... You must listen. This is why when the EFF takes over the government in 2019, we will build the state capacity and abolish tenders. But equally, we will ensure that small business and co-operative in the informal and formal economy are not burden with unnecessary administration and regulation. Instead, we

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will allow the informal economy to flourish. We will let the small business and co-operative to create jobs.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, your time has expired.


Mr T E MULAUDZI: We will let small businesses to do all the necessary to be free. Thank you, Deputy Speaker. [Time expired.]


Mr J A ESTERHUIZEN: Hon Deputy Speaker, I do this declaration on behalf of my colleague who sits in this portfolio committee, the hon Nkomo, who is in hospital. Although the National Development Plan has ambitious goals for the small and medium enterprises - the sector in South Africa, entrepreneurs continue to face many challenges and barriers such as access to finance, high initial and operating cost of doing business and mostly a red tape that more than hinders than access and encourage entrepreneurs.


South Africa is currently laying at 125 out of 190 countries in the World Bank ratings in terms of issue of

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starting a business. More than 70% of adult in South Africa see entrepreneurship as a good career choice but less than 10% ever start and run a small business. This more than anything should emphasise the need for government to reduce the burden on small business turning from overregulation and this must become a policy objective with the end goal being greater economic growth.


Through our world economics, our suffering in the current financial climate in South Africa our growth largely hinges on spending with more small business and consumers who are battling to cope in this low growth environment, which threatens to constrain spending even further. The government must assist in creating an environment that supports the issue of doing business, and this is only logical.


The government must ensure that it does not fall short in its promise to ensure that people are equipped to participate fully in society as the poor have few resources to muster, actually without help, they can only

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offer their labour. This Bill may not be proceeding for political reasons but its objectives are crucial and just. A regulator environment that promotes the ease of doing business for the small entrepreneur is the opportunity for the government not only for human development but for the economy of South Africa as a whole. I thank you.


Ms D CARTER: Deputy Speaker, Cope commends the initiative and leadership shown by the hon Kruger, a fellow member of the opposition in introducing this Bill. [Applause.]


Cope support the intent of the Bill, namely, to create an enabling environment that will stimulate small business growth and create jobs by addressing problems associated with dense bureaucracy and red tape within South Africa. Cope is well aware of the successes that opposition governments have achieved with their red tape reduction initiatives, let alone the awards that they have been the start, for example, in the Western Cape with it in this regard.

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Cope notes with grave concern that four met five members under ANC’s rejection of this Private Members’ Bill - an initiative from the opposition. According to the SA Institute of Chattered Accountants, SMMEs Survey for 2016, the number of small businesses refusing to do business with government and citing red tape and nonpayment is grown from 72% to 80% in the Department of Small Business Development that was created in 2014, supposedly to iron out these problems. Why would the ANC reject an initiative aimed at making it easier for SMMEs and indeed big business to create and do business and thus create economic growth and its rampant unemployment, especially amongst our youth?


Red tape, just overregulation and dense bureaucracy apart from other ANC inspired obstacles, including its objective burden, corrupted government encounter growth and pro-crony and Gupta policies are strangling economic growth and job creation in our country. Recently, in answering one of her ANC critics, Dr Makhosi Khoza remarked:

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Truth be told, we are a democratic and constitutional democracy. We are no longer in a liberation struggle where opponents were enemies. Opposition parties in a democratic government vote with us all the time with mutual country issues.
Then they pass laws with us. Why should we oppose them when they speak sense?


The only reason that Cope can find for the ANC’s rejection of a Bill lies in the sentiment expressed by the hon Khosa. The initiative came from the opposition and because the ANC comes before the country, the narrow interest of the ANC trumps the interest of the country and its people. It seems that right now to put South Africa and its people first, we should have a secret ballot on any division affecting the people of South Africa. Cope support the innovative Bill in the interest of the country and its people and condemns the ANC’s rejection as they are. Thank you. [Applause.]


Rev K R J MESHOE: Deputy Speaker, according to the 2016 data released by the World Bank, as part of their doing

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business project, it takes approximately 43 days to start a business in South Africa while in Rwanda and Burundi it takes just four days. To start a business in Côte d’Ivoire and Mauritius takes about seven days. In Kenya it takes about 22 days while in Lesotho about 29 days.
One of the reasons our country is unable to improve the time it takes to start a business, it is due to unnecessary and excessive government red tape.


The ACDP urges government to take urgent steps to reduce drastically or eliminate red tape which is a serious hindrance to encouraging entrepreneurship and growth.
While the ACDP concedes that this cannot be the sole responsibility of the Department of Small Business Development, we nevertheless contend to declare this Bill undesirable. It is not in the best interest of a country such as ours with an unemployment rate of 27%. The ACDP believes that further consultations with provinces and other stakeholders as well as proposing amendments to the Bill would have been the best way forward.

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Small businesses in our countries are suffocating because of red tape. Red tape hinders economic growth, and therefore the ACDP one more time urges government to remove obstacles to job creation and economic growth by removing excessive bureaucratic red tape. Thank you.


Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Hon Deputy Speaker, the AIC is a proponent of Laissez Faire Capitalism. Its state, we urge, should create an enabling environment for the emerging small and medium enterprises to compete optimally with industry monopolies. It cannot be said again that small, medium and micro-sized enterprises, SMMEs, are quite instrumental in the creation of jobs in the emerging markets.


The Bill seeks to provide for the assessment of the regulatory measures developed by the executive, legislatures and self-regulatory bodies in all three spheres of government so as to detect and reduce red tape, the cost of red tape for business and to provide for the establishment of administrative units to assist

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in the red tape impact assessment process and to prepare red tape impact statements.


The South African economy still remains concentrated and highly skewed. The economic exploits in riches of this country continues to benefit a selected few, those who have the capital and the financial muscle to secure big contracts. The assessment of the current regulatory measures with a view to reducing red tape and the cost of red tape for business, especially the black and emerging enterprises, is a harbinger for inclusive growth and the economic participation by all South Africans.


Our empirical data indicates that the bidding for cleansing services in South Africa would require a bidder to provide the proof of membership of the National Contract Cleaners Association and the letter of guarantee from a registered financial institution of finance covering three months operational cost among others. It is this red tape therefore that inhibits economic growth and participation in the South African markets. It is our considered view that the established Impact Assessment

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Units in the Bill should be properly equipped to assess critically red tapes that overshadow the potential of emerging entity seeking to unlock their full potential.


The AIC has seen the amount of muted grief and frustration that belies the rural communities seeking to graduate to commercial farmers. The poor commoners are often required to furnish collaterals before any form of funding could be dispensed. Our appeal therefore is that the established unit should work collaboratively with the Industrial Development Corporation, IDC, the Land Bank, National Youth Development Agency, Nyda, the SA Banking Association and the SA Reserve Bank. This is to sensitise the stakeholders of government’s intention to balancing the playing field with a view to creating a conducive environment for all different roles in the South African markets. Countries such as North Korea ... [Time expired.] Thank you very much.


Mr X MABASA: Xandla xa Xipikara, the Private Members Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill should be declared undesirable because of the following reasons: In South

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Africa the Cabinet decided on the need for a consistent assessment of socioeconomic impact of policy initiatives legislation in 2015. In addition to that, there is the Regulatory Impact Assessment which focuses on the extent to which primary or subordinate legislation regulates and whether it possibly overregulates. The mere establishment of planning, monitoring and evaluation seeks to address and to eloquently express that red tape must not exist.


However, where we differ with the DA we say that there are these two instruments that address red tape. We don’t need a third, fourth, fifth and until we end up with 20 tools. That will be wrong and a waste of time and a waste of resources.


The ANC says that regulatory monopoly capital and inclusive growth higher investment, increased employment, reduced inequality and deracialisation of the economy, all these are important. Therefore, it is important for you as Members of Parliament to play a role of overseeing but not a role of coming with more impediments. Capacity is being created in the Presidency to carry out through

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impact assessments of both new and existing legislation and regulation in order to ensure alignment with the National Development Plan, NDP, and to reduce risk and unintended consequences.


The philosophy of the ANC on regulation is that the principles that are articulated, we must make sure that the state supports private owners of businesses and enterprises and we must ensure that there are no hurdles as small businesses establish and grow their businesses.


We, as the ANC, are against this Bill not because it comes from the DA, but it is simply because it is a duplicate that seeks to replace progressive instruments that are there already. [Applause.] Socioeconomic studies should be done continually. Monitoring of activities, especially of small businesses and co-operatives should also be done continually. Therefore, if you were to do your job, especially as opposition, that is where you must be focusing your energy because what you are aspiring to do you will never have the powers to come with any law as long as we are in power. [Applause.] You

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must first prove your worth to the voters. Only then can you ... [Interjections.]


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Point of order, Deputy Speaker. It is a point of a privilege if I may. The Constitutional Court in the Ambrosini matter indicated very clearly that it is a right of any member of this assembly to bring any piece of legislation to the floor of this assembly through the processes. However, hon Mabasa is saying that his party does not believe in the Ambrosini judgement. Therefore, only members of his party should be entitled to bring legislation. That is a violation of the members’ rights of the privilege on this side of the House guaranteed them by the Constitution and upheld by Ambrosini.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Steenhuisen, that is your political perspective on the matter. Proceed, hon member.


Mr X MABASA: What we should note is that we will never support a duplication of existing laws. However, the study conducted by the University of Fort Hare, for

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instance, found that among South African universities graduates entrepreneurial intention is very weak. In addition, the study identified five motivators of entrepreneurial intention. These are: Employment, autonomy, creativity, economic and capital. The obstacles are: Capital, skill, support, risk, economy and crime.
Another study found that the most important obstacles stated by respondents in a survey of SMMEs operators were: Financial, economic, markets, management and infrastructure in that order. Based on the above, peer review research, the focus on reducing red tape is necessary.


However, it is more urgent that departments that are responsible for building and supporting the growth of start-up business enterprises must continue to focus on developing measures to minimise or eliminate all unnecessary regulations and financial burdens. We repeat that we do not support the proposal of the DA. [Time expired.]


Question put.

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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, the DA requests a division. Thank you.


Division demanded.


House divided.


AYES - 189: [Take in from minutes]


NOES - 84: [Take in from minutes]


ABSTAIN - 11: [Take in from minutes]


Motion agreed to.


Report accordingly adopted.


RED TAPE IMPACT ASSESSMENT BILL


(Second Reading debate)

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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, on a point of procedure: My understanding is that the committee report has been adopted and the committee reports that the Bill was not desirable therefore, the Bill shouldn’t be before the House today. The committee report has rendered it undesirable which means it shouldn’t be served before the House. So, I think that item should surely fall away.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Just hold on, hon member. Hon members, I am advised that it does not fall away. There is a requirement for the purposes of tabling that they be handled together, both the report and the Bill. So, we need to get your response to the question asked. The question is that, are there any objections to the Bill being read a second time.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker!


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, there is confusion in your responses to the question. Are there any objections to the Bill being read for the second time?

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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: I think that we are really going on a wrong path here because when we phoned the Table this morning to ask if the Bill would be put to the House, we were assured that if the Bill is rejected by the House it will not be subject to a debate. If in fact, we are going to have it on the Order Paper for a second reading, then obviously we would like to have a debate on the Bill. If you look at Rule 273 of the rules of the Assembly, it states that you have a debate on the second reading of the Bill once it has been proposed and formalised by the committee. What has happened here is that the committee has looked at the desirability of the Bill and has found, in its report, that it was not desirable. If we are going to have a second reading then we would like to make declarations on all the matters mentioned - the objects of the Bill, the proposals, etc.


I have never ever seen a situation in this House where we debate a Bill on a second reading where it has failed to pass the master of the committee process.

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The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Steenhuisen, we will return to the rules if in your opinion you think that is what it says. Our understanding is that this has been placed before us here [Interjections.]... No, no, no, hon members, the requirement is that the Bill and the report have to be handled together and the objection and or an agreement be recorded. The debate that ensued about the Bill and its intentions have occurred.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, if that is the case may I please address you in terms of Rule
290. If the Bill is placed on the Order Paper for a second reading it must be debated unless the programming committee by consensus decides otherwise. This matter has not been served before the programming committee and that it was not authorised or rejected by the programming committee. We must table a debate on it and my speakers are ready to debate it.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, it has been approved by the programming committee and this is why it is here.

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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, the programming committee approved the committee report to be here. If in fact it approved that there would be no debate. Actually, it would have been communicated. When we phoned this morning we were told that we will not be debating this particular matter before the House today.
Now it is on the Order Paper for a second reading, and we would like a debate on the matter.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, that will not be agreed to. Hon members, I am going to suspend decisions on this matter with reasons being that there was a lack of communication between ... [Interjections.] It is rude to interrupt a presiding officer while speaking - absolutely rude, out of order and despicable. Can’t you just behave like an hon Member of Parliament. MP? Hon members, you are out of order, please. I am going to suspend decision on this matter. The communication that was assumed or to have taken place between the proposer of the Bill and the Table, has not gone as it should. We will finalise the decision today. Go ahead, hon member.

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Ms E N LOUW: On a point of order, Deputy Speaker: While you are suspending your decision can’t we also suspend you because it is a shame that in four years you don’t know your job. While you are suspending we should also suspend you.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Your motion is rejected with the contempt it deserves. The secretary will read the Third Order. [Laughter.]


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON COOPERATIVE GOVERNANCE AND TRADITIONAL AFFAIRS - TRADITIONAL LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNANCE FRAMEWORK AMENDMENT BILL


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Deputy Speaker,

accept my apologies, that thing is not working. I move that the report be adopted.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, the motion are that the report be adopted. Are the any objections? There being no

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objections and it is agreed to. The secretary will read the fourth order.


Mr M SINGH: Hon Deputy Speaker?


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, hon member.


Mr N SINGH: We would like to declare on Order number three.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Okay, go ahead hon member. Coordinate Chief Whip.


Mr N SINGH: Deputy Speaker, we received correspondence just for your information that there will be no debate, so I take it that item number four ...


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Where is the declaration?


Mr N SINGH: No, declaration is coming.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What are you talking about now?

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Mr N SINGH: I am talking about the fact that ...


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, don’t talk anything. You are on declaration.


Mr N SINGH: You see everybody is confused just like you.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, you are confused not me. Just make up your mind on who is going to speak first.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker?


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, hon member.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: May I ask? Are you

asking for declarations on the committee report?


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: It’s not me. There is a request for declaration by the Chief Whip of the IFP on the report here.

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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Allow me to seek clarity through your office as it stands.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, Sir.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Is this a declaration on the report or is the declaration on the Bill?


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, can you read your order paper there? Read, hon member!


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: There so much “hagga magga” [a mess] going on here. It is very hard to breakout where we are.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, read. You can’t ask that question when it’s in front of you. Hon members, it is in front of you in the Order Paper. It says Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs on Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill. That is the report on the Bill, so that is what is being declared on.

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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, thank you for that clarity and I accept it. Will there also be an opportunity for declarations on the next item?


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, the next item is not on the agenda and now let us proceed, go ahead hon member.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: But, Deputy Speaker, I just want you to give guidance whether ... [Inaudible]


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Steenhuisen, can you take your seat and allow the member to proceed? Go ahead hon member.


Declarations of vote:

Mr K J MILEHAM: Deputy Speaker, let’s start with the few facts. The original Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act was passed in 2003 giving traditional authorities one year to transform, hold elections and comply with legislation which included a requirement that at least one third of the council’s members be women.

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When these traditional authorities failed to comply within the specified time frame, an amendment Act was passed in 2009 giving them seven years from 2004, in other words until 2011 to meet the requirements.


The department at a national and provincial level has consistently failed to ensure compliance.


This amendment Bill gives traditional councils a further one year from the time it is passed to meet the requirements, but no explanation has been fourth coming from the department as to how they will accomplish this, especially when one considers that they have not been able to do so for the past 14 years.


And over the past 14 years no traditional council elections has been held in Limpopo and the election process for traditional council in the Eastern Cape, North West and KwaZulu-Natal has been deeply flawed.


Many traditional types of council seize to exist in terms of the legislation but continue to operate wielding

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extensive powers to contract without any legal basis. This means that any contracts they sign, for example with mining companies is illegal and voidable.


This is stopgap legislation, until Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill is considered later this year. Many of these traditional councils control vast financial holdings, but the lack of control over them has rendered them vulnerable to looting and corruption.


One only has to consider the millions missing from the Bapo ba Mogale accounts or the Bakgatla ba Kgafela chief and council who have been ordered to hand over financial statements for their traditional council accounts but continue to defy the order.


We note that in the North West the financial statements of traditional authorities have not been audited since 1994. A further concern and one that shouldn’t be glassed over is that this Act and this amendment Bill seeks to perpetuate the apartheid trouble authoririties created by the Black Authorities Act, 1951 almost in its entirety.

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It further entrenches specific tribal identities by virtue of apartheid era geographical jurisdictions and it locks people into this identities contrary to the nature of consent and affiliation that is prevalent in our Constitution and Customary Law.


It should be noted that in the Constitutional court case of Thongwane and others versus the Minister of Rural Development and others, Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke stated that and I quote: “to use the Black Authorities Act, 1951 as a platform for reform after 1994, it is incredible.


What is not being acknowledged either by the department or the committee is that this amendment Bill now legitimises traditional council that failed or refused to meet the requirements of the original act. This can’t in anyone’s opinion be considered as good governance.


The department was unable to answer my questions as to how many traditional councils have failed to transform in terms of the original legislation or how many have

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collapsed post-transformation. We therefore question how much control and oversight the department actually has over these councils.


This Bill gives the Minister the power to take necessary steps to ensure that traditional councils are reconstituted within the one year time alluded to earlier but it makes no indication as to what those steps are nor what the consequences will be if the Minister fails to do so.


In order to promote democracy, the DA propose flipping the composition criteria of traditional councils from 60% appointed by the traditional leader and 40% elected by the community to 40% appointed and 60% elected. Not only was this proposal rejected by the department and the committee, but a subsequent amendment proposed by the department and included in the final Bill before this House now places election in the hands of the traditional leaders themselves rather than the board and community.

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For all the reasons outlined above, the DA opposes this terrible legislation.


Mr Z R XALISA: Chairperson, the EFF reject the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill. This amendment Bill is a classic example of a state painting over cracks hoping the cracks would disappear.


The portfolio committee and the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs would have us believe that the Bill proposes just a minor technical amendment relating to the time frames for proper constitution for traditional council but what the Bill reveals in essence is the fundamental failure of the very conception of the governance of the institutions of traditional leadership across the country.


The framework Act which is being amended here is based on the logic and the model of the Bantu Authorities Act, 1951 in that it provided for the continuation of tribal authorities as the tribal council. This continuation was done on the condition that the so called traditional

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council should transform to reflect the realities of a democratic society.


It is now correct to say that all those transformative ideals envisaged by the framework Act have failed to materialise and this failure is due to the very nature of this very traditional councils. No attempts have been made by the department to understand the underlying factors which have contributed to the failure of these councils to establish themselves based on the provisions of the framework Act.


No attempt has been made to fix those shortcomings, because though the department knows for their own political agenda the government is not eager to challenge traditional leaders to conduct their business in a democratic and legal manner.


Research done by many people involved in this area has shown that for instance in Limpopo no elections have been held and in the Eastern Cape in the fair election that

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were held. They were mainly illicit attended by pre- selected people to rubber stamp chiefly decisions.


We are acknowledging that some traditional leaders continue to play remarkable constructive role in their communities, but we need to as matter of national importance begin to rethink the very nature of traditional leadership.


We need to question whether there is any value in having two systems of government, one of those living in areas governed by traditional councils with very little accountability and those living in areas with some semblance of democracy, where leaders are elected in an open and transparent manner. We reject the amendment Bill.


Mr N SINGH: Hon Chairperson, may I address you?


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Yes, hon member.

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Mr N SINGH: Before the hon member of the IFP take to the podium, may I advice you and the House that this is his maiden declaration but he is not going to bowl a maiden over. So, this is his maiden speech in this House. Thank you


Declarations of vote:

Mr X NGWEZI: Hon Chairperson, at the outset, let me thank the IFP and his Excellency, Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi, for the confidence he placed in me through my election into this high office. I pledge my loyalty service and support to the Constitution of South Africa and to my constituency; to the IFP and to all the people of South Africa.


The Bill before us is primarily administrative in nature and seeks to address some of the historical backlogs.
Fundamentally, though it is another piecemeal approach in dealing with the issues of traditional leaders in this country - which the IFP has persistently raised, we still maintain as the IFP that the Cabinet committee meeting of December 2000 resolved that the issue of traditional

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leadership be looked at in its entirety and bring to a logical conclusion the amendments of Chapter 7 and 12 of the Constitution which align and define the powers and functions of traditional leaders and municipal councils, given the establishment of wall-to-wall municipalities in the year 2000, which in essence created a duplication of leadership in those areas.


The IFP maintains that so long as those issues are not resolved, any other intervention into traditional leadership seeks to undermine fundamental principles of defining those powers and privileges. Traditional councils, kings councils and queens councils as envisaged in this current Bill now may be necessary instruments of oversight, accountability and functionality of those councils. But in the absence of clear-cut and clearly defined powers, we are setting up those councils for failure.


The inclusion of traditional leaders in terms of section

81 of the municipal councils in itself seeks to undermine the independent role which traditional leaders should be

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playing in the developmental discourse of the country. We are confronted with the situation where so may piecemeal interventions are being brought to the fore but the fundamental issue is not being addressed, which is the issue of Chapter 7 and 12 of the Constitution and the recommendations by the Cabinet committee of December 2000, which was in fact chaired by the Deputy President Zuma, who is now the President of this country. The ruling party appears to be once again reneging on its own commitments to deal once and for all with the issue of traditional leadership. The IFP will be compelled at some point to take this matter to the Constitutional Court to bring it to a logical legal conclusion. I thank you.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you ...


Sepedi:

... ke rata go amogela bana ba rena ba sekolo ka mo kalering ba ba tšwago ...


English:

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... Mozenzi Primary School in Limpopo. You are very welcome in this House. [Applause.] ... and the educators that brought them here. We want to thank you; we appreciate it. Thank you.


Prof N M KHUBISA: The object of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill which is a section 76 Bill is to make provision for extended timeframes within which kingship or queenship councils and traditional councils must be established to provide the extended timeframes within which community authorities have to be established and to align the term of office of tribal and traditional council and kingship or queenship council within the term of the National House of Traditional Leaders. Having said that - whilst the NFP welcomes the amendments, there is a dire need to correctly locate the role of traditional leaders within the Constitution.


This then necessitates not only doing it in a haphazard way but in a holistic way by amending Chapter 7 and 12 of the Constitution in order to cater for the kings, queens

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and traditional councils. As the NFP we understand that traditional leaders play a pivotal role in advancing the course of the quality of life for indigenous communities.


The NFP is also cognisant of the fact that traditional leaders now play a bigger role than it would appear, therefore, coming up with some small way of attending to their issues will not assist. They now play a role in empowering their communities, be it in health, education and in so many developmental matters. They empower their communities with knowledge, culture, morals and rich history that has been handed down from generation to generation, hence we say as the NFP that there is more to be done to ensure that the role of traditional leaders is well-carved within the Constitution. Thank you.


Mr M L W FILTANE: The UDM refuses to be dragged into dealing with micro issues on such a macro matter. The approach that should be adopted is as follows, here is the prescription; “luister nou” [listen now]. The question of integration of traditional leadership with a democratic government system is crucial and it should be

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delayed because it is already creating tension at national, provincial and local levels. There’s a great and urgent need to consider practical mechanisms to integrate the traditional leadership system within the South African system of government.


We need synergies within the democratic government political system and the customary political system as we cannot afford parallelism. Given the current stand off between the two systems, it is important to consider a variety of methodologies in eliciting the perceptions on rural governance. These methods may include, but are not limited to the following: Rigorous and consistent consultations in communities on matters that have to do with traditional leadership policies; specify government obligations for ensuring smooth operations of traditional leadership institutions, land use and management policies and gender issues in rural governance – the list is long. Through a deliberate participatory model, there is a need to invite wisdom from indigenous knowledge when government is formulating development plans and

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programmes, in particular, in the Integrated Development Plan, IDP.


The current Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill is merely an improvised measure driven by a lack adherence to timeframes which expire this year. So this Bill is meant to close gaps identified and extend timeframes not dealing with the real issues.
It is therefore falling short of igniting a qualitative and strategic comprehensive national dialogue on this important matter. Even if it were to pass, we will still be sitting with a parallel system of governance and this will make it difficult to facilitate integrated development.


This Bill is not dealing with the geographical overlap with apartheid structures. It may, by default, recreate or sustain the former Bantustans boundaries – the traditional councils that overlap with former tribal authorities. We agree with the chairperson of the portfolio committee that the Bill is not really helping in alleviating the tension on mineral resources rights

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and beneficiation. Disputes over mineral rights are already advancing in Xolobeni and elsewhere in the country. It is in this context that the UDM insists that the national legislature, working with other legislative arms of government must make sure that qualitative and quantitative consultation and direct participation of all stakeholders are guaranteed.


Ms D CARTER: Hon Chairperson, who would have thought that following our liberation from apartheid - some 23 years into our democracy, that democracy in our rural areas would be under threat and that this House would be asked to further marginalise our most vulnerable communities.


This Bill seeks in the main to amend section 28 of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act of 2003 by extending the timeframe within which tribal authorities established in terms of apartheid era’s Bantu Authorities Act would require to transform by ensuring that at least a third of members of the traditional council are women and 40% are democratically elected. For the past 13 years attempts to transform these structures

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have failed. There have been no consequences for such failures, instead, further extensions of timeframes for transformation have been granted.


The Bill in fact removes the direct consequence of illegality for tribal authorities and councils that fail to meet the composition requirements. The Bill gives the Minister the discretionary powers to take necessary steps to ensure that tribal authorities and traditional councils are reconstituted if the one year timeframe set out in the Act is not met. Alarmingly, no indication is given as to what these necessary steps entail nor is it clear what happens if the Minister fails. The fact is that by amending section of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act, Parliament’s own assurance that the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act will transform the institutions of traditional leadership in 2003 are undermined and the essence of rural democracy is compromised. Traditional councils that failed or refused to meet the composition requirements are given a new lease of life despite not being transformed. As the UCT Land and Accountability Research

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Centre notes, the Bill attempts to clothe traditional councils with a veneer of legality, but their operations remain manifestly unlawful.


It further notes that the Bill offers no solutions to the pervasive and structural reasons and entrench power relations that are behind the failure of traditional councils to meet the modest and inadequate transformation criteria. Cope has no doubt that those in power do not seek democratic reformation, for it will hold their current unbridled power and corrupt benefits and profits that come with their abusive power. Cope is concerned about the Bantustan education of our rural communities by the ruling party at the expense of democracy ... [Time expired.] ... [Interjections.] ... and in its current form the Cope cannot support.


Declaration of vote:

Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Thank you very much, hon Chairperson. The proposed Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill, presents a consolation of challenges and recommendable amendments. Currently, the

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period with which kingship or queenship councils and traditional councils are to be established is limited only to a year.


The Bill introduces a sealing period of two years, however, and despite these bold amendments the AIC is concerned that the work of Parliament on this particular Bill may be rendered redundant since the Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill is earmarked to repeat the principal Act of the Bill.


We, however, commend the envisaged role of the commission on traditional leadership disclosed and claims in the Bill in respect of the establishment of the kingship or queenship councils. In terms of the Bill once the commission has confirmed the status of kingship or queenship councils may be established.


All be Chairperson, the Bill is a typical constitutional product in that it is underpinned by the textual orientation of the national Constitution and its embedded values. For instance, it envisaged that the 40% component

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members of a kingship or queenship council must be elected. It is quite comforting that a semblance of Constitualism is prevailing at a defence of traditional leadership.


The Bill, therefore, seeks to ensure that the members who are to be part of the 40% component of a kingship or queenship council are also persons who are democratically elected by the relevant traditional committees to serve as members of the traditional councils.


The AIC, therefore, commends the alignment of the term of office of reconstituted tribal authorities, traditional councils and kingship or queenship councils with the term of office of the National House of Traditional leaders.
This will ensure that the budget earmarked for these institutions is jointly configured. It also guarantees a semblance of signage amongst these authorities in executing their respective functions.


We appeal to the Minister of Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs to clarify the confusion that the

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Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill which is before Parliament has created.


If the aforesaid Bill, which is the Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill is to repeal the principal Act; what we are to make of the current amendments which could have easily been kept in abeyance pending the ratification of the proposed Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill by the President.


Hon Chairperson, the institution of the traditional leadership, including the associated traditional councils has been benchmarked against the values of democracy. We, therefore, support, perhaps now appreciate the fact that an attempt has been made to do anything concerning the traditional leadership. I thank you.


Mr J J DUBE: The Portfolio Committee on Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs has considered and deliberated on the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill as gazetted on 17 March 2017; and referred it on 28 March 2017.

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The Bill seeks to amend the Traditional Leadership and Governance from the Act of 2003 in respect of the two provisions: the first concern is the extension of the timeframe within which the kingship or the queenship should establish a kingship or the queenship council.


The original provision was that a kingship or a queenship must establish a council within a year of its financial recognition. There were a number of kingships recognised in November 2010 which should have established their council by November 2011, but failed to do so.


Taking into cognisance of this, the Bill extends one year timeframe to two years from its commencement as an Act.
The provision relates to the extension of the timeframe within which a traditional council should comply with the principal Act criteria for their establishment. These criteria include the requirement that the traditional council must constitute 40% elected members and that a third of the council members should be women.

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This mechanism democratises the 1994 traditional structures and align them with the Constitutional values. Originally, the traditional council had until the 24th September 2005 to comply with this requirement.


The Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework of 2009 extended this to September 2011. The traditional council failed to adhere to this timeframe due to various challenges and this brought a legal uncertainty in respect of their status.


In terms of the proposed Bill they now have one year within which to comply, effective from the commencement of the Bill as an Act; should the traditional council fail to adhere to the new timeframe, the Bill empowers the Minister of Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs to take a necessary step to ensure compliance.


Another contemplated amendment in this Clause is the alignment of the term of office of property constituted traditional council, the kingship or the queenship council, which in terms of the National House of the

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Traditional Leaders, is set to reconstitute in 2017. This Clause also proposes the deeds establishment of community authorities within two years of the Bill commencement as an Act. The original deadline for the deeds establishment of community authorities was in September 2009.


In its deliberation on the Bill, the committee also considered submissions from various public interest organisations. The committee noted the call for clear and enforceable consequences in respect of the traditional council that fails to comply with the new timeframe. It also noted the concern around the accountability of the traditional council in terms of financial reporting.


These are among the issues the community will consider as it deliberates on the Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill which intends to repeal the framework Act. In the meantime the portfolio committee support and propose the amendment with no objections and recommends that the National Assembly considers the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill for approval. I thank you. [Applause.]

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Motion agreed to.


Report accordingly adopted.


TRADITIONAL LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNANCE FRAMEWORK AMENDMENT BILL


(Second Reading Debate)


There was no debate.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSTION: House Chairperson, we would like to make a declaration on the Bill please.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (MS M G BOROTO): Hon members, we

listened to the declarations on the report and the same report talks to the Bill, so the officer presiding has a discretion whether to allow the declarations or not. In my opinion the same content has been said and therefore I am not going to allow declarations on this one. Thank you. [Applause.]

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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: In that case we call for a division.


Division demanded.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: I’d like to propose a secret ballot on this if possible.


Voting.


House divided.


Ms L M MASEKO: Hon Chairperson.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): What are you rising on, hon member.


Ms L M MASEKO: On a member in the House but not voting. Is it allowed?


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): No, it is not.

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Ms L M MASEKO: Oh, the hon member did not vote.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): If you are certain, we will ascertain that by checking the record, the table staff heard you. Hon Maseko, which hon member are you talking about?


Ms L M MASEKO: Not Shelembe but hon Mabika.


[TAKE IN FROM MINUTES]


Question agreed to.


Bill accordingly read a second time.


CONSIDERATION OF RECOMMENDATION OF CANDIDATES TO FILL VACANCIES ON COUNCIL FOR INDEPENDENT COMMUNICATIONS AUTHORITY OF SOUTH AFRICA, ICASA


Mr C H M MAXEGWANA: Hon House Chair, some time ago, as the Portfolio Committee on Communications, we brought the final proposal to this House for the appointment of two

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members to fill the vacancies in the Council for Independent Communications Authority of South Africa, Icasa and that took its process and we are... [Interjections.]


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Maxegwana, please. Hon members, we have a lot of movement. Can we please sit and be quiet a bit. Thank you. Hon member, you can continue.


Mr C H M MAXEGWANA: Yes. We are now happy that the matter is finalised and the Minister has approved upon the recommendations from this House. We think after the sitting of this House, the two members will be able to assume their duties in Icasa and then work will be done as expected. So, hon Chair, we thank you, very much and accept the nominations from the Minister of Communications, Ayanda Dlodlo. Thank you, very much. [Applause.]


There was no debate.

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Declarations of vote made on behalf of the Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters, National Freedom Party, United Democratic Movement and African National Congress.


Declarations of vote:

Ms P T VAN DAMME: Hon Chairperson, the DA endorses Adv Dimakatso Qocha to fill a vacancy on the Icasa Council. As the current Deputy Executive Director of the National Association of Broadcasters, Adv Qocha not only has the requisite experience, but also qualifications needed to serve on the Icasa Council as per the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa Act.


We are very disappointed that Ms Nomonde Gongxeka, also a suitably qualified and experienced candidate, was not selected to serve in the council and instead Ms Palesa Kadi pushed forward by the ANC and in a procedurally flawed manner. Ms Kadi was initially not chosen as one of the final candidates when the committee was in a deadlock between three other candidates. When discussing the selection of candidates on 23 November 2016, Ms Kadi’s

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name was not even mentioned or discussed. Ms Kadi was therefore by no means the first choice of any party concerned.


That been said, we wish Ms Kadi and Adv Qocha well during their tenure. May they serve with the necessary skill and conscience in all their endeavours. We need people on our boards who serve in positions to be committed to building a better South Africa, free from corruption and state capture. I thank you.


Mr N SINGH: Hon Chairperson, on 3 May 2017, the Portfolio Committee on Communications considered the request from the Minister of Communications to recommend names to fill the vacancies on the Icasa Council. The committee recommended that this House today approve the appointment of Ms Palesa Kadi and Adv Dimakatso Qocha to the Icasa Council. The IFP supports both recommendations and wish them well in their execution of their duties. [Applause.]


However - before the clapping continues - the IFP remains concerned that Icasa remains a toothless regulator.

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Nowhere is this more evident than in the handling of the ongoing cost to communicate saga. While the IFP welcomes the recent announcements that Icasa is set to deal with the excessive out of data bundle rates, the fact remains that Icasa has over a number of years, failed to deal decisively with mobile operators who continue to charge South Africans excessive fees to communicate. The cost to communicate in South Africa remains amongst the highest in the world. Not only does this hamper economic growth, but it excludes poor South Africans, especially the millions of the unemployed youth from accessing opportunities. The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa, Icasa, must now work much faster in addressing these crises. We hope that the edition of these two new councillors will help them expedite this process. I thank you.


Ms N V MENTE: Hon House Chair, the EFF approve of the recommendation of Adv Dimakatso Qocha serving on the Icasa Council. We believe she has the necessary experience, expertise and industry knowledge to allow the Icasa Council to help guide and lead Icasa’s role in the

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fourth industrial revolution in this country. Her previous experience will allow her to help lead Icasa so that it is able to play an important role in South Africa’s direction regarding the fourth industrial revolution.


Of particular significance, is her experience as the Deputy Executive Director of the National Association of Broadcasters as well as her being a council member of the National Film and Video Foundation.


It is concerning that our second preferred candidate, did not meet the Minister’s criteria which begs the question as to whether the Minister’s preferred candidate Ms Palesa Kadi, will be good for Icasa or good for the ANC. Despite this, her experience in the communications field is noticeable and points to a certain level of competency which could assist the council.


Generally, we wish both these candidates well as the Icasa Board needs to play a prominent role in the development of South Africa’s fourth industrial

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revolution plan as well as its execution. Congratulations!


Prof N M KHUBISA: Chairperson, as the NFP, we want to say we welcome the recommendation of the two councillors to serve on the Icasa Council and we support and believe that they are bringing in the required, requisite skills and competencies to serve on the council.


Having said that, we understand that Icasa has got a mandate to fulfil and we believe that these two councillors will also play a very important role to enhance the mandate of Icasa which is nothing but to license broadcasters, signal distributors etc and also to make regulations to also impose licence conditions and also to play the oversight role when it comes to design, control, enforce and also manage the frequency spectrum and to also ensure international and regional co- operation. We believe that the two councillors will also play an important role in that regard.

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Chairperson, Icasa has been there for quite some time and we understand that broadcasting in South Africa has evolved with time. From 1923, when there was the first broadcast of the radio because that is when it began when it was only radio. Then in 1976, when Television came in, then in 1990, the Viljoen Task Team that came in. There has been the evolvement over time and we therefore believe that this should also evolve.


However Chairperson, we also understand that Icasa should ensure that community radio stations in particular come in and they are assisted because they also help in issues of poverty alleviation, informing the audience in the rural areas and also in electronic communication which is a way to go especially for our young people in South Africa. We therefore support these appointments, Chairperson. Thank you, very much.


IsiXhosa:

Mnu N L S NKWANKWA: Sihlalo weNdlu siyabulela, siyi-UDM siyayixhasa le ngxelo yale komiti kunye nala malungu ekuthiwe mawangene apha ngaphakathi.

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English:

We believe that the appointment of these members will enable Icasa to improve the well-appreciated unqualified audit reports status into the bill of health, rather create more capacity to be able to deal with the structural and systematic constraints that were found by the Auditor-General in previous financial years and provide guidance in leadership on such matters as local content, regulations enhancing the support for innovative use of digital technologies.


There are also labour related issues that are being experienced at Icasa. Many of you would remember that last year there was even a strike that went as long as approximately six months because workers were complaining about a number of issues including even management that has decided...


IsiXhosa:

...ukuba ilwe nabasebenzi iphikise ngakumbi nezigqibo zeKomishoni yoXolelaniso noLamlo, [Commission for

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Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration], CCMA, isilwa nabasebenzi endaweni yokuba ibahlalise kakuhle.


English:

We are hoping that these together with the leadership collective...


IsiXhosa:

...abazawusebenza nabo...


English:

...they are going to attend to the problems and the concerns of...


IsiXhosa:

...abasebenzi ngaphakathi kuba abanwabanga.


English:

Lastly, the South African media landscape has to be transformed so that it is inclusive and creates more platforms for more voices especially those of marginalised communities. This is important when we try

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to transform and ensure that media is not just only dominated by those who want to talk and crowd out the voices of the poor who want to be served. We thank you, very much.


Mr M GUNGUBELE: Hon Chairperson, the broadcasting exercise is key for a conversing society, a society that communicates within itself, because it ensures clarity in that society. The successful realisation of a national democratic society depends on a conversing society; a society that communicates with itself, without a healthy exercise of this well-organised institution, a peaceful journey towards that society is not possible.


So, based on that, the ANC supports the appointment of the ladies and the members who have been interviewed, examined and found competent for this purpose. We therefore as the ANC support this report. [Applause.]


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Question put: That Ms Palesa Kadi and Adv Dimakatso Qocha be approved for

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appointment to the Council for Independent Communications Authority of South Africa.


NOTE WELL


The minutes indicate that there was a division, yet the audio does not indicate as such. The Question was agreed to.


Question agreed to.


Ms Palesa Kadi and Adv Dimakatso Qocha accordingly approved for appointment to the Council for Independent Communications Authority of South Africa.


CONSIDERATION OF REQUEST FOR PERMISSION IN TERMS OF RULE 286(4)(C) TO INQUIRE INTO AMENDING OTHER PROVISIONS OF UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE ACT, 2001 (ACT 63 OF 2001)


Ms L E YENGENI: Hon House Chair, the Portfolio Committee on Labour requests permission in terms of National

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Assembly Rule 286(4)(c) to amend other provisions in the Unemployment Insurance Act 63 of 2001.


The Bill was introduced and referred to the committee on

26 November 2015 - ATC number 161-2015. The committee held public hearings on the Bill and considered proposed amendments to the Bill. Whilst enquiring into the subject matter of the Bill and during the public hearings the committee realised that it is necessary to amend other provisions of the Unemployment Insurance Act 63 of 2001 - principal Act - which were not included in the Bill.


The committee now seeks to amend other provisions of the principal Act beyond the scope of the Bill. The envisaged amendments, which are not currently contained in the Labour Laws Amendment Bill - PBM 5-2015 will, amongst others, cover prohibition of reduction of contributors benefit by the payment of parental, adoption and commissioning parental benefits.


This amendment is necessary in order to align the payment of parental, adoption and commissioning parental benefits

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with the payment of maternity benefits provided for in the recent Unemployment Insurance Bill - B25D-2015.


The inclusion of a new clause that would provide that an application for adoption benefits to the Unemployment Insurance Fund, UFI, may be made within 12 months after the date of an adoption order or within 12 months after the date that a child is placed in the care of a prospective adoptive parent by a competent court, pending the finalisation of an adoption order, whichever date occurs first.


The purpose of this amendment is to enable a prospective adoptive parent to apply for adoption benefits from the Unemployment Insurance Fund shortly after a child has been placed within the prospective adoptive parent. The prospective adoptive parent in whose care the child is placed will therefore not have to wait until a final adoption order is granted by the court, which is often granted long after the child is placed within the prospective adoptive parent.

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The amendment is necessary to enable the prospective adoptive parent to access the adoption leave at the time when it is most needed, that is when the child is first placed with the prospective adoptive parent.


Overall, the additional provisions seek to promote and give effect to care and protection to children and to ensure that both the child and the adoptive parents find the experience both fulfilling and rewarding. The ANC supports the proposed new amendments. [Applause.]


There was no debate.


Declaration(s) of vote:

Mr M BAGRAIM (DA): House Chair, the committee is absolutely correct in seeking to amend provisions of the principle Act beyond the scope of the Bill. These amendments, beyond the scope of the Bill, are supported by the DA. The inclusion of a new clause to provide that the benefits to the contributor may not be reduced by payment of parental, adoption and commissioning benefits

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is absolutely in line with the payment of maternity benefits.


Furthermore, the application for adoption benefits is to be made within 12 months after the date that a child is placed in the care of a prospective parent is both functional and correct.


It is notorious that adoption orders may take months and even years to be finalised. A prospective adoptive parent should ideally be able to claim and be paid as soon as the child is placed with the adoptive parents.


To create a situation where payment is not forthcoming pending a final adoption order, is incredibly restrictive and does not make any sense at all. A prospective adoptive parent obviously needs access to finance when it is needed most. In essence, it is necessary that the UIF steps in situations of this nature. Clearly, the sought amendments will enhance the legislation in due course.

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Unfortunately, it has become the nature with much of our labour legislation that the implementation becomes the problem. Our current situation is that the UIF, despite its good intentions and well reason structure, the implementation is non-functional.


We, in the DA, daily get calls, emails and pleas from the public who are regularly turned away and told that they have lost their papers or that they have no records of the claim etc. The claim centres within the Department of Labour have long queues, unhelpful staff and in essence, a shocking record of delivery.


Despite a well-meaning and hard working director, UIF has been and still is a nightmare for almost two decades.
Thousands of claimants can testify about the nightmare they have had to endure when claiming UIF for whatever reason. The unemployed claimants, who are desperate, get the run-around on a daily basis.


I challenge any one of the hon members to go and assist just one complainant in order to experience the extreme

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frustration of the Department of Labour. We need to understand that some of the most vulnerable people in the country are daily queuing at our labour centres where they are treated as second class citizens.


The oversight visits have shown us unruly piles of files with very little and no order. The queues stretch into the streets and sometimes people wait for hours on end in harsh weather with very little hope of help. Clearly the system needs an overhaul. Why is it that in some parts of the department such as the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration, CCMA, they are able to structure themselves in such a way that we get instant results and solid service delivery? In these days of computerisation and tactical advancement, we are completely unable to ensure that records are kept.


Thousands of South African citizens keep submitting the same paperwork on a monthly basis with no results whatsoever. It is one thing to have first world compassionate legislation but another to be able to deliver on that promise. Our government has failed the

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people and this is just one example of its failure to deliver. Despite this, we support and motivate the request to amend the provisions. Thank you. [Applause.]


Mr X NGWEZI (IFP): House Chair, it is trite knowledge that under our new constitutional dispensation there should be parity in terms of gender equality which should extend to parity benefits. In the real parenting, specially new-born parenting, it became a non starter that paternity leave not only be granted to fathers but also that paternity monetary benefits be paid from unemployment insurance when an employee becomes a father.


This also greatly benefits the mother of the new born not only financially but also in terms of having a partner to assist. The familiar landscape in South Africa has also changed significantly; same sex couples, unmarried parents, single males and females are able to have their own children through adoption, surrogacy and other reproductive options, creating this necessity for this kind of legislation.

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This interim report then seeking permission from the Assembly to look into additional amendments that are not contained in this Bill, is evidence of a portfolio committee at work which is taking into account the diverse landscape within which this legislation will have to operate in order to be effective.


The IFP accordingly supports this interim report and the committee to request this Assembly for permission to enquire into amending other provisions of the principal Act. Thank you.


Mr M L W FILTANE (UDM): Let me add the UDM’s voice of support to this important debate. The UDM supports the request in terms of Rule 286(4). The amendments to the Labour Laws like the Unemployment Insurance Act goes a long way in providing the necessary safety net for the many South Africans who continue to lose their jobs on a daily basis.


The purpose of the Unemployment Insurance Act 63 of 2001 is to regulate the contributions of employers and

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employees to the fund and therefore employees who become unemployed or their beneficiaries can benefit from the fund.


The amendment Bill is supported because amongst other things, it increases the UIF benefits payment period 238 to 365 days, allows employees to apply over 12 months instead of the old six months, enables women who have lost their child in the last trimester to qualify for maternity benefits, also ensures that workers receive an increased maternity leave benefit for up to 66%.


Therefore with the new changes, families and all nominated beneficiaries of a deceased claimant would be allowed to receive the deceased’s benefits. Given the chronic poverty and hunger affecting the majority of our citizens, we think that these changes would go a long way to bring about the most desirable safety nets in the social sphere. Thank you.


Ms L E YENGENI (ANC): House Chair, complaints about labour centres are an old broken record. We have been

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visiting these labour centres and the situation has drastically changed from what it was when we started. Rome was not build in one night. The ANC is aware of the challenges the department is facing like any other department. Those challenges are being addressed.


The question of same sex marriages is new and was never raised in the committee. Thank you.


Question put.


Permission accordingly granted to the Portfolio Committee on Labour to inquire into amending other provisions of Unemployment Insurance Act, 2001 (Act No 63 of 2001) in terms of Rule 286(4)(c).


DEFINING THE STRATEGY THAT WILL GIVE THE NECESSARY IMPETUS TO TANGIBLE ECONOMIC GROWTH


(Subject for Discussion)

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Mr P D N MALOYI: Hon Chairperson, the point of departure in this debate, is to reflect on where we come from, where we are currently and where we are going as a country. The democratic South Africa has inherited an economy which has been premised on colonialism and racial exclusion. This racialised economy has direct impact or bearing on the challenges we face today, that is, the challenges of unemployment, inequality and poverty. Our economy, which is largely dependent on the export commodities, that is the mines and agriculture, still reflects the colonial design - that is the extraction of our minerals and agricultural raw materials to the West. Our commodities are exported cheaply to the West and return to our shores as finished, high value-added product.


The Freedom Charter provides that the people shall share in the wealth of the country and that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. This was a statement of intend, to ensure that the South Africa of the future should create an inclusive economic participation, regardless of race, class, gender and creed. To add to

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this, the ready to govern document of the ANC correctly outlined the need for the restructuring of the South African economy on the basis of new, comprehensive and sustainable growth and development strategies in all sectors of the economy. The document also identified that racism and sexism are present in all areas of economic activities in South Africa.


Madam Chair, we are at the point in history where certain difficult choices have to be made to reverse the legacy of apartheid colonialism. A historical moment, which Karl Marx correctly captured in the following words I quote:


Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly found; given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living.


As a movement and a leading party in government since 1994, we have and continue to implement policies which

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are geared towards responding to these circumstances - circumstances, of course, that are not of our own making. The disparities of the past, unemployment, poverty and inequalities, still weigh like a nightmare on us. We are, of course, in the second phase of transition. This phase underscores the successes our government registered in the past 23 years, and challenges of the past legacy of apartheid, and new challenges that continue to face us today.


Our economy has registered an unprecedented growth from the early 2000s towards the end of the decade. Statistics SA Quarterly Labour Force Survey between 1994 and 2014 shows that in 1994 the number of skilled, semiskilled and low-skilled labour force was at 8,9 million, while in 2014 the number was at 15 million. This is almost an increase of over 60% from the one in 1994. The highest growth in labour force between 1994 and 2014 was experienced particularly in black African employment.


The reality of the global economic recession by mid 2009 has had a serious knock on our economy. There were signs

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of economic recovery from 2010 until 2014. As a country, we are now facing a technical recession. We, therefore, have to act in a radical way to get ourselves out of this technical recession. The recent World Economic Outlook published by the International Monetary Fund, IMF, projected that economic activity will pick up in 2017, especially from emerging markets and developing economies. Notable negative risks to economic activity include a possible shift towards inward-looking policy platform and protectionism. The world has witnessed the growing sentiments from the West regarding inward-looking and protectionism. The increase in oil price has not assisted the situation.


The projections indicate that economic activity in emerging markets will be 4,5% of the total world output. South African gross domestic product, GDP, is projected to be around 0,8%. Added to this are the uncertainties regarding Brexit. We have been assured that Brexit will not be chaotic to the world economy. We, as the ANC, shall observe developments from United Kingdom on its exit from the European Union with great interests.

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On the African continent, Nigeria and South Africa, which are the two of the biggest economies on the continent, are facing technical recession. This will require an urgent response to get these economic powerhouses of the continent out of recession. The Quarterly Labour Force Survey of 2017 shows that the unemployment rate is at 27,7%. This is worrying, and it requires that we act speedily and radically to transform and stimulate our economic growth so that the economy can preserve and create new jobs.


However, there is a noticeable increase in employment in the manufacturing sector, finance and other business services. The mining sector has experienced growth in employment in the first quarter of 2017. However, the recent negative developments reported in the mining sector, particularly the issue of Bokoni Platinum Mine in Sekhukhune, Limpopo, which will possibly be closed down and be put under maintenance, is a cause for concern.
Thousands of workers are facing a possibility of losing their jobs. These developments require our urgent attention to alleviate job losses.

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Some of the concerns raised during the financial sector transformation hearings by Parliament were about the slow pace at which the private sector, in particular the banking sector, adheres to the Broad-Based Black Empowerment, BBBEE, codes for transformation. The concern is that the sector is not transforming, and that it plays a minimal role in the broader transformation agenda, in particular, to assist small, medium and micro- enterprises, SMMEs, with financing. In this context, the potential for economic growth through SMMEs is hampered. These developments call on all of us to aggressively, advance radical economic transformation. Our people can no longer wait.


The ANC in its 2014 Manifesto outlined the important role which the state should play in economic growth and development. The manifesto emphasises on the capacity of the state to drive consolidated industrialisation and infrastructure development programme for inclusive growth. The need for the promotion of local procurement to increase domestic production and creation of decent jobs is of paramount. To put the provisions of the

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manifesto into practice, government through the Department of Trade and Industry developed more competitive and diversified economy with a higher global share of product as outlined in the Industrial Policy Action Plan, Ipap. The Industrial Policy Action Plan seeks to ensure that the ownership, management and control of the economy is increasingly in the hands of the majority of our people. This will be done, of course, through the black industrialist programme.


As the ANC, we have developed the New Growth Path, whose object is to create decent jobs, reducing inequality and defeating poverty. The New Growth Path has identified, among others, infrastructure, mining, manufacturing, agriculture and tourism as growth drivers.


The Minister of Finance has developed a 14-Point Action Plan to get our economy out of the technical recession. The 14-Point Action Plan is in line with the Nine-Point Plan as outlined by the President, consistent with the vision of the National Development Plan, NDP. The 14- Point Action Plan has identified, among other things, the

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need to leverage public procurement with the objective of finalising complementary fund aimed at financing SMMEs.
Another plan is to engage with civil society, labour and industry on the Broad-Based Socioeconomic Empowerment Charter for the South African mining and mineral industry. There is evidence of progress made since 1994. Our economy is fairly inclusive, black Africans are climbing the skills ladder. Our infrastructure is way different and better than it was in 1994. [Interjection.]


In conclusion, Madam Chair, our people are poor. They cannot wait any longer. We must act and act decisively to change their lives for the better. Thank you very much. [Time expired.]


Mr D J MAYNIER: Chairperson, the hon member, obviously, needs to be reminded that one can have Karl Marx or one can have economic growth, but one cannot have both. [Interjections.]


We are in deep economic trouble, with the midnight Cabinet reshuffle, radical economic transformation, the

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defanging of National Treasury and the assault on the SA Reserve Bank. This is delivering recession; high
inflation; mass unemployment; fiscal slippage; staggering national debt; zombie state-owned enterprises; and looming sovereign credit-rating downgrades to junk status for South Africa.


Of course, we have a number of plans to deal with the fact that we are in deep economic trouble. We have radical economic transformation. We have the National Development Plan. We have the Nine-Point Plan. We have the New Growth Path. We have the Industrial Policy Action Plan, and, believe it or not, we have the 14-point plan for inclusive economic growth. What these plans have in common is that none of them has been able to deliver tangible economic growth for South Africa.


If you are in any doubt, don’t believe me. Believe the Minister in the Presidency, Jeff Radebe, who told the Standing Committee on Appropriations last week that the Nine-Point Plan “has not yet resulted in an improved

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impact on the economy”. This is an extraordinary admission, and why is that?


Firstly, we have shocking leadership. We have a President who is clueless and cannot remember the nine points in his own Nine-Point Plan. We were told not so long ago that the Nine-Point Plan comprised “agriculture, amongst others ... and there are many”.


Secondly, we have the Minister of Water Affairs and Sanitation, Nomvula Mokonyane, who believes that if the rand falls, “we will pick it up again”. Of course, that is not to say that all members of the Cabinet are clueless, because, to his credit, we have the Minister of Police, Fikile Mbalula, who pointed out that the hon Nomvula Mokonyane was a “factory fault”.


Thirdly, we have policy uncertainty. We have the President saying that the National Development Plan is The Plan. However, we then have the Deputy Minister of Public Works, Jeremy Cronin, saying that the National Development Plan “is not a ready-made implementation

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plan; it is more a vision ... sandwiched between an opening section of cringe-worthy poetry ... and a clumsy attempt to present a social contract ...”


Then, we have the President saying that radical economic transformation is the plan. Then, we have the hon Deputy President saying, no, radical economic transformation is not the plan. The plan is inclusive growth. To clarify, we have the Minister in the Presidency saying, no, the plan is not inclusive growth. The plan is radical economic transformation through rapid inclusive growth. [Interjections.]


To make matters worse, we have the Minister of Finance implementing his 14-point plan for inclusive economic growth – but then we have the Minister in the Presidency saying, no, the 14-point plan is not a plan. It’s a confidence-boosting measure. This is not a plan. It is a fruit salad! [Applause.] Of course, to his credit, the Minister of Finance seems to have abandoned the term, “radical economic transformation” altogether, in favour of “inclusive economic growth”.

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Fourthly, we have what we can only call “sabotage”. The fact is there has been a series of catastrophic political decisions that have wiped out any prospect of tangible economic growth in South Africa. These include: President Jacob Zuma’s decision to fire the former Minister of Finance, Nhlanhla Nene, on 9 December 2015; President Jacob Zuma’s decision to fire the former Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan, on 30 March 2017, to boost efficiency and effectiveness – would you believe; the tabling of the Mining Charter by the Minister of Mineral Resources; and the assault on the SA Reserve Bank.


What this demonstrates is that the politics is killing the economics in South Africa. This means that to sort out the economics, we have to sort out the politics in South Africa – and that is why millions of young people who do not have jobs or who have given up looking for jobs will be voting to support a new beginning in South Africa. [Applause.]


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order! Order! In my capacity as House Chairperson: Internal Arrangements,

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and for learning and development, we would like to congratulate the hon Ndlozi for the attainment of his doctorate. [Applause.]


Dr M Q NDLOZI: Thank you, hon Chairperson. Thank you very much.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Thank you. I also want to congratulate all the other members who have done well at other institutions this year. You can give yourselves a round of applause.


Dr M Q NDLOZI: Thank you very much. [Interjections.]


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Don’t be jealous! There are other people who were studying and who passed. I’m the principal. I know! [Interjections.]


Mr M N PAULSEN: Chairperson, on a point of order: I want to bring to your attention that this side of the House rose and applauded Dr Ndlozi but those sour ones over there ... [Interjections.]

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order, hon member! That is not a point of order.


Mr M N PAULSEN: Those sour ones there sat and looked miserable.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order! Order, hon Paulsen! Don’t spoil the congratulatory message we have just given to the hon Ndlozi.


Dr M Q NDLOZI: Chairperson, I appreciate the fact that you have always been very kind. I also thank the rest of the members of the House.


The question of debate proposed by the ANC today is based on a misdiagnosis of our economic problems. Our country enjoyed economic growth in the best years of neoliberalism between 1998 and 2004, with a good, knowledgeable President and a largely competent Cabinet. With a centre that held, economic growth was achieved at the highest of 5,5% in 2002. However, this growth was jobless, particularly for the majority of black people.

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Those who worked worked in precarious jobs, without benefits.


The hope with this growth and stable inflation was that investments, in particular, foreign, direct investments would come. However, foreign, direct investment never rose above 6%. President Mandela, who was the most morally high, upright, international figure, presided over our economy. Did foreign, direct investment come? “Dololo”. [No. Nothing.]


President Mbeki was the most knowledgeable leader, with a Master’s Degree in Economics from the University of Sussex. Did foreign, direct investment come? “Dololo”. [No. Nothing.]


Now, tell me, do you think, even if we were to realise economic growth, will foreign, direct investment come with uBaba kaDuduzane as President? You must think again!


We also have another problem. White business has no confidence in South Africa. This is demonstrated ...

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Mr B A RADEBE: Chairperson, on a point of order: We don’t have uBaba kaDuduzane in this House. [Interjections.] We know how we are meant to address the members and the President. Please.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Thank you very much, hon member. I have noted that. You may continue.


Dr M Q NDLOZI: We also have a big problem, in that white business actually has no confidence in the success and the story of this country. This is demonstrated by the fact that it is estimated that the total cash deposits held by the private sector - excluding financial institutions, like banks - was at R719 billion in February 2016. This is abnormal! It means that we have enough money to make the necessary impetus for industrial developments, but the people who hold it won’t make the investment and they have not been able to make the investment since 1994.


So, what do we need? We need a corrupt-free government with patriotic men and women of integrity. We have to

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discontinue private ownership of our strategic sectors. We need a state bank. We need to nationalise the mines.


We need a made-in-South Africa industrial revolution. We need to make our television sets in South Africa. We need to make our cellphones in South Africa. We need to make our “waslaps” [face cloths], our “waskoms” [baths] and our teaspoons in South Africa. We need factories for the products that we consume ourselves.


However, we are unable to do that because, on the one hand, we have the most corrupt, politically unstable, contradictory leadership presiding over our country. On the other, we have business – in particular, white business – that has no confidence in the direction and the stability of this country. With that particular combination, we are unable to make the necessary drive to create jobs or an economy that produces sustainable growth.


So, what is the future? Many say that when we do these things - when we nationalise; when we create a state

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bank; when we produce our products in South Africa – we are then going to cause inflation or the products are going to be expensive. Well, the reality is that if you get more workers with proper salaries, they will have enough money to buy the products they produce. This is in lieu of economic growth without the majority of the country benefiting. Jobless growth with high unemployment, with inequalities doesn’t make sense anymore.


So, the economic story that I have just planted has been in place because of your insisting on your liberal framework, on the one hand, and a corrupt government, on the other. The future is the EFF’s macroeconomic plan based on this thing that I call the “made-in-South Africa industrial revolution”.


Let us use these investments that are held by white business to create the factories that will produce the products that we consume. In that way, we will have economic success. Thank you. [Applause.]

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Mr N SINGH: Hon Chairperson, firstly I want to congratulate hon Ndlozi for getting his Doctor of Philosophy, PhD, degree.


In a sea of uncertainty, in the midst of escalating unemployment underpinned by regressive economic growth and conflicting and inconsistent policy outlooks, South Africa is indeed facing challenging times. Rating Agencies have been categorical in their concern about the abnormal instability within the governing party and the negative impact of such instability on the economy and hon Maynier referred to this.


Investment is stagnating, with international and domestic cooperates and private individuals adopting a wait-and- see attitude rather than one of investment in the country. We must create an enabling climate and this begins with political stability and regulatory certainty.


The sad reality is that when the ruling party sneezes, it is the poorest of the poor that catch the cold, and South

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Africans bear the brutal brunt of ruling party’s instability every single day.


How did we get here? Our current situation is deeply rooted in the ruling party’s continued failure to get it right. Growth employment and redistribution, Gear, collapsed, Reconstruction and Development Programme, RDP, collapsed, Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative of South Africa, Asgisa, collapsed, the Nine-Point Plan turns out to be a One-Point Plan.


Radical economic transformation, like hon Maynier said, is an already tired, populist refrain. Finance Ministers are whimsically reshuffled as soon as they fall out of political favour. Our economic sovereignty is being sold, hon Deputy President, to the highest bidder as we find ourselves punching way above our weight with our continued participation in Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Brics.


State capture and corruption are a stark reality of which we are only just glimpsing the fruit salad that hon

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Maynier spoke about. The widely accepted National Development Plan, NDP, is almost a relic, gathering dust in the backrooms of government owing to ever increasing lack of political will to implement. We will not succeed in creating a tangible economic growth in South Africa unless we adopt a holistic view and address all of the issues as they are necessary links in the chain of our future economic growth. We trust that the Leader of Government Business, who has a great responsibility to ensure that all his Cabinet Ministers do their work, can pull these things together.


Hon Chairperson, as hon Maynier and hon Ndlozi said, political instability is causing serious problem with growth in our economy. It is time to smell the coffee, politics is killing the economy of South Africa and business people out there need to know that we have a government that is caring, a government that knows what is doing, a government that brings in proper regulation and a government that ensures we can get people employed again in our country. Thank you. [Time expired.]

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Mr M L SHELEMBE: Chairperson, this debate is very pertinent considering that the South African economy is in a technical recess. Our official unemployment rate is 27, 7% even though we all know that the real figure is closer to 36, 4% if we use the expanded definition of unemployment. Poverty levels cannot and will not be reduced amidst such high levels of unemployment. Sadly, for millions of South Africans economic hardship, hunger and destitution will continue to be a daily reality unless we can come up with a strategy to turn our economy around from negative to positive growth.


The NFP is of the opinion that economic growth will not be found in theoretical construct nor will it be found in populist slogans and ideological rhetoric. The real economic growth will only be found when an environment that is conducive to such growth has been created.


To kick start a turnaround strategy for tangible economic growth, we need a plan of action. Firstly, we need to identify and remove constraints to economic growth; an inventory of infrastructure and logistic deficiencies has

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to be drawn up. Regulatory constraints must be isolated and our national skill shortage must be assessed.


Secondly, government must convene a national stakeholder summit to plot the way forward. Input will be required from organised labour, business sector and other key role players to find out from them what is required to create an environment conducive for economic growth. Any government intervention which does not rely on input and participation of all concerned role players and stakeholders will lack legitimacy and ultimately fail.


The NFP believe that creating an environment conducive to economic growth, requires more that economic intervention by major role players. We also need to take a long term look at aspect of social capital such as the quality of our education. If we are to address investment and scarce skills to kick start and grow our economy, we must be sure to be international competitive in what we are able to offer future investors and people with scarce skills. Creating a sound educational system will increase the

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attraction for families of investors and people with scarce skills alike.


Similarly, we need to address the practical needs of industrial investors. We have to ask ourselves whether our current levels and efficiency of service delivery and our infrastructure such as roads, water provision and dedicated industrial development zones are attractive enough to lure investment. The answer, unfortunately is no, and these deficiencies have to be addressed.


In conclusion, the NFP remains positive that tangible economic growth is within our reach but to kick start it, we will need a good deal of realism, dedication and hard work. I thank you.


Mr N L S KWANKWA: House Chair and hon members, the National Development Plan, NDP, outlines a number of critical factors vital to attaining the goals we have set out to achieve by 2030. Chief among these factors is that, to succeed, South Africa “requires a degree of

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policy consistency that straddles changes in leadership in government, business and labour.”


Yet, according to the International Monetary Fund’s latest assessment of South Africa’s macroeconomic indicators conducted in June, policy uncertainty linked to political turbulence remains a major problem in South Africa. The current ANC-led government, through its misguided policies and failure to fight rampant corruption in government, has been sapping business confidence and discouraging investment. It has showed no appetite to introduce the “reforms required to overcome weaknesses in the public sector, particularly where public agencies are unable to meet their responsibilities to [the] poor”, as one of the critical success factors of the NDP. In light of these and many other issues not cited here, it is clear to the UDM that the current government honours the National Development Plan more in its breach than in the observance thereof.


Nowhere is this failure to implement the proposal to improve the institutional capacity of the state-owned

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enterprises, SOEs, more evident than in the fact that, as we speak, government guarantees stand at nearly
R500 billion. In fact, the more bailouts government gives to SOEs such as SAA that was given another bailout of R2,3 billion recently, the more bailouts they need without ever delivering on their development goals and objectives. With this high level of government guarantees, our high debt-to-GDP ratio that stands at well above 50%, and our big budget deficit, the UDM is worried that a debt trap is looming. We therefore propose that urgent fiscal measures are undertaken to stabilise our debt and contain spending. We propose further that something should be done to address policy uncertainty, to fight corruption, and to address the institutional capacity constraints, as well as fiscal risks that stem from having to provide more support to SOEs.


Let me hasten to point out that our endorsement of the NDP’s good proposals does not in any way seek to suggest that the plan is perfect. As you know, the NDP has a number of weaknesses. For instance, the ANC’s
2012 Mangaung conference called for radical economic

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transformation. This, the ruling party argues, can be achieved by adopting policies that systematically address the structural problems that exist in our economy.
Instead, the economic and labour analysis of the document opts for the tortoise macrofundamental approach and thereby seeks to entrench existing power relations.


However, only a misguided ideologue can deny the fact that it is a good starting point. As a result, the UDM has decided that working together with various stakeholders, we should work towards a national convention to have further discussions on South Africa’s development. Thank you.


Adv A de W ALBERTS: Chairperson, South Africa is beset by the twin plagues of poverty and inequality. How you resolve these problems has a lot to do with which one of the two you focus on. If your focus is on resolving inequality more so than poverty, you will inevitably design a strategy that will equalise the economic environment. This basically translates into an outcome where everyone is made equally poor – save for the elite

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in power. If one wants to understand what that means, look at Zimbabwe, North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela, and the erstwhile East Bloc countries and Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, USSR.


Afrikaans:

Indien daar egter gefokus word op die probleem van armoede, sal die besef deurskemer dat ’n strategie nodig is wat die ekonomie laat groei met gepaardgaande werkskepping. Sodoende word mense op ’n waardige wyse opgehef, en is hulle nie meer afhanklik van aalmoese van die regering nie. Mettertyd, soos die middelklas groei, word die ongelykheidsprobleem ook aangespreek en word die probleem al hoe kleiner. Die laboratorium van die geskiedenis gee ons talle voorbeelde waar die klem op ekonomiese groei talle mense uit armoede gelig het: Europa, veral Oos-Europa na die Koue Oorlog, Engeland, Singapoer, Suid-Korea, Kanada en die VSA, en ook onlangs China en Mauritius.


English:

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What do all of these countries have in common? They have embraced the free market system and entrepreneurship and managed their fiscal monetary policy in a fairly responsible manner. They did not focus on reducing inequality only but identified their comparative advantages and ensured that government create an enabling environment for business in general but especially for small business. Note that the focus is also on the word “free”, which implies ease of doing business and the absence of burdensome government intervention.


Afrikaans:

Ongelukkig het die ANC-regering die klem op die uitwissing van ongelykheid geplaas en nie op ekonomiese groei nie. Ons begin nou die vrugte daarvan pluk in die vorm van bykans geen ekonomiese groei, verlies aan werksgeleenthede, afgraderings, en, uiteindelik, die vergroting van ongelykheid. Waarin die ANC-regering tans wel slaag, is om ons almal armer te maak, en sou die tendens voortgaan, sal ons almal binnekort gelyk wees in die vorm van gelyke armoede.

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English:

The only way out of this hole we find ourselves in is to ensure the following: increased quality of education, the creation of better healthcare, lower levels of government intervention in the market, and the deracialisation of the economy. To do all of these things, there is one prerequisite: a new and better government. We need a caring government that is professional, non- discriminatory, not captured, and which is sanitised from cadres, tenderpreneurs and Gupta-like elements.


Afrikaans:

Die vraag is of die ANC introspeksie sal kan doen, hierdie feite kan raaksien, en inderdaad optree. Net julle sal dit kan antwoord. Dankie.


Ms D CARTER: Chairperson, the greatest impetus to tangible economic growth would be for the citizenry of this country to recall the ruling party from government. According to research, compared to the rest of the world, South Africans were 11% richer in the 1990s than the average world citizen. By 2016, we were 18% poorer than

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the average world citizen. Data released recently by Statistics SA show that more than half of South Africans still live in poverty.


Irresponsible leadership and bad governance, poor policy choices, corruption, state capture, and the collapse and fragmentation of this new ANC have reduced South Africa to economic stagnation, recession, and junk status.
Investors – and our South African people – have lost confidence in the ability of the ruling party to grow and manage our economy. The 14-point plan announced by Minister Gigaba is no solution for tangible economic growth. It is a stop-gap measure in this fruit salad.


It does not address the fundamental structural reforms and confidence in the country’s leadership needed to uplift the country’s long-term economic growth rate to meaningful levels. The inability to take decisive, brave and coherent action – to tell it all as it is – is due to the dysfunction and factional battles within the ruling party and its inability to stop the Zupta state capture project. I just want to say that the current recession is

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a manmade recession and not a technical one. It is a Zupta manmade recession. The power to ensure that we put in place a strategy to achieve tangible economic growth lies with the people. It lies with the electorate voting in the 2019 election.


In an opposition-led government, Cope would envisage the following: a country led by ethical and credible leaders who instil investor confidence; visionary and brave policy choices that ensure the required fundamental structural reforms to ensure economic growth is achieved; good, clean, corruption-free and progressive governance; the development of a capable state that can create an environment of growth; the fostering of a partnership for inclusive growth between government and the private sector; the responsible governance of SOEs and their positioning to facilitate growth; growth-driven transformation and wealth redistribution; state- facilitated development of small enterprises; and improved educational outcomes, both academic and technical, that support growth and enterprise development.

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South Africans are tired of discussing strategies for tangible economic growth. South Africans deserve a better life for all. We need brave and decisive leadership, and this is not forthcoming. The greatest impetus to tangible economic growth is for South Africans to recall this new ANC from government. Thank you.


Mr S N SWART: Chairperson and Deputy President, the ACDP welcomes this debate. There can be no doubt that the stimulating economic growth is crucial to address unemployment, poverty and inequality, given that the country is in a technical recession. We are on record for supporting the National Development Plan, NDP. It was accepted by most of us in this House and the broader South African society, and of course, we now see the 14- point action plan and the other plans.


Surely, we should now focus on that plan, the main focus of which was to stimulate economic growth and to create jobs. The question arises then: Why have we struggled with the economic growth? There are a number of reasons for this, as to why we are now in a technical recession.

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One can blame the weak domestic consumer demand, the declining resource prices internationally, and even the recent drought that has affected food prices.


However, in our view, the most telling reason for our poor economic performance is undoubtedly reckless decision-making by President Zuma and certain members of his Cabinet, which have resulted in policy and regulatory uncertainty. One needs only to consider the impact that the recent Mining Charter and the putative moratorium on the granting of prospecting and mining licences has had on the mining industry.


These steps resulted in an outcry from both the mining companies and the labour movements alike. They are a clear example of where policy uncertainty in the mining industry has resulted in, the loss of tens of many jobs. It is also very clear that the government decision-makers seemed to be more occupied with domestic party politics in the run up for the majority party’s December conference than with an effective economy and policy management.

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Policy and political uncertainty would, regrettably, appear to be the new normal for the country, at least until the December conference. If we look in earlier this year, just when we saw the promising green shoots of the economic recovery, the strengthening currency and good
co-operation between the government, business and labour, we faced the now infamous midnight Cabinet reshuffle referred to by the previous speakers, where good Ministers such as Pravin Gordhan and Derek Hanekom were fired, and in our view, the incompetent Ministers were retained.


This was done seemingly to pursue the whims of the Gupta family and their friends, to brazenly pursue the goals of state capture. Now, we also see the challenges that our state-owned enterprises, SOEs, are facing, and the state capture relating to Eskom, in particular, highlighted by the Public Protector’s report.


What is encouraging is to see Parliament flexing its muscles as we did in the ad hoc committee with the SA Broadcasting Corporation, SABC. We believe that this can

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be taken forward and that the Public Enterprises Committee’s intended enquiry to Eskom bodes well for good governance for our SOEs. So, let us take heart as we exercise effective oversight. Thank you. [Time expired.]


Mr G K Y CACHALIA: Allow me to use the phrase: “All things being equal,” used by the economist to control for distorting factors to exclude, in this case, theft, rent- seeking, cadre deployment and the short term attempts at the accumulation that pass for a levelling of the playing fields, and that distort the market.


I want to concentrate on the importance of free trade, with the important caveat that everybody plays by the same rules, which will provide the necessary impetus for inclusive economic growth. Like freedom of speech and other aspects of liberty, free trade needs vigilant defence against the pressure groups on both the left and the right. This is the third way; it’s neither the way of Mr Trump nor the way of Mr Zuma.

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They champion protectionism. This government imposes local content requirements in procurement policy to promote black economic empowerment. This is part of a wider move towards greater regulation and intervention in the economy. But the free flow of both investment and trade across national borders has had enormous benefit for all people across the globe. It has reduced poverty and it has given consumers access to cheaper goods.


Still, critics dismiss this as further evidence of the ruthlessness of capital. But the transfer of technology enables the poor countries to move from agricultural to industrial production, and so begin the process of modernisation and urbanisation. More clever blacks to worry the hon Zuma as “hlonipha” [respect] is challenged.


Labour is cheap in economies with the widespread of poverty. Over 30 million people lives in poverty in South Africa. We need to halt and harness this, and by doing so, dent the shameful unemployment statistics. The growing demand for labour will cut joblessness, push up wages and bring down poverty.

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But the ANC, mired on one hand in a Marxist straight jacket dating to the 1850’s, and on the other hand in the kleptocratic fostering of rent-seeking elites, is hell- bent on destroying our prospects for economic growth.
This is not merely a case of the blond leading the bland over the edge of beige; it is a criminal dereliction of the responsibility that serves the interests of thieves, protected by intellectual tsars to thwart the positive power of a free market and the benefits of free trade.


That’s why our exports have shown remarkably little dynamism. Over the past 45 years, real value grew by only 34% compared with 1 800% in Botswana, and over 4000% in Malaysia. I could go on! You see, this is not a racial issue. These damning statistics span both the heyday of apartheid and the failed utopia of the ANC. I trust you get my drift! [Applause.]


Sesotho:

Mme C MATSIMBI: Ke a leboha Modula Setulo, Motlatsa Mopresidente, Maloko a hlompehileg a Palamente, kgotsong!

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It is often said that when you see cranes, that is a sign of construction and economic growth. The Portfolio Committee on Economic Development and the Select Committee on Appropriations visited Malaysia last week.
At first glance, you see skyscrapers and cranes galore and the economy is growing at about 4%. In South Africa you see very few cranes if at all and the economy is experiencing ... [Interjections.] Yes, a little growth.


The latest economic growth levels in the country are a clarion call for economic transformation. There is little doubt that investing in infrastructure is beneficial for economic growth and development. Reliable, quality infrastructure has positive spin offs for achieving the socioeconomic goals of any country. It means access to basic amenities; education; health care; jobs; information; and markets for emerging businesses, especially black farmers in rural areas. It also means more revenue for government and increased investor confidence.

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South Africa’s National Development Plan, NDP, clearly states that infrastructure is key to developments. The government’s 20-year review notes that the apartheid government’s infrastructure served the privileged white minority at the expense the development of black people. As a result, the apartheid constructed infrastructure was not equipped to handle a more prosperous and inclusive economy. The NDP also notes that infrastructure in South Africa, “Is poorly located, inadequate and undermaintained.” Furthermore, “It is exclusionary and perpetuates divisions and inequalities“.


Inadequate infrastructure is a major constraint to economic growth, according to the United Nations.
The ANC’s approach is different and its spatial vision for post-apartheid South Africa is progressive. It wants to ensure equal economic opportunities for all - opportunities that generate real incomes for working class. It wants to see a more efficient economy with lower costs of doing business, especially transport cost for poor people and low-income earners!

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Infrastructure is central to the ANC-led government’s economic policy frameworks. The NDP encourages South Africa to invest in a strong network of economic infrastructure designed to support inclusive economic growth, job creation and eradication of inequalities.


The New Growth Path identifies infrastructure as the number-one jobs driver because it is very important for job creation, and challenges in infrastructure development are a major constraint on economic growth. It is also key to the Nine-Point Plan and the Industrial Policy Action Plan, Ipap.


According to the Financial and Fiscal Commission, there are several challenges that are a blockage to infrastructure service delivery: Challenges such as insufficient skills and capacity; incomplete and fragmented delegations; and accountability channels. In addition, particularly in telecommunications, policy and regulatory challenges are barriers to infrastructure investment and to achieving affordable quality services, especially for the poor.

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The Department of Monitoring and Evaluation has also identified the need to intensify effort at building water infrastructure to address water shortages. ON public sector, the 2014-19 MTSF has set an ambitious target of 10% to GDP. In this tough economic climate, public sector investment to GDP was 2,9% in 2014. However, to foster economic growth, government plans to spend about
R947,2 billion for public infrastructure over the next three years.


State-owned companies are responsible for 77% of total public sector infrastructure spending. These funds are used to expand power-generation capacity; upgrade and expand the transport network; and improve sanitation and water services. From 1998-99 to 2015-16, the public sector spent more than R25 trillion on infrastructure.


According to National Treasury, for the MTEF, the SA National Roads Agency was allocated R36,8 billion to upgrade and maintain national non-toll and coal-haulage road network over the medium term. This amount includes: R4,8 billion for the upgrade of the R573 - Moloto Road;

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R29,6 billion for road rehabilitation; and R2,4 billion for coal-haulage roads. The Provincial Roads Maintenance Grant is allocated R34,5 billion to fund the resealing and rehabilitating of provincial roads.


Government reports that in less than 20 years, the ANC- led government has achieved the following: Providing access to electricity to over 5,8 million poor households; built 84 468 new classrooms; and 21 774 ablution facilities have been built. They have built more than 1 500 healthcare facilities and existing facilities have been revitalised to ensure that everyone can access healthcare within a 5km radius of their home.


We are not surprised at the opposition, utholukuthi [you’d find that] they are dancing to the challenges that are facing the country. Utholukuthi hey, they are not concentrating on the progress that has been made in the
20 years. [Interjections.] Now, government is busy with the following, among others: The Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme; the University of

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Mpumalanga; the Square Kilometre Array; and Sishen- Saldanha corridor expansion programme.


Despite the infrastructure challenges, many of which are inherited from their legacy, the country has achieved a lot. That is why they talk so much: It is because of their legacy that we find ourselves in the situation that we are. However, if we are to achieve our goal of an inclusive economy, we don’t need to dance, but we need to come up with a goal to achieve an inclusive economy which is growing at 5% per annum. We need an inclusive and reliable infrastructure. [Interjections.] If you listen, you will hear. That means we need among others things, more investment in infrastructure development.


Our visit to Malaysia showed us that government, state- owned entities and the private sector are able to work together to build major infrastructure networks and help the country achieve its socioeconomic goals. Our government and the private sector can do the same work together and build an inclusive and reliable

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infrastructure for the benefit of all and for a more prosperous South Africa.


For emphasis: Rural areas, women, youth and people with disabilities must not be left behind. We have good policies on infrastructure development; let us implement them. Let us copy from our neighbouring countries; and let us copy from Malaysia. It took them 40 years to crack their economic growth. We are still twenty-something years. Now, give is the chance. Utholukuthi we will benefit. I thank you! [Applause.]


Mr S M JAFTA: Hon Chair, the socioeconomic peculiarities confronting South Africa today have been endlessly defined by the ANC without proper examination. Until recently, the ANC has had passive economic models which have only benefited a handful of cronies and connected comrades.


The ultra slogan of radical economic transformation under the current administration is only a desperate ploy to

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continue depleting the coffers of the state. Obasanjo, the former President of Nigeria, vehemently argued that:


Africa’s ability to establish secured, democratic and economically-prosperous states is being hampered and state institutions and infrastructures are eroded, thereby undermining the integrity of the state.


Any attempt to discuss tangible economic models to ignite economic growth in the latter years of the current administration can only be reactionary. South Africa has been on autopilot since this adminsistration took the reins. This debate has been exhausted.


The South African economy is stunted with jobless growth and declining investor confidence. Between the Nine-Point Plan and the 14-Point Plan, no-one really knows the extent to which these platitudes will eventually culminate into. This is a signal of an old liberation movement preoccupied with rhetoric and empty slogans.

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We have called upon competition authorities to tighten their role in combating collusive conduct. We have insisted that inclusive growth should be informed by economic participation of small, medium and micro enterprises, SMMEs, the youthful population and foreign investment. We have advised this government to take a leaf from the Botswana-De Beers partnership. We have even punted that the moribund governing party should create a wealth tax to scale up the impact of the current social programmes.


Defining strategies and relevancy will get us nowhere. We have to implement the socioeconomic policies that the governing party has crafted. We can no longer afford to fiddle while Rome is burning. I thank you.


Ms T V TOBIAS: I’m in trouble. Hon Chairperson, hon Deputy President, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon.


Firstly, let me put this upfront. We celebrate black excellence, so we congratulate hon Ndlozi on his

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achievement. It belongs this side, you know. It’s our achievement.


As we debate this important motion, I will avoid a situation where I am tempted to discuss whether the country will meet the 1,3% growth forecast as tabled by the then Minister of Finance, hon Pravin Gordhan, in February this year. [Interjections.] I will rather take the responsible approach of providing solutions. My responsibility is very simple, which is to regurgitate the already proposed approaches towards achieving economic growth. As I do so, I will pause and reflect on the current macro economic outlook ... [Interjections.]
... not what you were doing here. None of you spoke about the current macro economic outlook. It was pure politicking. Ndlozi, you tried; you tried. [Interjections.]


It was reported by economists that the current macro economic challenge facing us as a nation is low economic growth. That is a fact. I know some will argue against this and will provide examples of other successful

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developmental states and members of Brics in particular that have realised growth. To me such examples will be immaterial if we fail to acknowledge that every country has its own unique challenges, and South Africa is no different in this regard.


Hon Deputy President, as I zoom in on these domestic challenges let me acknowledge upfront that you could’ve also averted some of our challenges. Let me mention a few.


We need to be bold and courageous when we fight corruption. We need to build an economy where there’s a need to ensure policy certainty for both global and local investors. We need to build political stability, and when we build political stability it’s not only the role of the ruling party. It’s for you to also stand here and take responsibility in the statements that you make. [Interjections.]


Political stability is not only the responsibility of the ruling party but all parties involved in shaping the

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politics of the country. As a nation from all political fronts become many voices but one message. Therefore, I urge you that as you stand here today, to remember that it’s important that if you want to lure investors we need to have this many voices but one message. [Interjections.]


We need to have the interests of the people at heart, and how do we do this? I’ll make suggestions. We need to address the lack of fiscal discipline. [Interjections.] We need to address the lack of fiscal discipline. We need to agree and we need consensus on that. We also need to cost our policies. We need to stop rewarding mediocrity of our state-owned enterprises, hon Deputy President; the likes of SA Airways, SAA, and the likes of Eskom, by the continuous awarding of bonuses to executives with poor performance.


We need to look at our rising public debt and simultaneously we might want to consider establishing a think tank comprising of civil society and academia to

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advise the executive on how to do what Ndlozi suggested here today.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon Ndlozi.


Ms T V TOBIAS: Hon Ndlozi ... Dr Ndlozi. [Interjections.] It’s only nine minutes; I’ve got 15 minutes. We might also want to relook our forecasting methodologies by moving from point estimates to a more accurate forecasting, and as we speak we need to ask ourselves the following questions. Is our fiscal consolidation approach working? If not, what should we do? Have we adequately dealt with the underexpenditure in government departments and bad planning? What are the short and medium-term policies that we need to implement in the immediate?
Having asked these quyestions, as a member of the ANC I have the responsibility to provide solutions, and here they are.


One, we need to implement austerity measures as early as yesterday. Address the challenges of high interest rates. Increase growth by addressing the budget deficits.

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Reignite consumption of households through investments in both the agricultural and rural sectors. Hon Deputy President, we need to identify sectors that can be lobbied to collaborate with ... to put ... their money so that we can be able to realise this local domestic investment. We need to look at inflation targeting, otherwise we are heading towards a fiscal cliff.


Having said this, we cannot turn a blind eye to the fact that there is a fall in oil and commodity prices. It’s a global phenomenon. Therefore, it affects South Africa. So we shouldn’t pretend that all was about corruption. There is a fall in oil and commodity prices globally. How do we address that? [Interjections.]


This guy from trade and industry has not provided a solution. The Industrial Policy Action Plan, Ipap, which Minister Davies has tabled is the one that came with an industrial revolution that you want, hon Ndlozi. Read the Ipap 2. It provides those solutions. [Interjections.]

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As we move away from all these fiscal disciplines about looking at our speeding patterns, do we use our limited resources correctly? Do we invest enough in infrastructure? She explained what you are going to do. Have we also addressed the antiavoidance challenges?
Antiavoidance is being done by the constituencies of the DA. Therefore, we need to make sure that they pay enough tax for us to be able to have a redistributive effect in the economy, hon Deputy President. [Interjections.]


The government has introduced sound investment gradings. The government has introduced good and sound procurement policies. So don’t speak about tenders anymore. It will be centralised in the National Treasury so there will be no corruption in relation to procurement. Applaud us for that.


We will also raise R28 billion to address shortfalls and we will balance sustainability and recovery in the medium term. Government will moderate growth and public spending.

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Matters of transformation should be accommodated. Therefore, an inclusive growth ... Okay fine, they were talking about inclusive growth or radical economic transformation. It’s immaterial. The fact is; hon Ndlozi, you will agree with me on this. Black South Africans need to benefit in the economy and the commanding heights of the economy. Therefore, we will include transformatory agendas in how we distribute the limited resources to benefit black people in particular. We’re not going to shy away from that.


We cannot play politics on this important matter that needs to unite the nation. We cannot, through our divided conduct, encourage rating agencies to downgrade South Africa. We can’t. We need to provide solutions. We promise to pursue state-owned enterprises to be run professionally by deserving experts. We have been paying specific attention to this and we urge the Deputy President to help us. We have arrived at a point where we will ensure that action is taken. We have learnt lessons from experiences of bad management and corruption.

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We therefore request the masses of our people to trust us, and we will change and address this delinquent behaviour. The ANC promises not to fail you. We will take a firm stance on corruption and state capture. We will restore the integrity of our government. We have advanced plans for service delivery and we have been encouraged by the fact that the Minister of Finance has tabled the plan that will engage business and investors.


We also call upon our government to prioritise the concerns of our people in relation to good governance. The ANC’s policy on investment in misconstrued to only mean we need foreign direct investment. Hon Ndlozi, I’m talking to you. The ANC’s policy is not only about luring foreign direct investors; it’s also about luring our own local investors. I’m going to explain. The role of the automobile sector ... Bayerische Motoren Werke, BMW, and Volkswagen invested lots of money in ensuring that they participate in our economy. Hence, we have put aside money to fund such ventures. Hence, we have seen the export of automobiles that were manufactured in South Africa to other African countries. Hon Rob Davies can

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attest to the Marcopolo busses and all those car components that have been going into the African continent. That is part of the strategies that we have implemented.


As I come to the conclusion, let me explain to the DA that this is a developmental state with a mixed economy. It’s neither liberal, neoliberal nor what he thought it is. We are not a socialist country. We have made sure that we give space to private business to operate in South Africa.


In the same vein, we have addressed colonisation of a special type by making sure that the poor that have been oppressed for two centuries are able to benefit from the economy of South Africa.


Growth, Employment and Redistribution, Gear, had to be at that juncture to be implemented, to make sure that you grow the economy for distribution, but we have arrived at a point where we balance between the two. We take the criticism that if it’s jobless growth it’s not

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sustainable. Hence, we have come with a strategy on how to invest in infrastructure development. Gonubie is a typical example of that. The industrial development zones here in Cape Town and in the Eastern Cape are typical examples of that approach of government intervention.
Therefore, I beg for your indulgence to help us to provide solutions. We are not a protectionist government. We have not invested in infant industries. We have actually encouraged infant industries to compete in the global market by making sure that their products are better products. If you compare South African products to European products ... Europe has actually protected their products against any other products. We have not done the same.


So we can’t satisfy everybody. We have a very difficult task that we carry on our shoulders. We have made sure that as we implement ...


Afrikaans:

... en ek wil saam met agb Alberts praat. Die Koue Oorlog het niks te doen met ekonomie groei nie. Dit het

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alles te doen met krag. U moet nooit sulke goed hier op dié podium kom praat nie. Dit is baie onderduims. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ek praat suiwer Afrikaans. Ek’s van ... [Onhoorbaar.]


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order!


Sesotho:

Mof T V TOBIAS: Ke leboha tlotlo ena eo setjhaba sa Afrika Borwa se e fileng Mokgatlo wa ANC hore o se etelle pele. Le ba utlwe bana ba ka leqeleng ha ba re mmuso ona o se ke wa tsetela ho lona batho ba batsho; ha ba re re shebe batho ba tswang ka ntle, re ba fe tlotla ya ho tsetela mona mme re se ke ra nka tjhelete ho e fa lona bafumanehi. Kahoo he, ke kopa le mamele ka hloko mme le elellwe hore ha se ba bangata ba tsamayang tsela ena le lona, empa e le Mokgatlo wa ANC feela. Ke a leboha. [Mahofi.]


Mr D W MACPHERSON: House Chairperson, you know, it’s not often that I agree with what the President does, but I agree and understand why he sacked hon Tobias in his

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Cabinet after that 14 minutes performance before us. Let’s not forget why we are here. The ANC called for a motion to define the necessary impetus for tangible economic growth and they have not done that. They have not defined it nor said a single thing. It is worrying when the governing party, who have been in the government under President Zuma for the last eight years are still trying to define their strategy eight years later.


It leaves me and the country with one simple question: What have you been doing for the last eight years? The truth of the matter is that during the last 8 years, the ANC have focused on getting one overseas family and one local family from Nkandla very rich at the expense of
9 million unemployed South Africans.


They’ve bent over backwards to ensure that government tenders benefit the same few people, some even in this House, over and over again while small businesses and entrepreneurs battle to get their foot in the door.

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The ANC has created an economy for the few, privileged elites, while South Africans see their incomes swallowed up by rising food costs, ballooning electricity and water costs, skyrocketing municipal bills and data prices that they simply can’t afford.


You see, hon members, the ANC has become the enemy of the unemployed, entrepreneurs and businesses in South Africa. It sets the rules for the private sector but never follows them as the government. It pays suppliers late, crowds out competition and crushes entrepreneurs, all the meanwhile chasing away investment.


The ANC is the biggest threat to our economy and that’s why life has become far too hard, for far too many South Africans. For as long as one man remains in his job, millions of unemployed people will never know what it is to have a job.


The manufacturing sector should be a source for growth and job creation but today it is anything but this.
According to Statistics SA from a growth percentage of

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4,6% in 2010, manufacturing production collapsed to 0,7% in 2016. Manufacturing as contributor to GDP has fallen from 26% in the 1980s to 13% in 2015.


Since 1989, half a million people have lost their jobs in manufacturing. In 2017, manufacturing entered into a recession, moving backwards and shedding jobs. This is the result of economic and industrial policy under the ANC.


Six weeks ago, I wrote to the Chairperson of the Trade and Industry Portfolio Committee requesting we urgently hold public hearings into this crisis and put a plan on the table. To date, I haven’t received a response. It is not surprising because they’re probably too busy embarking on a witch-hunt to work out, who among them voted for the motion of no confidence.


In these public hearings, the DA would have proposed the following urgent steps to be taken: Firstly, allocate funding back to the Manufacturing Competitive Enhancement Program, which is now exhausted; secondly, expand the i12

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tax incentive; thirdly, enforce the Cabinet decision of August 2016 for Eskom to buy power from Independent Power Producers and ensure that the government gets SOEs to support local manufactures; and lastly, for the government to stop supporting monopolies, like ArcelorMittal, who increase they prices at the expense of the downstream sector.


We can turn the economy around but we can’t do so for as long as the ANC are in government. I thank you.


Mr P D MALOYI: House Chair, you know the problem with the ANC is that we propose high-level issues to be discussed in this House. As a result, other parties are unable to engage in those discussions. [Interjections.]


Today, we have offered the opposition parties an opportunity to engage with the ruling party on how are we going to reignite economic growth in South Africa. All members of the ANC accepted that the 2009 recession has affected our economy negatively and so on. We have provided solutions. We have indicated to this House what

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is it that the ANC has done to respond to these challenges.


We had expected the opposition parties to engage us on those specific responses to the economic challenges that we are facing as a country. Unfortunately, they failed to do so. What is embarrassing is that the official opposition – the one we are told it’s an official opposition – the DA, the only matter which they concentrated on is the obsession with the President of the Republic. What they have been saying is that Jacob Zuma did this and that. We want them to next time engage us on issues that we have raised.


Let me remind you ... [Interjections.]


Mr D W MACPHERSON: On a point of order!


Dr M Q NDLOZI: On a point of order!

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon Maloyi, can you take your seat? What is the point of order, hon Macpherson?


Mr D W MACPHERSON: When the hon member refers to the President, can he please refer to him as the President and not as Jacob Zuma.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): I am sure the hon member has noted that. Hon Ndlozi!


Dr M Q NDLOZI: No, I think the hon member must respect ubaba kaDuduzane [Duduzane’s father]. It’s very wrong chief. Kumele uthi [You must say] ubaba kaDuduzane [Duduzane’s father] in the proper African tradition.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Thank you very much. Take your seat. In the language of Parliament, we say umhlonishwa [The honourable].


Mr P D MALOYI: I want the members of the opposition to listen carefully to the issues that we have raised. We

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said we are going to focus on the following: Advancing infrastructure development to ensure that our economy goes back to where it was in early 2000; focusing on agrarian reform; paying special attention to skills development; addressing issues of diversification and beneficiation of mining, agriculture and the energy value chain.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: On a point of order!


Mr P D MALOYI: You have failed to engage us on these important issues ... [Interjections.]


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Okay, can you take your seat? What is the point of order?


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: I would like to address you in terms of Rule 125 of the rules of the National Assembly, if I may? Members opening and closing the debates is not the hon Kalako, who the matter in the Order Paper appears in his name. Generally, the protocol is that the Whips are informed if there has been a

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change. The mover of this motion, Mr Kalako, should have read it out.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon Steenhuisen, thank you very much. However, in the beginning of the meeting of this subject discussion, the hon member was the one who opened it. [Interjections.] He was not the one? Okay. [Interjections.] Hon member, the discussion, indeed, in terms of the Rule as you have explained is as such but also, the motion was presented in terms of Rule 93, which does allow for that change.


Since he has opened and we are now three minutes to finishing, can we allow the hon member to finish.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam House Chair, I am happy for us to continue, but the protocol has always been that there is conference with the Whips and if at all, because this motion was moved by somebody other than the member. We generally are given the copy of authorisation by the other member.

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Thank you very much, hon member. I am sure the Whip of the Majority Party or his representative will be able to rectify that member in the Whippery’s meeting tomorrow. I will suggest that that is done so that we correct whatever mistakes that might have happened. Hon Maloyi, you can proceed.


Mr P D MALOYI: I hope that the DA is not intimidated by the hon member who is standing here. [Interjections.] The point I was raising earlier on, is that let’s engage on this policy perspective. Let us not reduce this debate to name-calling etc, because that is not what is important. Let us all put South Africa. Let’s acknowledge that there are challenges and how we should address these challenges collectively as South Africans.


The only person who attempted to provide some solutions is Dr Ndlozi by saying what can be done politically.
Hopefully, he will agree with us that hon Malema did indicate that once the ANC provide solutions to challenges that are facing this country, there won’t be any need for the EEF to exist.

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I think it is time for the EFF to go back to the commitment they made and come back home. When home, you will be able to engage better and together we will be able to take South Africa forward. Thank you very much, House Chair.


PROCEDURE TO BE FOLLOWED WHEN DECIDING ON A BILL



(Ruling)


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, earlier today a point of order was raised about the procedure to be followed for the decision on the Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill, a Private Member’s Bill and specifically whether a Second Reading was necessary given the decision on the committee report which preceded it and on which members declared their views. Firstly, let me confirm that the procedure in the 8th edition of Rules provide that a committee which rejected a Bill need only table its report for decision and not the Bill itself. The current Rules, however, were amended. The procedure pursuant to a judgement by the Constitutional Court which affirmed that

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all Bills must be processed in the same manner. In this regard I would like to refer members to Rule 286 (4) (1) which states that a committee which pursuant to a motion of desirability rejects the subject matter of a Bill must immediately table the Bill and its report on the Bill and once a Bill is tabled it is placed on the Order Paper for Second Reading. This is the reason both the report and the Bill were on the Order Paper today. Not withstanding this provision and given the uncertainty about the application of the Rules given the changes brought about what you referred to earlier on. A Rule that the decision on the Second Reading of the Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill stands over until the Whips have consulted and agreed on the procedure. This will take care of the communication challenge which seems to have occurred earlier today on the matter. Thank you.


MINIBUS TAXI CRASH LEAVES 19 DEAD


(Draft Resolution)


Mr M P SIBANDE: Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

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That the House –


notes with sadness the minibus taxi crash which claimed the lives of 19 people and left several others injured, many critically, near Pietermaritzburg on Sunday, 20 August 2017;


understands that 18 people died at the scene and another one died soon afterwards at a nearby clinic;


believes that the driver lost control of the vehicle and it crashed into a barrier on the bridge and rolled down an embankment and landed next to the Msunduzi Dam;


thanks the paramedics for their speedy response in treating the passengers before they were transported to hospitals in the Durban and Pietermaritzburg areas;

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calls on taxi operators to be more vigilant and adhere to the rules of the road, and to take safety precautions seriously;


conveys its deepest condolences to the families that lost their loved ones; and


wishes those injured a speedy recovery.


Agreed to.


SCHOOL SECURITY, SCHOOL TRANSPORT, TEACHER MISCONDUCT IN THE SPOTLIGHT


(Draft Resolution)


Ms H S BOSHOFF: House Chairperson, I move without notice:


That the House –

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notes with sadness the passing of a school teacher who was shot in front of her Grade 2 class in Bushbuckridge on Monday, 14 August;


further notes the announcement made on Thursday,

10 August, that the Mpumalanga principal who assaulted a learner who was left paralysed after the incident and later passed away, will appear in court next month on a charge of assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm;


further notes the death of one learner and the injury of several other learners in an accident involving 17 learners being transported to school on the back of a bakkie in KwaZulu-Natal on Tuesday, 15 August;


recognises that these issues on learner safety have a serious impact on children’s rights and the right to basic education;

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acknowledges that these cases highlight the need for the government to urgently address issues pertaining to school security, safe school transport and teacher misconduct;


expresses its collective anger when our children and teachers are harmed in what are supposed to be safe spaces of learning; and


conveys its heartfelt condolences to the family of the teacher of the Sedibasathutho Primary School in Bushbuckridge, and the family of the assaulted learner at the Manyano Primary School in Middelburg.


Agreed to.


CONGRATULATIONS TO DOCTOR NDLOZI


(Draft Resolution)


Ms H O HLOPHE: Chairperson, I move without notice:

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That the House –


notes the words of Che Guevara when he said that, “The first duty of a revolutionary is to be educated”;


also note that it was Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe who said that, “Education to us means service to Africa”


further notes that it is with these words in mind that we would like to congratulate commissar Dr Mbuyiseni Ndlozi on completing his PhD in Political Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand;


commends Dr Ndlozi, with pride from the EFF, on his achievement, and cherish the discipline, dedication, focus and passion through which he mastered political activism and doctoral studies;

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notes that he completed his doctoral studies despite being the spokesperson of the revolutionary organisation, being a dedicated ground force, and a Member of Parliament;


recognises that he did not falter in his duties or let his duties compromise his studies but managed to find time and energy for both;


further recognises that he achieved all this at the age of 32;


encourages all activists and young people to take inspiration from Dr Ndlozi, and pursue their studies until the highest level of qualifications in our revolution and the building of a new South Africa, leaders who provide leadership not only in rhetoric but in actions are needed if we are to fulfil our generational mission of economic freedom in our lifetime; and

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congratulate and be grateful to Dr Ndlozi as he is a living example of this and ANC, you must go to school. [Interjections.]


Agreed to.


ANC CONCERNED ABOUT SEEDS OF RACIAL DISCORD


(Draft Resolution)


Mr D MNGUNI: House Chairperson, I move without notice:


That the House –


notes with concern the recent racially charged incidents in various parts of the country;


further notes that amongst these were the tensions in Eldorado Park where the community of Klipspruit West rejected the principal because of skin colour;

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also notes that incident resulted in pupils missing the first day of the third term when parents disrupted classes and locked the school gate;


recognises that the ANC condemns incidents of this nature as they run counter to the nonracial principles of our society;


further recognises that these cases undermine our nation’s democratic project and deepen racial discord;


acknowledges that educators are supposed to be appointed on the basis of qualification and experience, not of skin colour; and


further acknowledges our nation's commitment to nonracism has been one of the most consistent and self-defining features of the country we seek to build. Whatever difficulties and challenges we may face as a nation and as a consequence of our

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progress, we must always be vigilant against reversing the gains we have in advancing the ideals of a united, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous society.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon members, I am not going to put that to the House. That is a statement. That is not a motion without notice.


RHINO CONSERVATION AWARDS 2017


(Draft Resolution)


Mr N SINGH: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:


That the House –


notes that the 2017 Rhino Conservation Awards winners, recognising those who are fighting on the frontline of the rhino poaching war were announced on Monday, 20 August;

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further notes that the aim of the evening was to, “honour those that put themselves between Africa’s rhinos and those who seek their destruction";


congratulates Marula South Intensive Protection Zone, IPZ, rangers for the award, Conservation Practitioner , African Parks for winning the Endangered Species Conservation award and the winner for the Political, Investigative and Judicial support award category, Jabu Qayiso;


acknowledges that the closing keynote speaker was Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi who closed the event off by stating that it is now up to the youth to fight for the survival of the rhino; and


encourages all citizens and government departments involved to continue in the fight against rhino poaching and to spearhead more

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initiatives that honour those that are pioneering in this regard.


Agreed to.


OVER 500 LIVES LOST IN SIERRA LEONE MUDSLIDES



(Draft Resolution)


Mr S C MNCWABE: Chairperson, I move without notice:


That the House –


notes that on Monday, 14 August, heavy rains at night caused mudslides and flash floods which killed more than 500 people whilst they were sleeping in the capital of Sierra Leone, Freetown;


also notes that an estimated 600 people are still missing and the death toll is expected to rise whilst thousands of people were rendered

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homeless by the threat of even more mudslides; and


conveys its heartfelt condolences to the government and people of Sierra Leone on the tragic loss of lives in the floods and mudslides.


Agreed to.


UNITED NATIONS’ INTERNATIONAL DAY FOR THE REMEMBRANCE OF THE SLAVE TRADE AND ITS ABOLITION


(Draft Resolution)


Ms F S LOLIWE: Hon Chair, I move without notice:


That the House –


notes that the United Nations’ International Day for the Remembrance of the Slave Trade and its Abolition is annually observed on August 23, to

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remind people of the tragedy of the transatlantic slave trade;


understands that this date also pays tribute to those who worked hard to abolish slave trade and slavery throughout the world;


recalls that the revolt by the people of Haiti on the 22 and 23 August 1791 against the slave system was a turning point in human history, greatly impacting the establishment of universal human rights, for which we are all indebted;


believes that the success of this rebellion, led by the slaves themselves, is a deep source of inspiration today for the fight against all forms of servitude, racism, prejudice, racial discrimination and social injustice that are a legacy of slavery;

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acknowledges the theme for 2017 asRemember Slavery: Recognising the Legacy and Contributions of People of African Descent;


calls upon government to tighten up legislation that relates to prosecution of activities that may constitute all forms of social injustice; and


further calls on civil society to engage in campaigns that will expose these inhumane activities.


Agreed to.


MARIKANA MASSACRE ANNIVERSARY



(Draft Resolution)


Mr N L S KWANKWA: House Chair, I move without notice:


That the House –

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notes that Wednesday, the 16th of August 2017, marks the 5th anniversary of the Marikana massacre, where 34 mine workers were murdered for demanding a living wage and good working conditions;


acknowledges that the incident of police brutality since the advent of democracy was preceded by the killing of 10 people, which included two police officers and two security guards, making the total number of deaths 44;


further notes that no one has been held responsible for the gruesome loss of life, in the hands of the state in our democratic dispensation. To date, the workers of Lonmin and other mining houses are still receiving meagre salaries;


also note that much more should have been done by both government and the mining industry to improve the socioeconomic conditions of the

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people of Marikana in general, and mineworkers in particular;


be appalled by the fact that five years later the people of Marikana are still subjected to perpetual hunger, poverty, lack of shelter and underdevelopment;


calls on government to deliver on the promises made to the people of Marikana five years ago; which include, but not limited to, the provision of houses, improvement of working conditions and other community development initiatives;


recommends that a memorial monument be created in recognition and commemoration of the lives lost during the Marikana massacre; and


further recommends that the Marikana Massacre Day be declared a national public holiday in the National Calendar.

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Motion not agreed to.


ZAMBIAN OPPOSITION LEADER FINALLY RELEASED


(Draft Resolution)


Mr S MOKGALAPA: House Chairperson, I move without notice:


That the House –


notes that Zambian opposition leader, Hakainde Hichilema, was finally released from prison on Wednesday, 16 August 2017;


further notes that the state dropped all treason charges against him and other members of his party, the United Party for National Development;


recalls that Hichilema was arrested and charged with treason in April for allegedly failing to make way for president Edgar Lungu’s convoy;

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acknowledges that the severity of these charges meant that Hichilema was not eligible for bail;


calls on the Zambian government to restore democracy and political activities by immediately ending the 90 day long state of emergency that is seen as means to suppress political opposition and media freedom;


expresses its concerns when political opposition is stifled and opposition leaders are imprisoned; and


conveys our message of support to the people of Zambia during this turbulent time. [Applause.]


Motion not agreed to.


EFF CALLS FOR AFRICAN SOLIDARITY IN SIERRA LEONE MUDSLIDE DISASTER


(Draft Resolution)

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Ms M O MOKAUSE: House Chair, I move without notice:


That the House –


notes the words of Haile Selassie when he said, “History teaches us that unity is strength” Pan-Africanism and realising that a united Africa that we strive for requires us to support each other in times of need;


further notes with great sadness to witness the natural disaster which happened on the 14th of August, a mudslide that covered the town of Regent, just on the outskirts of Freetown, Sierra Leone;


recalls that this mudslide led to the deaths of

400 of our African brothers and sisters with 600 still missing;


further recalls that it is sad when so many of our brothers and sisters lost their lives, the

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international and local community largely ignored it;


notes that African lives may not matter to Imperialist forces, but to us, it should matter;


call on this Parliament to send condolences to the people of Sierra Leone;


further call on the African community, in solidarity with the people of Sierra Leone to provide all necessary support in these difficult times; and


may the souls of those who departed rest in revolutionary peace, as we carry on with our generational mission of economic freedom in Africa and the world in our lifetime.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): It has been brought to my attention that another party read a motion

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on the same topic; however, I am going to allow it because the emphasis in this motion is different from the one that was read earlier.


Agreed to.


ABONGILE NGCOSHOLO’S DEVELOPMENT OF CURBING VEHICLE THEFT


(Draft Resolution)


Mr M P SIBANDE: House Chairperson, I hereby move without notice:


That the House —


notes that a 19-year-old Port Elizabeth teen, Abongile Ngcosholo, has developed a system to curb vehicle theft;


understands that Ngcosholo, who attends Ndzondelelo High School in the Eastern Cape has formulated and planned a circuit board system

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which will alert vehicle owners when the car door is opened;


further understands that the system is operated with a key which lights up and vibrates when a vehicle car door is opened;


believes that the objective of the system is to develop a signal that will notify a car owner when the car is opened and, subsequently, attempted to be stolen;


further believes that Abongile’s method will contribute in minimising the occurrence of car theft;


recalls that Ngcosholo’s talent was also showcased at the International Eskom Science Expo Competition in 2016, which he won;


commends Transet for recorgnising the young inventor and offering him financial assistance;

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and congratulates Abongile Ngcosholo for his outstanding talent and his invention.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick: Hon members, are there any objections to the motion? Yes. In light of the objection, the motion may not be proceeded with. The motion without notice will now become notice of a motion.


CONGRATULATIONS TO RWANDAN PRESIDENT PAUL KAGAME ON WINNING THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS


(Draft Resolution)


Ms F S LOLIWE: House Chairperson, I hereby move without notice:


That the House —


congratulates people of Rwanda on peaceful election congratulates the people of Rwanda on holding of a peaceful elections on the 04 August 2017;

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notes that that President Paul Kagame was re- elected     by a landslide win of 98,63% of the vote;


further notes that according to the country’s National Electoral Commission, voter turnout in Rwanda’s election was 96% of a total of 6,9 million voters;


further notes that under President Kagame’s leadership Rwanda has made significant progress by becoming one of the strongest economies in East Africa as well as politically stable country;


welcomes the opposition parties acceptance of defeat and their pledged to remain in politics and contribute in the project of  building their country;


acknowledges that that successful poll in Africa is a clear indication of democratic

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advances across the continent and    should be welcomed;


believes that the election outcomes in Rwanda were an expression of the will of the people; and


wishes President Kagame more success on his resolve on his to guide his country to prosperity and security.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick: Hon members, are there any objections to the motion? Yes. In light of the objection, the motion may not be proceeded with. The motion without notice will now become notice of a motion.


SAD PASSING OF VETERAN SPOKES PERSON, MR RONNIE MAMOEPA


(Draft Resolution)


Mr M P SIBANDE: House Chairperson, I hereby move without notice:

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That the House —


notes with sadness the death of veteran spokesperson, Mr Ronnie Mamoepa, at the age of 56, in a Pretoria hospital on Saturday, 22 July 2017, following an illness;


further notes that at the time of his death Mr Mamoepa was a spokesperson for the Deputy President of the Republic;


remembers that Ronnie was a militant, loyal and dedicated servant of the people who earned his stripes in the youth movement, Parliament and Government;


further remembers Ronnie as an icon of the country’s liberation struggle having served five years of his youth in incarceration at the infamous Robben Island prison;

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recalls that he was a consummate professional with integrity, intelligence, humor and kindness; believes that his death is a great loss to Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, the Presidency and Government at large and;


conveys its heartfelt condolences to Ronnie's wife, Audrey, his children and the Mamoepa family and friends.


Agreed to.


CONDOLENCES TO WAYNE LOTTER



(Draft Resolution)


Mr I M OLLIS: House Chairperson, I hereby move without notice:


That the House —

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PAGE: 205

notes that on the 16th of August 2017, renowned South African wildlife and animal conservationist, Wayne Lotter, was shot by an unknown gunman in Dar-es Salaam, Tanzania;


recalls that Lotter was born in 1966 in Benoni and schooled in East London;


further recalls that he worked as a senior game ranger and conservationist in the Kruger National Park and later throughout Southern Africa heading up anti-poaching programmes across several countries in Southern Africa;


     notes his role in co-founding of the Protected Area Management Solutions, PAMS, Foundation, an NGO that provides anti-poaching support to governments and communities in Africa;


further notes that the PAMS Foundation funded and supported Tanzania’s elite anti-poaching National and Transnational Serious Crimes

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Investigation Unit which was responsible for arrests of major ivory traffickers including Yang Feng Glan, the so-called “Queen of Ivory” and several other notorious elephant poachers;


acknowledges that in 2012, this unit arrested more than 2,000 poachers and ivory traffickers and has a conviction rate exceeding 80%;


further acknowledges that Lotter was a leading figure in the international conservation community, having served on the boards of several conservation groups and was the Vice President of the International Ranger Federation;


Conveys our sincere condolences to his wife Inge, his daughters Cara Jayne and Tamsin, and parents Vera and Charles Lotter, his brother, and three sisters.


Agreed to.

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SPRINGBOK BEATING ARGENTINA 37–15 IN RUGBY CHAMPIOSHIP OPENER


(Draft Resolution)


Mr M P SIBANDE: House Chairperson, I hereby move without notice:


That the House —


notes that on Saturday, 19 August 2017, the Springboks rugby national team beat Argentina by
37 - 15 in Port Elizabeth to secure a four-try win in their Rugby Championship opener;


remembers that the match was physical but the Boks showed sharpness on attack, especially in the second half;


believes that after a miserable 2016 in which they lost eight of their 12 tests, signs of a

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Springboks revival continued as they won key battles against the Pumas;


recognises that after an encouraging June series against France, the Boks took another considerable step forward as they outmuscled the passionate Pumas, while nullifying the visitor’s unpredictable attack through steadfast defence; and


congratulates the Springboks and wishes them well in their second match against Argentina in Salta this coming Saturday.


Agreed to.


GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE AROUND THE COUNTRY


(Member’s Statement)


Ms G K TSEKE (ANC): House Chairperson, the ANC condemns in the strongest terms the recent incidents of gender-

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based violence around the country. [Interjections.] These deplorable violent acts against women have reached alarming and intolerable levels. Every week South Africa is confronted by the assault and gruesome killings of women - either by their intimate partners, relatives or strangers. [Interjections.] Hey! Keep quiet.


The ANC believes that violence against women and children, especially young girls, is an extreme manifestation of gender inequality and systemic gender- based discrimination - it’s a form of discrimination that seriously inhibits women’s ability to enjoy the rights and freedom on the basis of equality with men. The ANC calls on all sectors of society to unite against all forms of abuse against women and children. We call upon our judiciary to impose harsher sentences for the perpetrators once they are convicted.


SOUTH AFRICANS STILL LIVES IN POVERTY 23 YEARS INTO DEMOCRACY


(Member’s Statement)

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Ms B S MASANGO (DA): Twenty-three years into our democracy and more than half of our fellow citizens are forced to eke out a living on less than R33 per day. This was revealed today by Statistics SA report examining the trends in poverty between 2006, 2011 and 2015. This report shows what we have long known – the ANC government has continued to fail our people. Even more disturbing is the fact that 13,8 million or one in four South Africans have to survive on less than R14 a day.


The DA has said this again and again - the ANC’s economic policies will not bring people out of poverty. Every time the DA put fresh policy proposals on the table to improve the lives of South Africans - the ANC turns us down. When the DA proposed increasing social grants to alleviate poverty, the ANC shot down our proposals twice. Now they have turned to blame white monopoly capital. There are no more excuses – the ANC has failed to create jobs and has failed to stimulate economic growth with more than half of South Africans living in poverty - it is time for a change in government. South Africans need the chance to

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go to the polls now. We cannot wait for 2019 when citizens can have the opportunity to vote for change. [Time Expired.] [Applause.]


FIVE YEARS COMMEMORATION OF THE KILLINGS OF MARIKANA MINE WORKERS


(Member’s Statement)


Ms L MATHYS (EFF): House Chair, on the 16th of August we commemorated five years of the brutal slaughtering of 34 mine workers by the ANC government. The state has spent millions – right? - On the Farlam Commission which to date all we have is a report - no one has been prosecuted. The ANC government love commissions? Do you know why you love commissions? You love commissions because you love covering up crimes. Now you want a State Capture Commission to cover up your crimes.


ANC leaders who were featured in the Farlam Commission report like your Ramaphosa who wants to be President,

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like your Mthethwa, like Riah Phiyega has taken no responsibility.


Mr B M RADEBE: On a point of order.


Ms L MATHYS: In 2016 ... [Interjections.] How can you have a point of order in the member’s statement? You have no order.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member let me just take this point of order please. Why are you rising hon member?


Mr B M RADEBE: Chair, on a point of order: I am rising on Rule 84 that says they should address Members of Parliament in respective way and not in a derogatory way like she is doing.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): No, Rule 84 says something else - but lets address each other in respectful ways, continue hon member.

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Ms L MATHYS: I don’t know – We must take you to the Rules Committee for some tutoring [Interjections.] Let’s go back - the ANC leaders which were featured in the Farlam Commission report like Ramaphosa, Mthethwa, Phiyega have taken no responsibility. [Interjections.]


Mr B M RADEBE: Again ...


Ms L MATHYS (EFF): And if you want to call them hon members according to Parliament ... Sit down I am still talking.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): No! hon member. Hon Mathys ...


Ms L MATHYS (EFF): In 2016 ...


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon Mathys take your seat and let me take the point of order please.


Mr B M RADEBE: The Members of Parliament must be addressed as hon members and not on first name basis like

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she doing now by saying Ramaphosa, Mthethwa [Interjections.]


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Yes that is correct – order! I think the member corrected herself – continue hon member.


Ms L MATHYS: In 2016 Zuma kaDuduzane said the families are going to be compensated ...


Mr B M RADEBE: Again I am rising on the same issue. [Interjections.]


Ms L MATHYS: ... but dololo


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon Mathys ...


Ms L MATHYS: The money is either in Nkandla, Dubai or in Saxonwold. [Interjections.]

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon Mathys lets just observe the rules and call each other using respectful terms.


Ms L MATHYS: The disgraced President of the ANC said the families will be compensated but dololo, nothing – the money is in Nkandla, Dubai or Saxonwold. [Time Expired.]


34TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT


(Member’s Statement)


Mr A F MADELLA (ANC): Chair, the 34th anniversary of the founding of the United Democratic Front, UDF was an important moment to reflect on the spirit, values and principles of the organisation. The UDF celebrated its birthday on Sunday in Michells Plain at the very same venue where it was launched more than three decades ago and ceased to exist in 1991. This event was attended by ANC and UDF veterans, activists, leaders and representatives of mass democratic and progressive

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formations - fraternal organisations in alliance and league structures as well as ordinary members and supporters of the ANC.


The UDF played a crucial role at a critical moment in our history – entrenching and deepening the struggle whilst all political organisations were banned and unable to organise and mobilise. After its formation, it declared it wanted to establish a true democracy in which all South Africans could participate and create a single non- racial, non sexist democratic and unfragmented South Africa. The ANC is proud of the role played by the UDF in the struggle for liberation. Long live the UDF. [Applause.]


VIOLENT CLASH BETWEEN PUPILS IN KWAZULU-NATAL SCHOOLS


(Member’s Statement)


Prof C T MSIMANG (IFP): House Chair, the current state of affairs in our schools in KwaZulu-Natal recently reported is deeply saddening and very shocking. The recent scourge

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of violence clashes between pupils in and around schools is absolutely deplorable and is in desperate need of our urgent attention. We simply cannot allow such debased behaviour to be the colour we want to paint our schools with.


To echo the sentiments of the hon MEC for Education in the province - it should be a collaborative effort to instil the values of good and tolerable behaviour in and amongst our children rather than the burden falling solely on the educator to instil such values as goes the old adage “it take a village to raise a child”. Bullying has always been an increscent concern in schools but now what seems to be a growing trend is the belligerent manner in which pupils go about it. We cannot live in a world where both the learner and the teacher live in constant fear of violence. Perhaps this is a reflection of the degenerating moral fibre of society that has filtered down to the youth – robbing them of their innocence. Thank you. [Time Expired.]

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APPEAL TO GOVERNMENT TO IMPROVE RURAL SAFETY AND PROVIDE BETTER PROTECTION TO FARMERS


(Member’s Statement)


Afrikaans:

Dr P J GROENEWALD (VF PLUS): Agb Voorsitter, die vlaag van landwye plaasmoorde en –aanvalle, en veral die wreedheid wat daarmee gepaard gaan, maak dit toenemend ’n saak van dringendheid dat die regering en veral die Minister van Polisie drastiese stappe moet doen om landelike beveiliging op te skerp en te verbeter.


Volgens polisieverslae is daar verskeie landelike polisiestasies waar nie eens aan die minimumvereistes van sektorpolisiëring voldoen word nie. Luidens statistiek van die Transvaalse Landbou-unie van Suid-Afrika was daar vandeesmaand al 23 aanvalle waarin ses mense dood is – vier net die afgelope naweek – en 277 aanvalle die afgelope jaar waarin 55 mense dood is. Die vraag is of daar steeds prioriteit aan die plaasmoorde verleen word, soos onderneem deur die vorige waarnemende polisie-

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kommissaris. Die vraag is verder, indien nie, hoekom nie. Weens die feit dat voedselsekerheid ’n prioriteit vir die regering is en dit bedreig word deur die plaasaanvalle en
–moorde word spesialiseenhede wat plaasaanvalle en – moorde ondersoek, vereis.


Die VF Plus is tans in ’n proses om by landbou- organisasies vas te stel wat hul finansiële en ander behoeftes soos toerustig ter beveiliging van boere is, waarna die regering genader sal word om finansiële ondersteuning te verleen aan hierdie organisasies se ondersteuningstelsels. Indien die regering werklik ernstig is oor voedselsekerheid en die bekamping van plaasmoorde, sal hy hierdie behoeftes moet begin steun aangesien die polisie se landelike veiligheidsplan duidelik nie die mas opkom nie.


Laastens sê die VF Plus – en hy maan ook politici, veral oor die grondkwessie, om hulle te weerhou van opruiende uitsprake wat gemoedere teen plaasboere kan beïnvloed.
Dankie.

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NEW DEVELOPMENT BANK’S AFRICA REGIONAL CENTRE LAUNCHED



(Member’s Statement)


Ms P MABE (ANC): The ANC views the recent launch of the New Development Bank’s Africa Regional Centre by President Zuma as a critical milestone, not only for South Africa but for Africa as a whole. It marks the strengthening of the Brics formation and also underlines the Brics commitment to the development of the African continent and emerging markets. We are pleased with the progress the bank has made in the two years of its existence. These include the signing of the founding agreement of the New Development Bank, which paved the way for the opening of the bank’s head office in Shanghai, China.


The New Development Bank is a multilateral development bank to finance infrastructure and sustainable development projects. The bank will begin the process of considering new members and finalising the project pipeline for the second batch of loans to be offered in

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the 2017-18 financial year. We expect that the bank, through the Africa Regional Centre, will contribute in accelerating infrastructure investment in energy, transport, water and other productive sectors. Thank you, Chair.


DIPLOMATIC IMMUNITY DECISION ON ZIMBABWEAN FIRST LADY, GRACE MUGABE CONDEMNED


(Member’s Statement)


Rev K R J MESHOE (ACDP): House Chairperson, the ACDP strongly condemns the decision by the Department of International Relations and Co-operation to grant the Zimbabwean First Lady, Grace Mugabe diplomatic immunity after she allegedly assaulted the 20-year old Gabriella Engels with an extension cord.


According to legal advice which government chose to ignore, Mrs Grace Mugabe did not qualify for diplomatic immunity and could therefore have been arrested and charged for her criminal conduct. Furthermore, legal

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experts argue that it is not legally possible to grant Grace Mugabe diplomatic immunity retrospectively after she had entered the country.


The ACDP therefore calls on SADC and the African Union to urgently revise their policy on conditions for diplomatic immunity to ensure that criminal behaviour committed by anyone in the diplomatic community will not be tolerated. Let African Presidents, their families and diplomats lead by example. They should never be allowed to act like they are above the law.


South Africa should be the first to insist that no dignitary, regardless of their status, is able to get away with criminal behaviour on our shores. The law must be applied equally to all, whether First Lady or last lady. Thank you.


RACIAL DISCORD DEEPENING IN SOUTH AFRICA



(Member’s Statement)

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Mr D MNGUNI (ANC): The ANC has noted with concern the recent racially-charged incidents in various parts of the country. Amongst these were the tensions in Eldorado Park where the community of Klipspruit West rejected the principal because of skin colour. That incident resulted in pupils missing the first day of the third term when parents disrupted classes and locked school gates. The ANC condemns incidents of this nature as they run counter to the nonracial principles of our society. These cases undermine our nation’s democratic project and deepen racial discord. Educators are supposed to be appointed on the basis of qualifications and experience, and not of skin colour.


Our nation’s commitment to nonracialism has been one of the most consistent and self-defining features of the country we seek to build. Whatever difficulties and challenges we may face as a nation and as a consequence of our progress, we must always be vigilant against reversing the gains we have in advancing the ideals of a united, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous society. Thank you very much.

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ANC CASTIGATED FOR NONIMPLEMENTATION OF RURAL SAFETY PLANS TO CURB BRUTAL FARM MURDERS


(Member’s Statement)


Ms V VAN DYK (DA): Chairperson, when will the ANC bother to do anything about farm murders? This past week has been extremely brutal and traumatic for the agricultural sector. We have seen an increase in farm murders and attacks across the country. So far this week, four farmers were murdered during seven attacks. These are the ones that I am aware of. There may have been more.


Many of these attacks are extremely brutal. In one of the cases the victims were forced to undress and then tortured with boiling water, heated cooking oil as well as dripping plastic. The wife, who had a gun held against her head, was asked whether she preferred to be shot or raped. Yet, the ANC continues to fail to put into action plans for rural safety which had already been drawn up.
Those plans would have meant that farm workers and

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farmers no longer have to be subjected to torture, murder or the fear of falling victim to these brutal attacks.


The attacks were met with silence from those with the power to do something about them. Why is the attention of the police focused on rescuing foreign members of the liberation elite from the consequences of their actions rather than protecting South Africans from harm? Act!


PICK N PAY AND ANGLOGOLD ASHANTI RETRENCH WORKERS IN MASSES


(Member’s Statement)


Mr T RAWULA (EFF): The only logic capital and capitalism understand is profit and the maximisation of profit. That is why two of the biggest and most profitable companies in South Africa are in the process of mass retrenchment of workers. The two companies are Pick n Pay and AngloGold Ashanti, both of whom are owned and run by white South Africans.

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Pick n Pay is still completing the retrenchment of 10% of its staff, which is about 3 500 people, while AngloGold Ashanti has and is still in the process of retrenching
8 500 workers, which is about one third of the South African workforce. These retrenchments are not as a result of Pick n Pay seeing its profit decreasing, but the opposite is true. Pick n Pay has experienced a 17% increase in full-year profits as reported in April this year, while AngloGold Ashanti still remains one of the world’s top gold purchasers with profits around
R2 billion for 2016.


These retrenchments are taking place in the socioeconomic context of a high and ever-increasing unemployment rate which is at around 36% now. It is unethical for either of these companies to have such mass retrenchments in light of exorbitant profits they are making. This illustrates the inherent logic of capital and in this case, white monopoly capital and profit maximisation with no consideration of social consequences. [Time expired.]

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TEN MILLION RAND MPAME BRIDGE UNDER CONSTRUCTION IN MBASHE MUNICIPALITY, EASTERN CAPE
(Member’s Statement)


Ms H B KEKANA (ANC): The ANC, consolidating its commitment to investing in infrastructure which improves the lives our people, welcomes the construction and the made in a R10-million Mpame Bridge project in Mbashe Municipality in the Eastern Cape. The new bridge is going to bring relief to villagers of Kwa Chezi, Manzibomvu, Mdikana, Mpame Mncwasawane, Ngileni, Mkhathazo and Manzamnyama. These villages in the municipality are forced to use dangerous makeshift means to cross the local river to access different community services such as schools, hospitals, clinics, etc.


With the completion of this bridge those difficulties will soon be a thing of the past. In addition, the completion of the new bridge will benefit communities in line with the country’s Constitution which guarantees a safe and healthy environment for all. The ANC is a caring government that will stop at nothing to make a positive

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and lasting difference in the lives of our people wherever they reside. I thank you.


JOBS CREATED IN CLOTHING INDUSTRY FOR RURAL WOMEN AROUND DURBAN


(Member’s Statement)


Ms N K BILANKULU (ANC): The ANC is inspired by the programme run by the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Arts and Culture, in collaboration with Durban fashion designer, Greg Wallis and Jirah Fashions Factory, which gives rural women the opportunity to begin work in the clothing industry. This programme takes the women through five weeks of theoretical and practical training. The training includes an introduction to design and pattern-making, working on a machine as well as other clothing and textile-related functions. Each trainee will be issued with a certificate at the end of the workshop.


The lives of some unemployed women from poverty-stricken communities around Durban are set to change for the

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better as the skills that participants acquired help them to provide for their families. This initiative forms part of the government’s Comprehensive Rural Development Programme that aims to tackle underdevelopment, food security, unemployment, poverty and other social ills prevalent in rural areas. I thank you.


EASTERN CAPE SCHOLAR TRANSPORT INEFFICIENCY IMPACTS NEGATIVELY ON UVIWE SECONDARY SCHOOL PUPILS


(Member’s Statement)


Ms N I TARABELA-MARCHESI (DA): The Eastern Cape province’s inefficiency is badly impacting on education of pupils at Uviwe Secondary School in East London. The school has repeatedly asked the provincial education department to provide transport for pupils, some of whom live 8,5km from school. Some families pay R250 per month for transport on the back of a bakkie but not everyone can afford this. Moreover, a new law has made it illegal to transport children to school on the back of a bakkie because it is not safe.

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This is not a solution but many South African children are actually forced to resort to. They have been asking for transport for the past eight years since 2009 but to no avail. Protesters shut down the school at the beginning of August but Minister Motshekga revealed in May this year that the province has not even asked for extra funding for scholar transport from Treasury.
Meetings between the school governing body and education officials have yielded no results.


How many other schools around the country are in the same situation, waiting and hoping, but only to be strung along with false promises of transport? The MEC and the Minister must act immediately to address this injustice. Thank you.


BLACK COUPLE ATTACKED BY SIX WHITE MEN AT KFC DRIVE-THRU IN PRETORIA


(Member’s Statement)

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Ms B G MAHLANGU (ANC): Hon Chair, the ANC expresses its deep disgust at the racial attack on a black couple by six white men at the KFC Drive-Thru in Pretoria. This happened as a result of the couple asking the men to move forward in the drive-thru. The poor woman was heard screaming at the men as the men attacked them.


We commend the SA Police Service for the swift response in arresting the bully men. It is of great concern that some of them had previous assault charges pending against them. The ANC views this unprovoked attack as a clear sign of both racism and sexism in society. We are opposed to this barbarism that seeks to erode the rights of citizens. There can be no justification for their racism and aggression.


What is further distressing is that this group had no fear of beating up a woman. The law must now be allowed to take its course for justice to be served. Thank you.


SCHOOL SECURITY, SCHOLAR TRANSPORT, TEACHER MISCONDUCT IN THE SPOTLIGHT

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(Minister’s Responses)


The MINISTER OF TOURISM: Hon House Chair, I wish to respond, first and foremost, on the issues of racism, issues of bullies and issues of education violence generally as were raised by different hon members. Here, we are regarding schools as centres where we want to develop active citizens and help our children to develop their own capacity and also looking at personal achievement as well as contributing to the society generally. We appreciate that the hon members are bringing this to the fore. Some of them have been issues where educators have demonstrated their racial snare on our children and that cannot be tolerated. We appreciate the active responses both in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng and wherever they come forward. We will continue saying that education is not just for educators but a societal matter. We call upon all hon members to take part and assist everyone to ensure that we protect our children and our schools and they continue to be such centres.

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Again hon members, we continue to be disgusted by men who hit; assault or kill our women. What we are looking for and we often see women being... [Time expired.]


Ms E N LOUW: Hon House Chairperson, on a point of order: I want the Minister to name and shame Manana as the woman beater that he is. She must name and shame him. He must stop beating up women.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member, take your seat please.


GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE AROUND THE COUNTRY



(Minister’s Response)


The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Hon

House Chair let me also echo the sentiments expressed by different hon members of the House in expressing unanimously and unequivocally our condemnation of this escalation in the spate of violence against women and children. This is especially happening on the occasion

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when we should be celebrating in this month of August, the great achievement which our women have recorded over history including the contributions they have made to the attainment of our liberation as we speak.


Let me indicate hon Chairperson that from the side of the criminal justice system we stand ready, not only to condemn but to actually take firm action to ensure that effective prosecution takes place and of course where convictions are realised our correctional systems stand ready to correct this antisocial behaviour, be it in the form of violating our women, physically or otherwise or be it in the form of attacks on children and also ensuring that on the other end when our inmates emerged through our system of correction and rehabilitation, they become exemplary citizens who give up their past antisocial behaviour. I thank you.


SOUTH AFRICANS STILL LIVES IN POVERTY 23 YEARS INTO DEMOCRACY


(Minister’s Response)

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PAGE: 235

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: Hon Chair, I

just want to respond to hon Masango. As South African we did identify that inequality, unemployment and poverty are evils that we need to deal with all the time. The National Development Plan, NDP, has actually identified these. What we need to do is to make sure that – poverty is the product of lack of access to income, food and shelter; you need to then turn around the situation in such a way that those things have got to be accessed by the people.


We should industrialise and re-industrialise and in the NDP it has been identified that there are certain constraints that we need to deal with if we have to do so. Some of them have got to do with skills and spatial divide of apartheid. We have set in place programmes that we have actually announced in this House, including Industrial Policy Action Plan. We seek to address these issues on addressing the income side.


All these things are not going to happen overnight. In the meantime, let us get in and deal with some of the

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issues such as getting on the ground, for example, we have introduced a minimum wage. We have put in nutritional programmes, school feeding schemes along to address that. In essence, what we need to do to be able to do that is to stick to our programmes and we will able to deal with that. [Time expired.]


RHINO CONSERVATION AWARDS 2017



(Minister’s Response)


The MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS: Hon Chair, I just

want to start by indicating that we do indeed acknowledged one of our own who has passed on in support of and in fighting the scourge of poaching and we tip our hats and also pass our condolences to the family members. We did so yesterday as we were giving awards to those who lost their lives in fighting rhino poaching and these illicit criminal elements. Hon Mangosuthu Buthelezi has received an award in that regard.

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The doors of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Brics Bank, chapter of South Africa has actually swung opened this past week. [Applause.] We are going to fight poverty using that bank – If you listen you will get a little bit cleverer, to increase investments in our country. There is no policy that has failed over the past
40 years that has been advanced by the grandfathers of the chiefs on that side that will actually help us. They are claiming to be suggesting policies but we have seen those policies and have failed over many years. The policies of this government have worked and will work taking many people out of poverty.


Go to the rural areas and look around in towns. We live with people and see them getting out of poverty. People who would never had anything to eat, now have a lot to eat. [Applause.] [Time expired.]


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Hon House Chairperson, on a point of order: I just saw it to be like the stark record but again in terms of Rule 132(5). This is an opportunity for members to engage with Ministers and to

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hold them accountable but today, we have four Ministers in the House and that is 11% of the Cabinet Ministers. It is really not good enough.


The MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS: They are working.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Yes, they may be working but they are accountable to this House. When they do not answer the questions we are told that they are also accountable here. We really need this as a House to take these Members Statements far more seriously than the Executive needs to take action. Thank you.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Thank you, I note your concern hon Steenhuisen and we will convey it to the leader of government business as well. Why are you rising hon member?


Ms L MATHYS: I am rising because there is no Minister who has responded to my statement because they know that they are responsible for the murdering. [Interjections.]

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order hon members, hon member that is not a point of order.


Ms L MATHYS: No, no one responded. What must happen?


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member please take your seat.


Ms L MATHYS: But then, what do I stand on Chair? Can you guide me because I do not know then?


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon members please read the rules. Please take your seat.


Ms L MATHYS: But you are here to guide us. I do not know because no one has responded to my Member Statement.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member please take your seat.


Ms L MATHYS: Arg! You also do not know. You cannot even guide me.

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Take your seat please. There are 16 statements and there are only six opportunities for response. I think your whip must take that to the Rules Committee to have that matter discussed there.


NOTICES OF MOTIONS



Mr G TSEKE: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:


That the House debates resolving the constraints and challenges that delay women companies and special groups from benefiting from state-owned companies’ value-chain procurement.


I thank you.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: House Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:

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That the House –


notes the numerous reports alleging that the first lady of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Dr Grace Mugabe, inflicted grievous bodily harm on a South African citizen during the attack on 13 August 2017, also


notes that Dr Mugabe entered the country as a private citizen to receive medical attention;


further notes the diplomatic immunity in terms of section 7 (2) of the Diplomatic Immunities and Privileges Act, Act 37 of 2001, invoked by the Minister of International Relations and Co- operation, published in the Government Gazette on
20 August;


resolves, in line with its duty in terms of section 55 of the Constitution, to oversee executive authority and, in terms of National Assembly Rule 169, that the Portfolio Committee

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on International Relations and Co-operation takes charge of an inquiry, conferring with the Portfolio Committee on Police and the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, the committee to, one, inquire into any aspects or allegations pertaining to the alleged attack on a pregnant South African woman by Dr Mugabe, two, inquire into the role of the Minister of Police, and to submit its committee report to the National Assembly... [Time expired.]


Ms E N LOUW: Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the EFF:


That the House debates Athletics SA’s refusal to let

13 of our athletes compete at the International Association of Athletics Federation, IAAF, World Championships despite the IAAF meeting the qualifications standard.

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Ms N BILANKULU: Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:


That the House debates addressing challenges related to migration, including inter-group conflict, economic marginalisation and the inability to access suitable services.


Thank you.


Prof C T MSIMANG: Hon Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:


That the House debates the scourge of violence clashes at KwaZulu-Natal schools amongst people and the seemingly rising trend of capturing such violence on cameras that has shocked both the communities and the authorities.

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IsiZulu:

Usolwazi N M KHUBISA: Sihlalo ohloniphekile, ekuhlaleni kwale Ndlu ehloniphekile ngokulandelayo ngiyophakamisa njengelungu le-NFP:


Ukuthi le Ndlu ibe nenkulumo-mpikiswano ngodaba lobubha, ubuphofu, ukungaqashwa nokuncipha kwamathuba emisebenzi okulokhu kubhebhetheka njalo njengomlilo wequbula. Lokhu kukhahlameza kubuye kuhlukumeze abantu abampisholo ikakhulukazi labo abadla imbuya ngothi ezindaweni zasemakhaya.


Ngiyabonga Sihlalo.


Ms H B KEKANA: Hon Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:


That the House debates developing an integrated anticorruption strategy to consolidate and advance the country’s effort in fighting this scourge.

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I thank you.


Ms D CARTER: Here we are, Chair. Thank you.


I hereby move on behalf ...


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): No, it’s the UDM, we will get to you.


Mr M L W FILTANE: Hon Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the UDM.


That the House -


debates the sanction’s model for gender-based violence allegedly committed by public representatives in the context of the great need to combat abuse of women and children; protect women and Children; strengthen accountability of public representatives; and positively contribute to our justice system.

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I so move.


Ms V VAN DYK: Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:


That the House debates the collective issue of learner safety, specifically school security, safe school transport and teacher misconduct.


Thank you.


Ms V KETABAHLE: Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the EFF:


That the House debates the light of high costs of data and Vodacom’s stealing of data from customers.


Thank you.

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PAGE: 247

Mr D V MNGUNI: Chair, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:


That the House debates the strengthening of school safety programmes to address occurring violence in schools.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order, hon members! Continue hon member. Order! hon members. Hon members, you are disturbing a member who is on the floor, please behave.


Rev K R J MESHOE: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ACDP:


That the House debates the need to revise policy around diplomatic immunity for those who commit criminal acts.


I so move.

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PAGE: 248

Ms P MABE: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:


That the House debates strengthening the kind of support provided to child-headed households.


Thank you


IsiZulu:

Nk M S KHAWULA: Uxolo Sihlalo, uxolo! [Ubuwelewele.] Kancane.


English:

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Why are you rising hon member?


IsiZulu:

Nk M S KHAWULA: Kade manje sikhuluma ngokuhlukunyezwa kwabantu besifazane. USbu manje usehlukumeza ilungu elihloniphekile la uthi ligqoke i- brazillian.[Ubuwelewele.] Sicela umlethe lapha simshaye

ASSEMBLY CHAMBER TUESDAY, 22 AUGUST 2017
PAGE: 249

ke manje. Simkhombise ukuthi nathi sizomshaya singabafazi.


English:

The CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick) As long as you do that outside the House and not inside. [Laughter.]


Mr M MATSHOBA: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:


That the House debates addressing illegal electricity connections, electricity and equipment theft.


I thank you.


Ms A LOTRIET: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:


That the House debates the mismanagement of the Vredefort Dome Interpretation Centre, causing this

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PAGE: 250

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Unesco, world heritage site to fall into ruin.


Ms N BILANKULU: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:


That the House debates revisiting the Employment Equity Act to improve compliance in accordance with the act.


I thank you.


Notices of motion concluded.


The House adjourned at 19:09

 


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