Hansard: NA: Unrevised Hansard

House: National Assembly

Date of Meeting: 13 Jun 2017

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Minutes

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TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017
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PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
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The House met at 14:02.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a
moment of silence for prayer or meditation.

MOTION OF CONDOLENCE

(The late Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Speaker I move the
Draft Resolution printed in my name on the Oder Paper as
follows:

That the House —

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(1) notes with sadness the passing of Isithwalandwe Ahmed
Mohamed Kathrada on 28 March 2017, known as uncle
Kathy, following a short period of illness;

(2) further notes that Uncle Kathy became politically
conscious when he was 17 years old and participated in
the Passive Resistance Campaign of the South African
Indian Congress; and that he was later arrested;

(3) remembers that in the 1940‘s, his political activities
against the apartheid regime intensified, culminating
in his banning in 1954;

(4) further remembers that in 1956, our leader, Kathrada
was amongst the 156 Treason Trialists together with
Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu, who were later
acquitted;

(5) understands that he was banned and placed under a
number of house arrests, after which he joined the
political underground to continue his political work;

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(6) further understands that he was also one of the eight
Rivonia Trialists of 1963, after being arrested in a
police swoop of the Liliesleaf Farm in Rivonia, and
was sentenced to life imprisonment on Robben Island;

(7) recalls that uncle Kathy spent 26 years in prison, 18
years of which were on Robben Island; and that after
his release and the unbanning of the ANC, he was
elected to the ANC‘s National Executive Committee in
1989, leading the organisation‘s Public Relations
Department until 1994;

(8) further recalls that he was elected to Parliament in
1994 and served as a Parliamentary Counsellor to his
long-time friend and confidante, the late former
President Nelson Mandela, with whom he was
incarcerated on Robben Island;

(9) acknowledges that while in prison, our leader, Comrade
Kathrada, pursued his academic studies and obtained a
Bachelor of Arts BA in History and Criminology, a
Bachelor of Bibliography in Library Science and
African Politics as well as two BA Honours degrees

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from the University of South Africa in African
Politics and History;

(10) further acknowledges that he was also awarded four
Honorary Degrees, including one from the University of
Missouri;

(11) believes that uncle Kathy left an indelible footprint
which can never be erased, and a source of wisdom that
will benefit South Africans from generation to
generation;

(12) further believes that his life is a lesson of
humility, tolerance, resilience and a steadfast
commitment to principles; and

(13) conveys its condolences to his wife Barbara Hogan, the
Kathrada family and the African National
Congress.[Applause.]

Mr C NQAKULA: Speaker and hon members of this House, firstly, I
would like to appreciate the space that Parliament has afforded
hon members of this House to pay homage to Ahmed Kathrada, as

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part of our effort to preserve the memory of those who
contributed to the liberation of our country to build a new
nation, one based on new values.

I hope, in deference to Comrade Kathrada, one of the heroes of
the struggle for our freedom and one of the building blocks of
our democratic dispensation, we shall be able to raise his
memory as a mirror to look at our image as members of this
House and scan the country to determine whether we have
succeeded in emulating the freedom fighters of yesteryear, some
of whom laid down their lives for all our people to be free.

―Comrade Kathy,‖ as many among us here used to call him whilst
the younger generation of our people referred to him as ―Uncle
Kathy,‖ was a member of this House in this First Parliament,
working together with our first democratically elected
President, the iconic Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, as the
President‘s Parliamentary Counsellor. As we remember Comrade
Kathy today, let us also declare our solidarity with those who,
in recent times, lost family members in very unfortunate
circumstances visited upon them by natural disasters in the
Western Cape, Eastern Cape, and KwaZulu-Natal. There are areas
of our country that are prone to those types of disasters where

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some of our people‘s lives are taken by floods and fires. These
are national questions that we need to address as a nation,
using our collective wisdom as a weapon to mitigate instances
where our people lose their lives.

We should also extend our deepest condolences during this
period, which we have defined as Youth Month in recognition of
the contribution of our young people to the creation of our new
nation, to the families of those whose children‘s lives were
wasted wantonly by malicious attackers. Such brazen criminal
actions, especially against the girl child, must be condemned
by all peace-loving South Africans and must influence us, as
lawmakers, to discuss strategies and tactics that will
strengthen law enforcement in our country. It is a fact that
the police, working on their own, will not eradicate serious
crimes, like murder, in our country. One of the tactics should
be our united action, working together with the law enforcement
officers of our land across the length and breadth of our
country. We should remember that most murders are committed by
people who are closely related to the victims, and many of them
happen behind closed doors or in isolated areas.

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Let us use our constituency resources – human and material – to
design programmes that educate the communities we serve on how
to keep safe, ensure that, through working with the police, our
communities see the law enforcers as allies rather than
enemies, and build enough confidence to give the police
information on crime and where the perpetrators of crime live.

Comrade Kathy would have done exactly what I am talking about.
Remember, Comrade Kathy was just a high school student, like
the 16 June 1976 cadres, when he mobilised people against Jan
Smuts‘ Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act, Act
28 of 1946. Our people called it the ―Ghetto Act.‖ It was the
―Ghetto Act‖ that paved the way for the birth of the Group
Areas Act, which saw the forceful removal of our people from
their ancestral lands to barren spaces completely unknown to
them, in pursuit of the dictates of the racist policies of the
apartheid regime.

I know there are some South Africans who do not want us to talk
about the past – the past terrifies them. Those whose human
rights were violated through oppression, exploitation, torture
and long periods of detention without trial and those,
including some members of this House, who were forced within

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the context of the skewed philosophy of Bantu education to
learn difficult subjects through the medium of Afrikaans, want
to remember what happened them personally and to their kith and
kin at the height of apartheid colonialism. They want to
remember, as we celebrate Youth Month, the gallant young
students who faced the bullets of the apartheid police on
16 June 1976 but were not cowed, as well as those mowed down by
the callous police. It is part of South Africa‘s history and
must be told and retold over and over again. [Applause.]

These are those, perhaps embarrassed that for years they
supported and voted for the racist National Party, who want us
to airbrush the warts that forced people like Ahmed Kathrada
and other South Africans of Indian extraction, as well as
thousands of other black South Africans, into apartheid‘s
ghettos where they were confined in terms of their tribal
categorisation. We must always remember those things in order
for us truly never to go back to such evil practices.

It is worrisome that now and again racism rears its ugly head
in our country. Gathered here as lawmakers, we should consider
what else we need to do to ensure we decisively move away from
all the negative tendencies that were part of the racial

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policies of the past. Arguing that bygones should bygones and
should not be part of the story we tell our kids is a blinkered
approach to the difficult project of consolidating our
democracy. To argue that we must not talk about Jan van
Riebeeck and what he did to the Khoi and the San is to airbrush
huge chunks from the annals of our history. We have an
obligation to talk about Krotoa and about Dawid Stuurman. We
must remind our people that, once upon a time, South Africans
of Indian extraction were not allowed by law to sleep over in
the old Orange Free State.

Madiba‘s words at his inauguration as President of South Africa
should always ring in our ears, especially these words:

Never, never and never again shall it be that this
beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one
by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of
the world.

We must commend cadres like Ahmed Kathrada for taking up
cudgels to fight on the side of the struggling masses of our
people to free not only the oppressed but the oppressors as
well. As we remember Comrade Kathy today, let us remember also

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that the struggle for our liberation was long and hard. That
democracy finally came to South Africa is a badge of honour for
those countrymen and women who continued to struggle, even when
the odds were bleak and even when the possibility was clear and
present that they might lose their lives. It is pleasing to
remember that Comrade Kathy was among those courageous cadres.

Kathrada walked side by side with the giants of our revolution
simply because, like the Walter Sisulus, the Oliver Tambos, the
Nelson Mandelas, and the Govan Mbekis, he himself was a giant.
When those leaders were arrested and charged in the case that
came to be known as the Rivonia Trial, Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada
appeared with them as Accused No 5. Joel Joffe, the attorney
who managed the defence team led by who Madiba called ―the
indomitable Adv Bram Fischer,‖ described Comrade Kathy as
follows during the trial, as recorded in his book The State vs.
Nelson Mandela: The Trial that Changed South Africa:

Ahmed Kathrada – the only Indian – was younger than most of
the others, still in his middle thirties. He had a sharp
tongue and engaging personality. He struck me essentially
as one of the doers, not the theorisers, of the movement.
Whatever practical job had to be done in this trial,

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Kathrada was willing to do it. He seldom ventured an
opinion, especially on a theoretical matter, unless
pressed, and never took the lead in any discussion. Yet he
held tenaciously to views in many respects at variance with
those of the others. He stated these views quite
uncompromisingly, defending them when pushed to do so, but
always accepted and carried out a majority decision once it
had been reached.

Madiba also reveals in his book Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom
the ―uncompromising views‖ that Joffe referred to and that he
―always accepted and carried out a majority decision.‖ He
writes on the question of his initial engagements with some of
the National Party leaders and Comrade Kathy‘s response:

The last man was Kathy. His response was negative; he was
as resolutely against what I was suggesting as Raymond and
Andrew were in favour. Even more strongly than Walter, he
felt that by initiating talks it would appear that we were
capitulating. Like Walter, he said he was not in principle
against negotiations, and I responded exactly as I had with
Walter. But Kathy was adamant; he felt I was going down the

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wrong path. But, despite his misgivings, he said he would
not stand in my way.

Comrade Speaker, as one of the top leaders of the ANC and some
of the national executive committee members that are here, I
would like to spend the last minutes of my speech to address
you. Firstly, let me remind you that Comrade Kathy had
misgivings before he died about the state of his beloved ANC.
He raised those concerns, Speaker, openly and without fear. He
was doing so remembering, surely, the words of Oliver Reginald
Tambo when he handed over the ANC to the incoming leadership of
the organisation at the Durban conference in 1991:

I have devotedly watched over the organisation all these
years. I now hand it over to you: bigger, stronger –
intact. Guard our precious movement.

We have made miscalculations in the past, as the leadership of
Oliver Tambo‘s movement. Some of these mistakes gave birth to
three parties that have seats in this House: the UDM, Cope, and
the EFF. Today, those parties are part of the opposition to the
ANC in this House and in the various legislatures and local
government councils in the country. That happened as a

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consequence of some of our miscalculations as the ANC
leadership. [Interjections.]

Tambo‘s ANC, Mandela‘s ANC, Walter Sisulu‘s ANC and Ahmed
Mohamed Kathrada‘s ANC is expected to mobilise all resources
possible, human and material, to destroy corruption ...
[Interjections.] [Applause.] ... the ogre that is destroying
our moral values and the biggest enemy of our people.
[Interjections.]

I therefore want to say, as we remember Kathy Mohamed Kathrada,
let us remember some of the things that we need to do in order
for us, truly, to provide the service for our people that will
ensure that they enjoy a better life. [Interjections.] Let us
do all those things that not only must unite the ANC but also
must unite the people of this country so that, as a united
force, we can begin to address our common enemies of
unemployment, of homelessness, of hunger. To that extent, we
should do whatever we can as a united force, involving all our
people wherever they are active, whatever their national and
human endeavours are so that we utilise our collective wisdom
for us to find ways to ensure that our economy grows in order
to address some of the problems our people have.

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Once more, Speaker, thank you very much for creating this space
so that we can remember one of the icons of our struggle –
Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mr G K Y CACHALIA: Speaker, two score and more years ago, we
made a tryst with destiny. I was there, in the ballroom of the
Carlton Hotel, alongside my parents, Yusuf and Amina Cachalia,
when Nelson Mandela thanked South Africa for placing the
nation‘s faith in the ANC of Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo,
Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Ahmed Kathrada. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order!

Mr G K Y CACHALIA: Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada, or Kathy, as he was
affectionately called, understood that tryst. More so, he
fought, all of his life, to give meaning to it. I was
privileged to have known him. He was an activist to the core
and a humanitarian to his very marrow. He gave his all to give
meaning to that much-used and abused phrase, a better life for
all.

A little-known fact about Kathy, imparted to me by my father,
is that he was assured by the stellar legal team headed by Bram

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Fischer, that he had no case to answer and that they could
ensure his acquittal. Kathy refused, and elected to join his
leaders and mentors in jail. There, he sacrificed his freedom
for over 26 years to demonstrate the solidarity of the Indian
people in our common struggle for freedom. [Applause.] Let us
salute his bravery, his sacrifice, his vision and his unfailing
commitment to that quest which he saw to fruition, in that
Carlton Hotel ballroom where that tryst with destiny was made.

In a speech, Nelson Mandela asked the people of South Africa to
hold his government accountable. As Jay Naidoo, the first RDP
Minister once said, ―We had, in our hands, the levers of power,
money in a budget, staff, resources, and the conviction that
this government, by virtue of its democratic election, was the
only legitimate representative of the aspirations of our
people.‖ He added, wryly, ―Any criticism of the government was
seen as a criticism of the revolution.‖

That revolutionary narrative – fed, nurtured and kept alive in
the body of the ANC by the SACP – that South Africa represented
a colonialism of a special type; and that power needed to be
seized from the white colonists – set the scene for the decades
to come. The ―national democratic revolution‖ became the

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interim buzzword of choice, and a black middle class was
created to foster it.

Now, we have the Bell Pottinger refinement of this in ―white
monopoly capital‖ – a smokescreen for racist appropriation,
tribal control and the continuance of crookery. [Applause.] The
theory of the game was that the expropriation of the wealth of
the bourgeoisie – white, then, and black, now – would be just
deserts for their historic and ongoing appropriation.

In his heart, Kathy would have known that this was not the
science of a revolution. He knew it was an apology for plunder.
He knew that this is how the revolution eats itself, time and
time again. I know this. You know this. This is crass elitism
masquerading as social justice. Of course, we need social
justice, but this was bunk and Kathy knew this. If anyone is in
doubt, read between the lines of his memoirs and other explicit
statements he made subsequently.

Kathy knew this in his heart because he had lived history;
because he knew; because he had a reflective integrity; because
he was a mensch. He lamented, too, that liberation has

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actualised a drive for conspicuous consumption. He knew this.
Mandela knew this.

When I raised the issue with Madiba, years ago, he had likened
it to children who had never seen sweets being let loose in a
sweet shop. Witness the radical chic on many of the benches
here. Witness the Breitling watches, the Savile Row suits, the
custom shoes and lavish motor cars and VVIP security paid for
by the taxpayer, as they continue to buy into the vain notion
that socialism will arrive – this frenzy of appropriation
notwithstanding – as long as the right structures are put in
place and the correct measures taken.

Kathy had the moral fibre to see through this. As time went by,
he saw that tryst being trampled and trashed. Moreover, he
understood the inherent contradictions, as did Frantz Fanon,
who said that the curse of post-colonial Africa was the leaders
who took over from the colonialists only to become colonialists
themselves - ironically, colonialism of a very special type.

By March last year, Kathy had had enough. He wrote a letter to
his president, the hon Jacob Zuma, in which he called for him
to step down.

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Kathy‘s struggle credentials are writ large, in blood,
suffering and selfless contribution. On his release in 1989, he
served on the first national executive committee of the ANC
after its unbanning – which is a far cry from the spineless ja
baas [yes, boss] body it is today. [Applause.]

He expressed his pain in writing to the hon Zuma – you, in
absentia, hon Zuma – as a loyal and disciplined member of the
ANC and broader Congress movement since the 1940s. He had
always maintained a position of not speaking out publicly about
any differences he may have had with his leaders and his
organisation. However, on that day in March 2016, he was moved
to break with that tradition.

Echoing the famed lament of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, he wrote:

I did not speak out against Nkandla, although I thought it
wrong to have spent public money for any president‘s
private comfort. I did not speak out, though I felt it
grossly insulting when my president is called a ―thief‖ or
a ―rapist‖; or when he is accused of being ―under the
influence of the Guptas‖. I believed that the NEC would

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have dealt with this as the collective leadership of the
ANC.

However, the record shows they didn‘t and that, sadly and
shamefully, is down to the politics of patronage and complicit
compromise.

These events, Nkandla and more, led him to ask some very
serious and difficult questions. He put it thus:

Now that the court has found that the president failed to
uphold, defend and respect the Constitution as the supreme
law, how should I relate to my president? If we are to
continue to be guided by growing public opinion and the
need to do the right thing, would he not seriously
consider stepping down?

He went on, and wrote: ―I know that if I were in the
president‘s shoes, I would step down with immediate effect‖,
and he appealed to the president to submit to the will of the
people and resign. This is the legacy of a man, a man of
principle, so far removed from the politics of patronage.

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I feel his pain. It was the same pain that I felt when the ANC
left me. Yes, it left me, like it did Kathy and millions of
South Africans – because it has lost its way, irretrievably,
irrevocably and indefinitely. [Interjections.] [Applause.] The
time has come to usher in a change, a change that heralds a
break with the old lie - that those who lay sole claim to the
mantle of victory over injustice have a god-given right to
rule, as they say, until Jesus comes.

In all those years of struggle, Kathy bore witness to the warts
that grew on the body of the ANC, and they were legion: Angolan
death camps, Quatro, the sweep of the Shishita, the Mkatashinga
tragedy, and more. You know this – or, you should! Still he
soldiered on to make that tryst with destiny, that tryst that
has been so shamefully shattered by one man, who has sought to
make South Africa his private fiefdom in the pay of his
ostensible masters, the Guptas.

As I alluded to earlier, however, it‘s not just one man. It is
rooted in the DNA of a flawed model, a model that promises an
unattainable Utopia of sorts, whose chosen path is defective
and riven with contradictions, contradictions that harbour the
very seeds of its own destruction.

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You see, you cannot build a free and open society by following
a game plan that has failed throughout the passage of history;
that has delivered greyness and misery; that has trampled
freedom; that has stifled economic growth; and that has
fostered an elite that feeds on its own body and that of the
nation. Examples abound throughout history, but these are
ignored – and rooted here in the body and the sullied soul of
the ANC. On which side of history do you want to be?

It‘s not the absence of examples. It‘s the inability to heed
the lessons of history and the inability to do the right thing
when called upon to do the right thing.

It is incumbent on us to deliver a prosperous and fair state
that addresses the needs and individual aspirations of all our
people. It cannot be delivered by an organisation that has
passed its sell-by date; that prays to the god of Mammon in its
vain quest to eradicate – nay, to appropriate – the spoils of
Mammon. Let me quote to you Matthew 6:24:

No one can serve two masters; for either he will hate the
one and love the other, or else he will be loyal to the

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one and despise the other. You cannot serve God and
Mammon.

This is the language that Ahmed Kathrada would have understood,
because it is common cause in Islam, as it is in Christianity
and in the hearts of all religions. Hajji Ahmed would have
known from whence it came. It would have resonated with his
understanding, because his values would never have allowed him
to be the handmaiden of Nkandla, of the Zuptas, of the
misreading of history, and of the attempted sale of our nation.
He was a patriot. The ANC of the hon Zuma that left him, that
left me, is the antithesis of that patriotism, of that nobility
of purpose.

Perhaps Gandhi was right when he said of India – and these
words would have resonated with Kathy, who was grounded in
Gandhism:

I have repeatedly said that I have neither any part nor
any say in many things that are going on in the country
today ... My voice is in the wilderness ... mine is a lone
voice. I now say things which do not go home ... Yet, I go
on saying what I believe to be true.

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Gandhi had famously called for the Indian National Congress in
India to be dissolved because it had done its job by ending
British rule. The wise and wizened Mahatma called for a new
organisation to serve the people of India, one that would
eschew corruption. His plea fell on deaf ears, and there, as it
is here, there are none so deaf as those who will not hear.

I share a common history with Kathy: a passage from colonial
India and a family steeped in the struggle against injustice.
We also share a sense of betrayal. Still, I am buoyed by a
conviction that democracy will triumph over time. Gen Obasanjo
knew this, and advised as much in his recent visit - advice
that President Zuma, Mr Mugabe, Sudan‘s Al-Bashir and Zambia‘s
Lungu would do well to heed.

You see, democracy triumphed over India‘s congress and it will
triumph over your congress. Of that, the DA and history will
make sure, as we honour the spirit of Ahmed Kathrada.

Kathy, know this: Your voice is not in the wilderness. It will
ring out loudly in our victory of 2019 when we hallow your
purpose; when we consecrate your spirit.

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Our sincere condolences go out to Barbara Hogan and the
Kathrada family, and not, as the previous speaker said, to the
ANC only, but to the nation and to everybody in this country.
[Applause.]

I know how my mother would have voted. I know how I will vote.
How are you going to vote? I thank you. [Applause.]

Ms N V MENTE: Speaker, revolutionary condolences to Barbara
Hogan, the Kathrada family, South Africans and the oppressed
people of the world. We have indeed lost a giant in our
universal struggle for justice and peace. The EFF and indeed
all South Africans who desire justice are inspired by Uncle
Kathy‘s quest for justice until his last breath. We will
remember him for his fearlessness, humility and his love for
humanity. In 2014 he was on the frontline of one of the biggest
pro-Palestine marches in Cape Town. The EFF urge all South
Africans to continue without fear or favour to oppose and root
out all forms of injustices such as corruption and prejudice as
we strive to build a South Africa and indeed a world that
fallen freedom fighters like Uncle Kathy can be proud of.
Today unlike any condolence motion, the family of Mr Kathrada
was not acknowledged.

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The family of Mr Kathrada was not introduced. You wonder why,
South Africans because the family did write to Parliament and
informed Parliament that they will not be available. As the
EFF, through the Chief Whip of the EFF, we wrote to the Speaker
requesting her to postpone the condolence motion of today until
the family is available to come and honour this condolence
motion but because the ANC never listens, the ANC is failing
us. The ANC has failed Mr Kathrada. It is failing Barbara
Hogan. It is failing the children of this country. Through you
Speaker, Mr Nqakula, you are a very powerful National Executive
Committee, NEC, man; when you stand here and quote all the
leaders of the ANC and the rot that is within the ANC, help us
root it out.

Use your wisdom. Use your powers and root out the corrupt that
is within the ANC which is taking this country of ours down the
drain. We, as the EFF, we stand here today to affirm that, what
Mr Kathrada had wished for is going to come true. What Mr
Kathrada has asked to happen, that Mr Zuma must step down, he
will indeed step down. If I had to quote from yesterday‘s press
statement from the Kathrada Foundation, it says:

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If the National Assembly was serious in its intention
to honour Kathrada, it would not only lend its voice
to the call made by Kathrada and many others – it
would act on it when the motion of no confidence in
the President comes up in the near future.

What will you do to honour, really honour and not grandstand;
you must honour Kathrada and vote against the corrupt President
of the ANC, Zuma. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker, Your Excellency our Deputy
President, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members of
the House, the passing of Mr Ahmed Kathrada in March this year
was a painful moment for our nation. We had lost another of our
liberation icons. He was one of a generation, who fought,
sacrificed and worked to secure the freedoms we enjoy today and
he did so with courage and integrity. We know that his voice
will never be silenced. But we will miss his contribution as we
continue the journey of democracy.

I am honoured to have called Mr Kathrada a friend. We became
close because of our shared love of South Africa. Over eight
decades we witnessed countless milestones and endured endless

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hardships in the pursuit of political liberation. But we were
blessed to be among those who saw liberation achieved, and we
went on to contribute to the strengthening of a fledgling
democracy. Mr Kathrada began his activism for the sake of our
country at a very young age, and continued to seek the best for
South Africa into his twilight years.

His letter to President Zuma, urging the President to submit to
the will of the people, will be remembered as the act of a
courageous patriot. It is evidence of the same courage that he
showed during the Treason Trial and his subsequent
incarceration for 26 years. I am grateful that this generation
can draw on the wisdom and experience of Mr Kathrada, for his
remarkable life and character have been captured in speeches,
interviews and statements. Those who want to know who he was
can turn to film and watch A Man for All Seasons or can read
his own book, Triumph of the Human Spirit.

His legacy will continue to influence those willing to learn
from our nation‘s past. It saddens me though that there are so
few leaders today who are cast in the mould of people like Mr
Kathrada and I pray that more leaders like him will be born
into the future South Africa. On behalf of the IFP, I again

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offer condolences to Mr Kathrada‘s beloved partner, Mrs Barbara
Hogan, to their families and friends, and to the many who still
feel the sorrow of his passing. May Uncle Kathy, rest in peace.
[Applause.]

Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Hon Speaker, Deputy President present,
Ministers, Deputy Ministers, my very own president of the NFP,
Zanele Magwaza-Msibi, hon members, guests in the gallery and
the Kathrada family in absentia. Hon Speaker, on behalf of the
NFP allow me to start by extending our condolences to the
Kathrada family, especially his wife and other members of his
family and also the ANC. I think you have lost a very austere,
commendable and dedicated leader.

We pay tribute to none other than the late Ahmed Mohamed
Kathrada. This is where you differentiate between a politician
and a statesman. He sacrificed his youth, starting his
political career at the age of 12 when he joined the Young
Communist League of SA. He went on to volunteer in the passive
resistance against the Pegging Act in 1941.

At the age of 17 he left school and joined the Transvaal
Passive Resistance Council to fight against the Asiatic Land

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Tenure and Indian Representation Act. I don‘t have the luxury
of time to be able to do justice in informing this House of all
the leadership positions and accolades that the former leader
Ahmed Kathrada had achieved. Suffice to say that he excelled in
everything he attempted to achieve to such an extent that he
was voted as the 46th in the top 100 Greatest South Africans in
2004.

The former leader was on numerous occassions detained and put
on house arrest and was even confined to the Robben Island
Maximum Prison for 18 long years but that did not deter the
leader, he went on to achieve his bachelors degree in history,
criminology and he achieved three other degrees.

What is clear is that our former leader was fondly referred to
as Uncle Kathy. He spent decades of his life either being
imprisoned or under house arrest and this he sacrificed solely
to create a better life for all the people of this country. He
sacrificed his family life, his youth, adulthood and pleasures
so that we could be in this very House today.

Until his very last moment, he pleaded for unity, integrity,
honesty and pleaded that all South Africans should not forget

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where they come from and not forget why such sacrifices were
made. He spoke openly about his dissatisfaction to the state of
affairs in the country, the corruption and the infightings.

If we want to truly pay tribute to our former leader, Ahmed
Mohamed Kathrada, then the least we can do is go back to the
principles and values enshrined in the Freedom Charter. Leaders
like Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada, Yusuf Dadoo, I C Meer, Yusuf
Cachalia, J N Singh, Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, all have
sacrificed their lives so that we and our people can live a
better life.

What we are experiencing today is not what our forefathers
fought for. It is time to pay tribute by going back to our
roots. It is time to go back to the Freedom Charter. It is time
to remember the pain and suffering our former leaders have
endured. Let us not throw this away. Let us come together as
one united nation putting the interest of our people first.

To our former leader Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada, allow me to
apologise for the state of affairs in our country today. May
the Almighty God grant you the highest abode in paradise for
the sacrifice you have made for this nation. I thank you.

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Dr B H HOLOMISA: Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President and hon
members, the UDM appreciates the opportunity created by the
National Assembly to honour this tower of strength and a source
of inspiration to many generations, although it could have been
done earlier and better.

I had the great honour of meeting Kathy and his Rivonia
trialists colleagues in Mthatha in 1989. Their presence and
words during the welcome home rally we organised for them gave
us great confidence to continue supporting the struggle for our
liberation knowing that we were on the right side of history.

During my encounters with this stalwart and others, they showed
courage, humility and dignity, reminding us that any challenge,
however insurmountable it may seem, can be overcome. They were
always attentive, frank and robust when discussing issues.

Again in 1990, his fellow Rivonia trialists converged in
Mthatha to welcome home the late O R Tambo. In the same period,
in the company of the late Madiba and O R Tambo, we discussed,
amongst others, our perspectives on the so-called black on
black violence. In these discussions, I was accompanied by the
current Military Ombudsman, General T T Matanzima and the

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current Force Commander of the United Nations Organization
Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo,
General D M Mgwebi.

We advised the leadership that apartheid government was
negotiating in bad faith and that it was trying to lure the ANC
into a trojan horse. It became clear then to us that the
negotiations between the National Party team led by Niel
Barnard and the ANC team led by the current President of the
ANC, Mr Zuma, failed to plan for the security of the leaders
and the activists.

This was a huge security risk that could have created serious
problems for the success of the negotiations, so we stepped in.
The rest, as they say, is history. But Madam Speaker, this is a
debate for another day. Today UDM offers its condolences to the
wife of Kathy, Ms Barbara Hogan, the family, friends and the
ANC.

Lastly, during his last days, Kathy was deeply troubled by the
conduct of the seating Head of State and could not reconcile
this conduct with values they espoused during the struggle for
freedom. I hope this House, in the not-too-distant future, will

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truly honour him by responding positively to his call on Mr
Zuma, especially after these nauseating emails. May his soul
rest in peace. I thank you.

IsiXhosa:
Sekela Mongameli, nobhala wam, sithi musani ukubacenga aba
bantu bavelayo besitya imali yesizwe, mababanjwe. Fakani
amapolisa kungajongwa ukuba lo udlala eyiphina indima
eluntwini, kuqalwe phezulu - ungeza nakuHolomisa ukuba unento
onayo ngakuye - phaya kuZuma. Mababanjwe aba bantu kuba
balimoshile eli lizwe; musani ukudlala apha.

Dr P W A MULDER: Speaker, Mr Kathrada was a member of the First
Parliament after 1994. I am one of the few members left in this
Fifth Parliament that served with Mr Kathrada in that First
Parliament. We are only about 12 members left in this
Parliament that also served in the 1994 Parliament.

On many points I differed with Mr Kathrada but we also had many
points in common. He was born in the small North West town of
Schweizer-Reneke and I lived in Schweizer-Reneke for several
years. We often shared our memories of Schweizer-Reneke.

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We also shared an attitude of searching for win-win solutions
that accommodate everyone in South Africa, therefore leading to
positive debates.

In that First Parliament the atmosphere was totally different
to what we experience today in this Parliament. As we were
writing the 1996 Constitution, we had weekly discussions and
debates, mostly in small groups, on how we see the future of
South Africa. We were forced to listen to each other and had to
try to understand the other person‘s viewpoints. In this, Mr
Kathrada was a good listener and debater, looking for win-win
solutions.

What did I learn from those days? I learnt that I do not mind
that you criticise me for what I believe in but do not
criticise me for what you think I believe in. I learnt that
from those discussions with Mr Kathrada and his viewpoints.

I miss this in our present Parliament, where we debate each
other without really trying to understand what exactly the
other side said or believes in.

Afrikaans:

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Ek wil dit tog in Afrikaans herhaal. Ek gee nie om dat jy my
kritiseer vir dit wat ek in glo nie, maar ek is uiters
gefrustreerd as jy my kritiseer vir dit wat jy dink ek glo en
wat ek nie glo nie, sonder dat jy ooit moeite gedoen het om
werklik my standpunt te leer ken of my te probeer verstaan.

English:
With this attitude of Mr Kathrada, he invited me to deliver a
speech at the annual Ahmed Kathrada Foundation conference in
2012. The title was, What does unity and diversity mean for me
as an Afrikaner? You can go and read my speech if you want.

Mr Kathrada‘s strongest qualities were friendliness and
humility, but one should not for one minute doubt his iron
resolve to achieve his goals.

When we are young we all have dreams as to how we will change
the world and how we shall put our stamp on it. It is given to
few persons to live out their dreams in their lifetime. Mr
Kathrada succeeded in doing this. Against huge odds he had
realised the vision that he had as a young man.

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Sir, a leader who acts merely to be popular isn‘t a real
leader. A real leader must be prepared to go against the
majority because he or she knows that they are wrong and he or
she must provide leadership to them in doing so. That is not
always easy.

Mr Kathrada was such a leader up to the end where he criticised
leaders that he differed with. No-one can deny the impact that
Mr Kathrada made on South Africa. The reaction following his
death confirms this.

On behalf of the FF Plus, I wish to express my sympathy with Mr
Kathrada‘s family and also with Barbara Hogan whom I also
learnt to know better in those beginning years.

Mr W M MADISHA: Hon Speaker, with the passing of Comrade
Kathrada we come closer to the end of an era; an era of
integrity of leaders in the ANC who stood for honesty, honour,
truthfulness, trustworthiness, sincerity, decency and a strong
and unwavering moral principle.

It is no wonder that Comrade Barbara Hogan used the phrase, ―If
you had ears to hear and eyes to see.‖ It is through our

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conscience that we see and hear; that we become aware of our
deeply held moral principles; that we are motivated to act upon
them; and that we assess our character, our behaviour and
ultimately ourselves against those principles. It is when we
don‘t see and don‘t listen that we become callous. As Comrade
Hogan said:

Mr President, you have sacrificed your people on the altar
of greed and corruption. ... Mr President, if you had ears
to hear and eyes to see, you would have stepped down as
President.

Then, as the ANC Youth League made it clear through their
callous behaviour at the Durban memorial lecture, the ANC has
lost its ability to see and hear; has lost its morality and
integrity; and its moral legitimacy to lead and govern society.

The Kathrada Foundation indicated that they would have wanted
Parliament to have discussed the conduct of the President. In
this way, Parliament could have fulfilled its core obligations
to the people of South Africa and truly honoured Kathrada‘s
memory.

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It was after all the National Assembly‘s failure to hold the
President to account and the subsequent damning judgement of
the Constitutional Court that prompted Kathrada to write to Mr
Zuma, imploring him to resign.

Now that we have not done anything, I want to say that history
will not forgive us altogether. However, as I step down, I want
to thank Comrade Charles Nqakula for what he has said. My
former general-secretary and a leader in the Communist Party,
what you said is great and I think we‘ll be able to go forward.
Thank you very much and thanks Deputy President.

Rev K R J MESHOE: Hon Speaker, even though it is almost three
months since the late struggle stalwart and former member of
this House Ahmed Kathrada passed away, I wish to convey the
condolence of the ACDP to his wife, Barbara Hogan, the Kathrada
family and friends and the ANC.

Ahmed Kathrada, who was fondly known as Uncle Kathy, was a man
of great humility, tolerance, resilience and had a steadfast
commitment to principle.

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Uncle Kathy became politically conscious when he was 17 years
old and participated in the Passive Resistance Campaign of the
SA Indian Congress and was later arrested, banned and placed
under a number of house arrests after which he joined the
political underground to continue his political work. One of
the most agonising and painful things he had to do before he
passed away was to write an open letter to President Jacob
Zuma, asking him to resign.

To honour his memory, there are a few of the issues Uncle Kathy
raised that I will raise this afternoon and I quote:

In all these years it never occurred to me that the time
would come when I would feel obliged to express my
concerns to the honourable President. It is, therefore,
painful for me to write this letter to you.

The position of President is one that must at all times
unite this country behind a vision and programme that
seeks to make tomorrow a better day than today for all
South Africans.

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It is a position that requires the respect of all South
Africans, which of course must be earned at all times.

If not, Comrade President, are you aware that your
outstanding contribution to the liberation struggle stands
to be severely tarnished if the remainder of your term as
President continues to be dogged by crises and a growing
public loss of confidence in the ANC and government as a
whole?

I know that if I were in the President‘s shoes, I would
step down with immediate effect. I believe that is what
would help the country to find its way out of a path that
it never imagined it would be on, but one that it must
move out of soon.

For these reasons, the ACDP supports the call by the Ahmed
Kathrada Foundation for parliamentarians who wish to honour the
late struggle stalwart to put the country first and
wholeheartedly support the motion of no confidence in President
Jacob Zuma, and to speak to the issues that troubled him up to
his last days.

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The ACDP further supports the call by the foundation that said,
and I quote:

The National Assembly has the opportunity, through the
motion of no confidence, to start the process of putting
the country back on track and refocusing on the core
challenges that South Africa faced.

I therefore in emphasis call on all parliamentarians to heed
what the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation requested that to show our
support that we must all support the motion of no confidence in
President Jacob Zuma. I thank you.

Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Hon House Chair, hon Deputy President and hon
members, we extend our condolences to the Kathrada family.
Uncle Kathy was a gentle and yet a radical freedom fighter in
the former years of his illustrious life. He started from the
trenches and rose to prominence when he appeared in the
infamous Rivonia Trial with Tata Nelson Mandela.

He was a man of integrity, a man of truth as if he knew very
well that the truth will always set you free. Uncle Kathy was a
patriot and his patriotism was never unsurpassed. There are

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nagging questions that permeates our society today that
Kathrada would have bothered himself a great deal. He was a
diligent, devoted, a dedicated and always a determined cadre.

In the words of Shakespeare and I quote, ―She should have died
hereafter. There would have been a time for such a word.‖ His
death is not only a loss to his family, but to the nation as a
whole.

Hon Chairperson, South Africa should reincarnate his humour,
his vigour, his sense of awareness and his jurisprudence. He
played his role and those left behind must take leaf from a
good work that Kathrada did. We need people of his calibre. He
actually achieved his greatness because he was not born a great
man. May his soul rest in peace. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M A PLOUAMMA: Hon members and hon Chairperson, on behalf of
AgangSA and myself we are truly and deeply saddened by the
passing of Ahmed Kathrada. Mme Barbara, it is our unshakable
resolve to continue with the legacy of Ahmed Kathrada, his
brevity fortitude against all odds.

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In memory of Ahmed Kathrada, we will continue fighting against
this Gupta economic capital and we will draw inspiration from
your nonracialism and defeat this political cholera spread by
the Guptas and stooges like Jimmy Manyi, Andile Mngxitama and
the ANC Youth League.

Mme Barbara, we know that President Zuma is a proxy of the
Guptas, we know that Uncle Kathy asked him to step down and we
know that he was vilified and his memorial service disrupted.
Mme Barbara, we want to apologise to you and the Kathrada
family. We know that those hotheads of the ANC Youth League,
hooligans of the ANC Youth League have become unholy warriors
of the President and the Guptas. [Applause.]

Hon members, we want to promise Ahmed Kathrada that President
Zuma will have his day in court and pay for his greedy sins and
this Gupta bondage. [Interjections.]

Ms M S KHAWULA: Aboshwe nokuboshwa!

Mr M A PLOUAMMA: It is really painful that warriors like Ahmed
Kathrada, Nelson Mandela and many more have spend most of their
lives for Duduzane Zuma to be richer than some of our

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provinces. [Laughter.] For President Zuma to endorse Gupta
colonisation is a serious assault to our nation‘s character and
for Cabinet Ministers to take orders from foreign forces.
Please Ahmed Kathrada, tell Madiba resign from the ANC branch
in heaven.

The ANC OF President Zuma has become an enemy of your legacy;
it has become a fountain of patronage and a corner of dark
angels.

We will forever cherish your contribution, your wishes will
always be our point of reference and a guiding light when most
ANC leaders have chosen subtle cowardice hiding behind their
stomach and friendship, putting the love of their country
second and loving President Zuma first.

Hon members, Ahmed Kathrada is the hero of this country and we
must always keep him in our hearts. He must guide us day and
knight. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr N T GODI: House Chair, comrades, hon members and Deputy
President, the APC joins this House in paying tribute to the
late Comrade Ahmed Kathrada; a selfless, self-sacrificing

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leader in our struggle for freedom. He served, suffered and
sacrificed for our freedom. As we enjoy freedom, we must always
remember and honour those like Comrade Kathrada who abandoned
personal comfort in service to the nation.

He belonged to a generation of South Africans who in the dark
days of national subjugation rose to the challenge. He,
together with his comrades in the ANC and the Pan- Africanist
Congress of Azania toiled on Robben Island, whilst serving as a
source of inspiration to the struggling masses. Kathrada,
Mandela, Sisulu, Mhlaba, Mlangeni and Motsoaledi were sentenced
to life imprisonment on Robben Island in 1964. They came to
Robben Island and joined Nkosi, Tefu, Malepa, Mthimunye,
Mosemola and Chibane, PAC cadres who had been sentenced to life
imprisonment on Robben Island in 1963.

Remembering Kathrada is remembering where we come from, what we
sought to achieve for our people in freedom, never to betray
the sacrifices of the likes of Kathrada, to do everything for
the people and nothing against the people.

Kathrada‘s generation led us to freedom. What of our generation
in the challenges facing our country. Challenges of integrity

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in public leadership and the need to transform the
socioeconomic power relations inherited from white minority
rule. The majority are looking to us to provide leadership the
same way the likes of Comrade Kathrada did. May his soul rest
in peace. Thank you.

The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Thank you very much
Chairperson. I would like to thank the House in the NA for the
opportunity to pay tribute to Mr Ahmed Kathrada.

I should also say that the Chief Whip spoke to Mrs Barbra
Hogan, and she indicated appreciation and support that this
tribute was being held; and indicated due to a family
bereavement they could not be here today, nevertheless the
tribute should proceed.

Mr Ahmed Kathrada was a true patriot, a faithful fighter, and a
disciplined revolutionary. He is part of a cohort of leaders of
South Africa and the ANC who are exceptional in terms of living
true to the national ideals articulated by and embodied in the
very essence of that which we call the movement of the people,
our glorious organisation the ANC.

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Drawing on the example of leaders such as OR Tambo, Nelson
Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba, Albertina Sisulu,
Lillian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Albert Luthuli, Winnie Mandela,
Peter Mokaba, Chris Hani and thousands others, he shaped his
legacy for South Africa.

Kathrada chose to refuse privilege and comfort in service of
the people and the struggle for freedom. His personal testimony
of life as an activist in his acceptance of the Freedom of
Johannesburg speech confirms the resolute commitment of this
stalwart.

It‘s possible that there are mean and venal observers among us
who seek to deny Kathrada what may be termed a generous set of
accolades but we are fortunate in that we are not interpreting
history - we are referring to direct observations.

The signal ANC document, ―Through the Eye of a Needle‖,
describes the broad requirements of leaderships; and in looking
at Kathrada working closely with his comrades and friends right
through the defiance campaign, the mobilisation for the
Congress of the People, the drafting and adoption of the
Freedom Charter, the promotion of non-racialism by working with

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all revolutionary components of society, participation and
revolutionary sabotage, serving as MK cadre, Rivonia Trialist,
Robben Island prisoner and activist, Uncle Kathy proved to be a
true leader.

And yet, with all these revolutionary credentials Kathrada
reflected the following as set out in ―Through the Eye of a
Needle,‖ and I quote: a leader should lead by example. He
should be above reproach in his political and social conduct as
defined by our revolutionary morality.

Through force of example, he should act as a role model for ANC
members and non-members alike. Leading a life that reflects
commitment to the strategic goals of the NDR includes not only
being free of corrupt practices; it also means actively
fighting against corruption.

Hon members, if we utilise these attributes as a guide for
assessing former hon member Kathrada I believe it correct to
say, he would probably achieve a distinction.
Some may ask, what is the sum total of his national
contribution?

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Well, he is among the many midwives who gave birth to our
Constitution and shaped the many progressive laws adopted by
this Parliament, laws that have resulted in positive changes in
education, health services, access to social services and
support, inclusive sport and housing provision of a scale
rarely achieved in a modern democracy.

Several of us will recall his words at the funeral of our great
icon former president Nelson Mandela, where he said: ―My life
is now a huge void I have no one left to turn to.‖

All of us know that all the Rivonia trialists shared a special
bond of comradeship and friendship, yet none so close as Mr
Mandela and Mr Kathrada.

Strange then that despite this great bond in this House and
seemingly in their personal friendship Kathrada seemed to
expect no special acknowledgement or reward from former
president Mandela.

His was a rare humility, a rare dignity. Again, as is said
―Through the Eye of a Needle‖: leader should seek to influence
and to be influenced by others in the collective.

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He should have the conviction to state his views boldly and
openly within structures of the movement and without being
disrespectful, not to cower before those in more senior
positions in pursuit of patronage, nor to rely on cliques to
maintain ones position.

Kathrada reflected the call that leadership characteristics
should satisfy the goals of our revolutionary democratic
movement, a non-racial and non-sexist national movement, a
broad national democratic movement, a mass movement and a
leader of the democratic forces.

Drawing on these attributes of the movement, the retired former
parliamentary counsellor to the first democratically elected
President of South Africa, continued his life commitment to
nurturing a non-racial society, a task on which all of us
gathered here still have much work to do; including, – we will
remind the hon Cachalia and members of his own party caucus.

As the hon Premier Helen Zille has told us in the public
domain, there are members who are treated differently in their
party because of skin colour, and that the remarks she made on
colonialism hon Cachalia, reflect what many black members have

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said without sanction in her own party – not my words, those of
the hon Zille. [Applause.]

So Kathrada held the strong belief that it is possible to
support young people to develop non racialism and this must be
pursued with young people from all racial groups, all
backgrounds and all classes, if we are to achieve the ideals
espoused by our movement.

Thus for him the principles of the ANC were not for
regurgitation, they were a map for a practical political life.
Again, he reflected the following drawing from through ―Through
the Eye of a Needle‖: a leader should win the confidence of the
people in her day to day work.

Where the situation demands she should be firm and have the
courage to explain and seek to convince others of the
correctness of decisions taken by structures even if such
decisions are unpopular.

She should not seek to gain cheap popularity by avoiding
difficult issues, making false promises or merely pandering to
popular sentiment. Uncle Kathy chose the difficult issues of

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our times, rejecting racism, empowering youth and giving them
hope in the future and where needed was ready to say that which
may not be popular.

He would be the first however to chastise us for trying to make
him a saint, he did not suffer fools or pomposity kindly, he
had a wicked sense of humour and could be sharp and pointed in
expressing disappointment and displeasure. His World Policy
Autumn 2012 contribution does exactly that.

There is much for us as members of the movement to draw on as
lessons, a lot for us as public representatives to learn and
copy. We need to ask ourselves, whether in our daily, rather
petty disagreements and name calling in this House, do we
deserve the mantle of the inheritors of this legacy.

Are we doing all that is possible to serve the people? We all
collectively work really hard in and outside the House, work
that is in service to the people, and in the pursuit of
revolutionary ideals or has self service become predominant to
the exclusion of national service?

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We as members of our glorious movement have been bequeathed a
wonderful organisation. We in the ANC can multiply its
greatness or muddy it. We have too our incredible Constitution,
a robust democracy and still thriving democratic institutions.

How do we together make them serve not our idiosyncratic
selfish ends but the people of South Africa, especially the
most marginalised downtrodden and excluded?

I suspect Uncle Kathy would pose this question, reminding us of
the immense power for good we hold in our hands, urging us to
work together for the greater good.

I hope, hon members, we will reply to him one day soon, and
that that reply will allow him, and those we owe a massive debt
of gratitude and service, to finally rest in peace. We would
say to Uncle Kathy, you must rest in peace. Qhawe lamaqhawe.
[Applause.]

However, we would honour him greatly if that resting in peace
would be accompanied by our energetic attention to those issues
that gave him the greatest concern.

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That young people all through our country would be supported
and empowered to be non-racial. That indeed, we would accept
that we must change the structure of our economy so that those
who are excluded are included and not excluded from
opportunity.

That we would change our view of each other, and not believe,
that every black person of means is a corrupt crook - because
that in itself is racist and dishonest. [Applause.]

We would also hope that what we would do is take on the most
difficult of the challenges that confront our society; and that
we would work within this Parliament to ensure that together we
resolve those challenges.

The task that Comrade Kathrada and those who work with him took
on was not to further separate our nation, rather their
intention was to draw us together in order to ensure that we
use our presence in a democratic institution to build a new and
very different society.

The time has come for us to ask in this Parliament how often do
we mention ourselves and when do we talk about the condition of

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our people and how we use our muscle in this House to change
their condition and not to insult each other.[Applause.]

The legacy of Uncle Kathy serves as a model for each of us as
Members of Parliament and leaders in our society. We should as
the hon Shaik-Emam has said remember this man of distinction by
honouring his legacy and by serving our people as he wanted.

If you look at his writings and all his speeches, in at least
two of the paragraphs in every speech and every essay he wrote,
seeks the opportunity of education for young people.

We should be making sure that all children in our country enjoy
this particular opportunity. We have done well but as he would
remind us we have not gone as far as we should go.

We should work hard to eradicate racism as this House as was
the task of the foundation that he established. We should draw
young people closer to us as leaders in South Africa to imbuing
them the values and spirit so well exemplified by Comrade
Kathrada.

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As has been said by the hon Mulder just a few of us remain and
I am well as told hon Mulder that I ‗m an old woman and I
should go by the gawping that I get from the left of not the
left; but I think it is absolutely wonderful to have been able
to have the opportunity to ... [Interjection.]

Mr D W MACPHERSON: [Inaudible.]

The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Oh you know you are
fully aware of who says it. Don‘t say who says it. It is your
very Chief Whip, more than once.

We have had the opportunity to play a significant role in
laying the basis for shaping a new society. What the hon former
member Ahmed Kathrada has left us with is the challenge of what
do we do with this foundation - that‘s it! Do we fundamentally
alter our society or do we use our time here merely to cap at
each other and fail to build a transformed South Africa. ―Hamba
kahle qwawe lamaqhawe‖. Rest in Peace Comrade Kathy.
[Applause.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Ms M G BOROTO): That concludes the
speaker‘s list on this matter. I take it that there are no

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objections to the motion being adopted. Will members please
rise to observe a moment of silence in memory of Mr A M
KATHRADA? Thank you very much. You may take your seats.

The presiding officers associate themselves with the motion.
The condolences of the House will be conveyed to the Kathrada
family.

Hon members, the parliamentary communication service has
published a book titled ―Mourning a leader, celebrating a
legacy,‖ which pays tribute to the work of the late Dr Ahmed
Kathrada through anecdotes and memoirs captured during his life
time. Members will be given copies of the book as they leave
the Chamber. [Applause.]

SPEEDING UP LAND REFORM BY USING THE LIMITATION CLAUSE IN THE
CONSTITUTION TO BYPASS THE FAILED ‘WILLING SELLER, WILLING
BUYER POLICY
SUBJECT FOR DISCUSSION (Mr S C MNCWABE)

Mr S C MNCWABE: Hon Chairperson, Deputy President, hon Speaker
and hon members, in 1913 with the Native Land Act coming into
effect, millions of South Africans lost their land with a

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stroke of a pen. This time the dispossession was not through
war but through the law. It had been the signal moment when the
historic dispossession of the African people had been formally
consolidated on a nationwide basis in terms of express racist
illegal title. The majority of our people were restricted to
live in a mere 7% of the land, which was increased to 13% in
1936, forming the nucleus of the Bantustans which was to give
effect to the repressive policies of apartheid government.

Ultimately, after 1913, 15% of the population owned 87% of the
land. It is this injustice that has to be addressed, and the
NFP believes that it will be just and equitable to similarly
reverse this process of dispossession through law and not war.

Land restitution is not just about rebuilding houses and giving
back farms; it is about pain, loss and acknowledging the human
suffering of people who were dispossessed. Moreover,
restitution is not just about returning land; it is about
restoring dignity and identity and ultimately simply having a
place that one can call home. Government has during the past 23
years made efforts to implement land reform process through
legislation and other means but the results are not very
encouraging. Initiatives such as the willing-buyer, willing-

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seller has failed to deliver real tangible progress. One of the
serious challenges facing the implementation of the land reform
programme related to incoherent institutional transformation.

There are in our view, two major obstacles to successful land
reform. Firstly, the entire process has ground down to a
snail‘s pace because of administrative delays and bureaucratic
red tape. The second obstacle is financing the land restitution
programme and process which has drained the fiscus of almost
R42 billion thus far, of which half was used for compensation.
Such a continued drain on the fiscus is not sustainable and has
to be addressed.

The question we are now facing is how do we proceed, how do we
balance the need for ordered land reform with the impatience of
our people who have been waiting for so long. We take our cue
from Justice Albie Sachs who said during a recent form party
lecture delivered as part of the Oliver Tambo Centenary Series
―I believe that the realisation of the full potential of the
Constitution as presently worded would make radical and
sustainable land redistribution imminently achievable‖.

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Following the statement of Justice Albie Sachs, the answer to
effecting equitable and just land reform lies in the
Constitution as it is worded right now without having to resort
to the drastic measure of amending the Constitution.

The NFP believes that it is time for government to consider
invoking section 36 of the Constitution, which we know as
Limitation Clause, to address the constitutional requirement of
compensation for Expropriation of Property contained in section
25 (2)(b) in general and by implication, section 25 (3) in its
totality. We are of the opinion that by invoking section 36,
the state could meaningfully limit compensation and address one
of the major obstacles to land reform being the prohibitive
financing costs which are estimated to be in the range of R180
billion to settle the existing land claims. This figure will
escalate to ten-fold once the unconstitutionality of the
Restitution of Land Right Amendment Act is addressed by this
House to facilitate a second round of land claims and a cost
which fiscus will simply not be able to absorb.

In conclusion, having placed our proposal on the table, the NFP
is looking forward to hear the views of our colleagues in this

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House in the spirit of our national quest to find ways to speed
up the land reform. I thank you.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM: Hon
Chairperson, people of South Africa, all protocols observed: It
is my view that when dealing with such matters it is of
paramount importance to start from the beginning. The question
we are debating today is not only emotional but also sad in a
sense that our forebears had to pay with their lives in defence
of their own land as well as in defence of their cattle and all
belongings.

The arrival of the white settlers in the South Africa in 1652
brought about the denigration of the indigenous people of this
country. Therefore, it is important to indicate that when
dealing with the history of land dispossession, which has been
the subject of critical contestation amongst the people of this
country, it becomes crucial to cite the history of resistance
and wars waged by our people against the white colonial
settlers.

Before 191, the African people under the leadership of their
traditional leaders fought fierce wars against the white

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colonial settlers whose only intentions was to dispossess them
of their land and livestock. These dispossessions of the
African people of their land spread like wild fire in the
continent of Africa, resulting in many wars fought by the
people in defence of their land.

This inequality is also evident in ownership patterns. Land,
property and human capital remain heavily skewed in the hands
of a minority while the majority continue to strive for a
better life. It was for this reason that the democratic
government is introduced measures to arrest these imbalances
and to provide redress to those who were dispossessed of their
land through discriminatory laws and/or practices.

This resulted in the restitution programme of government, which
derives its mandate from section 25 of the 1996 Constitution,
and is central to the government‘s vision of ‗radical
socioeconomic transformation‘ of the country. The Commission on
Restitution of Land Rights has over the years continued to
restore land to various individuals and communities to reverse
this legacy.

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The overall progress regarding the redistribution of white
owned agricultural land in South Africa, amounting to
82 million hectares, from 1994 is such that there are
4,8 million hectares under Land Redistribution through 5 337
projects amounting to more than R12 billion. A 3,4 million
hectares is the land acquired through a Restitution Programme,
totalling to 8,2 million hectares, which is 50% of the National
Development Plan target, NDP target, of 20% as set to be
achieved by 2030.

Benefitting under the land reform programme, in a form of
groups, individuals and black emergent farmers obtaining grant
well as land acquired under leasehold are 293 137 beneficiaries
benefitted: Of which, 67 985 are women; 34 641 are youth; and
689 are people with disability.

Of the 4,8 million hectares, over 760 000 hectares are
redistributed mainly for the purpose of settlement through
Settlement Land Acquisition Grant, Slag, while 840 000 hectares
is redistributed for municipalities under Commonage Grant,
COMG. Furthermore over three million hectares of land is
redistributed mainly for agricultural purpose through Land

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Redistribution for Agricultural Development, LRAD, and
Proactive Land Acquisition Strategy, Plas.

The introduction of a land reform programme created the
possibility for communities and larger groups of persons to
control land on a communal basis. This necessitated the passing
of the Communal Property Association Act of 1996. There are
currently 1 513 communal property associations, CPAs, which
have been registered countrywide.

The enormous resources that are normally at the disposal of
these entities tend to manufacture factions and conflict that
eventually renders these entities dysfunctional. The Communal
Property Association Act is currently being amended with a view
to strengthen control mechanisms and establish a proper
registrar of CPAs.

Currently, the department is processing more than 20 000 labour
tenant applications that were lodged. In the Medium Term
Expenditure Framework, MTEF, period the department plans to
settle 6 434 labour tenant applications which will award 28 100
hectares of land. The department will settle all the claims

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other than those that will be referred to the courts in the
next five years.

The State Land Lease and Disposal Policy, SLLDP, is one of the
policies meant to provide land access to the previously
disadvantaged with a view to address poverty, unemployment and
inequality. This policy identifies women as a special priority
group within the main target groups. In all this that I have
mentioned, we still have got a good story to tell. You can go
to Limpopo, in the Ravele restitution projects , where this
community is coming back home with R10 million annual turnover.
[Applause.]

You can go to Nkanini restitution project in KwaZulu-Natal,
where there is training unemployed youth with matric
qualification in sugarcane production. You can also g to
Mpumalanga, at Matsafeni restitution project where these
communities are exporting fruit to far places, such as Russia.
All three have succeeded in driving away the frontiers of
poverty among their communities by providing jobs and skills
for their people. These are amongst the many achievements that
are there.

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The former president of the ANC, Oliver Tambo, addressing the
world consultation of the World Council of Churches in 1980,
had this to say, and I quote:

What was arrogantly described as a civilising mission in
South Africa was in fact the genocidal destruction of the
Khoi and the San people, the land expropriation of the rest
of the indigenous people, the obliteration of their culture
in all its forms, the application of a consistent policy for
the impoverishment of the black people and their
transformation into labour units for the enrichment of the
coloniser and the political domination of the majority by a
white settler minority.

I thank you.

Mr K P ROBERTSON: House Chair, hon members, this very house has
been instrumental in designing a constitutional framework on
land reform and redress. This framework was drafted and adopted
by some of the most astute politicians of our time. The
framework was adopted on the basis of its transparency,
fairness and practicality but mostly based on addressing the
imbalances of the past.

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We know the Constitution is sound and that policy
implementation is clearly the problem, so why does this motion
not speak to the implementation of policy? Instead it deflects
attention away from the failures of the ANC and their various
departments in provinces. Surely a logical and progressive
approach would be to engage with another political party
capable of its implementation before attempting to amend the
constitution?

Hon House Chair, despite the political rhetoric which is being
used in an attempt to force a wedge between the private sector
and the poor, there is still great enthusiasm from the private
sector regarding agriculture and land transformation. There is
not one agricultural union in SA that is against land reform
and that is against addressing the painful wrongs of the past.
This is how far we have come as a nation. The private sector is
of critical importance, as it proves that not only do they have
the will to assist emerging farmers, they have the expertise to
transform redundant land into commercial powerhouses.

In Amsterdam Mpumalanga, there is a farmer who has undertaken
to mentor neighbouring emerging farmers. They were left
desolate and poverty stricken by the state after the

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finalisation of a claim. He undertakes this at his own expense.
These emerging farmers are guided in the intricacies of maize
farming, soil analysis and more importantly, they benefit
financially from his mentorship.

Another example is Grain SA who have undertaken to plant 4000
hectares of maize on designated one hectare one household land,
this, to the benefit of the community and the economy. Four
thousand households will benefit from this initiative.
Together, we must grow our economy. If we restrict the private
sector participation, there are harsh realities that lie ahead.
As currently there are thousands of state-owned farming
implements and tractors that were bought to assist emerging
farmers that now stand broken or unused in the fields; an utter
incompetence from the ANC departments.

The DA will prioritise land ownership for beneficiaries. We
will prioritise mentorship and we will ensure that our most
rural areas are exposed to the economy and that they contribute
positively toward it. In a DA government we believe that
freedom, fairness, opportunity and accountability - the
beneficiaries of land reform will be a priority and their

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success is something DA takes very personally. I thank you.
[Applause.]

Mr M S MBATHA: Good afternoon, House Chair, our people do not
want charity. Our people want ownership of their land. The very
same democratic order was supposed to understand that the
difference between apartheid and the future democratic state
was the return of the land to its rightful owners, to restore
the dignity of our people and the ANC unfortunately missed this
understanding, just like it has missed so many other things,
when in particular coming to issues that pertain to the
oppressed.

When we came here in 2014 we made available to the ANC our six
percent to enable the ANC to go through all the legalities, but
the legalities would have never helped you because far beyond
the legalities, there is what you call political consciousness.
You need the will, you need the zeal to take a decision to take
land back to its rightful owners without compensation and for
that you will not need the EFF to keep on reminding you, you
need to remind yourself of why, in the first place, your
forbearers were involved in the wars of resistance.

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Returning the land to its rightful owners requires a bold
political decision. This is the kind of decision that has been
missing for the past 23 years. This debate today is misplaced.
It assumes that to possibly speedup land reform through the use
of the limitation clauses in the Constitution is the best of
ideas that you have today.

As the EFF we believe that expropriation of land and all its
mineral wealth without compensation is the answer. Returning
our land without compensation means that we recognise and
accept that in the first instance our land was stolen through
the barrel of the gun and thus through many years of resistance
and the wars fought throughout the corners of our country, that
our people even though they were not able to win back their
land, the defeat they suffered meant that when you become a
democratic state, you have to return: The psychological defeat;
landlessness, and; many other things that they suffered.

As the democratic order your obligation was to return the
dignity of the people, to effect socioeconomic justice that
would have been paramount to your cause of making your
Constitution democratic. Today our people are left with the
Constitution. They cannot eat the Constitution. They cannot

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settle in the Constitution. They cannot progress in their lives
using the Constitution. We need the land to settle. We need the
land to farm. We need the land to maintain our sovereignty, to
provide food security and many other things which attack our
people today. One of the biggest nightmares of our people is
impoverishment. Poverty did not visit them during apartheid; it
has visited them now more. You have no solution to this except
returning their land and make them to work on their land and
make them to be resistant to poverty and to be resilient to
their own fight for self sufficiency.

The nature of the beast is that it will take the ANC another
100 years to return 80% of the land. By that time you will
almost be not in power because your laziness to decide on many
other things could possibly force our people to make sure that
you go out of power quicker than you ever imagined. Thank you.
[Applause.]

Mr M HLENGWA: Chairperson, the systematic dispossession of land
belonging to the indigenous peoples of this country over
hundreds of years and the subsequent land reform process which
is only two decades old, will still take many years to resolve.
Land reform remains an imperfect policy as we still grapple

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with the fair and successful process thereof. In terms our
Constitution, government must effect land reform but within the
parameters of the rule of law.

Chairperson, we can all agree that land reform has performed
poorly. Its stated objective being the alleviation of poverty
and inequality of many has fallen far short of the mark. The
few that have benefitted have in many instances been the wrong
people. Agricultural land that was once productive now lies
fallow. This is in part due to weak post-settlement
agricultural support systems, no real market access, to much
focus on subsistence farming, lack of adequate funding models
and too great a reliance on the land market.

The willing buyer willing seller model in which expropriation
and redistribution takes place is only one part of the equation
though. The IFP has always called for a broader view to be
adopted, from expropriation to redistribution to successful and
sustained use of the land. The land reform issue requires a
holistic approach to solving its many and varied challenges.
Colleagues, there is no quick fix to this problem.

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The topic we are dealing with today, specifically deals with
Section 25 of the Constitution and circumventing the willing
buyer willing seller process by seeking to invoke the Section
36 limitation clause therein. The IFP therefore emphasises
section 25(8) which clearly states that:

No provision of this section may impede the state from
taking legislative and other measures to achieve and, water
and related reform, in order to redress the results of past
racial discrimination, provided that any departure from the
provisions of this section is in accordance with the
provisions of section 36(1).

Chairperson, Land reform therefore must be seen as part and
parcel of our nation building and reconciliation
responsibility. All South Africans must benefit from this
process but the process must be just, fair and equitable.

The IFP continues to advocate for a model that ensures means of
fair and just expropriation with compensation. Yet restitution
will not help, if it is amongst other things, unaccompanied by
a viable economic programme of farmer education and training,
resourcing, continued support and supervision.

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Finally, hon Chairperson, really land grabs must be stopped and
the police must do everything possible to arrest those people,
otherwise we breed a culture of lawlessness, criminal activity
because if we handle the land question recklessly, then we run
the risk of descending into an unnecessary state of violence.
So, the police must shape up or ship out. Thank you.

Prof N M KHUBISA: House Chairperson, hon Deputy President,
Ministers, hon members, the application of the Limitation
clause to section 25 of our Constitution should be given
serious consideration if we are to address the fiscal strain of
Land reform.

Earlier, my colleague identified two major obstacles to
meaningful land reform, namely financial considerations, and
the administration of the process.

This year alone, an amount of R10,3 billion — which represents
32% of the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform‘s
budget over the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, MTEF — will
go towards settling land claims.

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In a reply to a question from the NFP, the Minister of Rural
Development and Land Reform listed the following as reasons for
the backlog in the processing of land claims. Firstly, research
that is complex because of multiple overlapping rights;
secondly, claims that were in court not being processed fast
enough; thirdly, land owners challenging the validity of
claims; fourthly, disagreements between the claimants and
beneficiaries on settlement options or entities to hold the
land on how financial compensation is distributed; and,
finally, untraceable claimants who the department is trying to
locate.

Several of these issues relate to the administration of the
land reform process and have to be addressed with serious
intent if we are to make speedy and meaningful progress in
returning the land to our people.

Another issue which needs urgent attention is the prevalence of
corruption which has seeped into the land reform process. Land
reform deals often involve inflated prices that enrich the
elite. Earlier this year, the Sunday Times reported on a
Limpopo farm that the agriculture Minister allegedly lined up
for two ANC cadres who had neither an ancestral claim to the

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land, nor any agriculture experience. The deal cost
R130 million of public money, while 31 farm workers went unpaid
and a productive farm fell into disrepair. Similarly, the much
acclaimed Mala Mala land claim deal cost taxpayers R1 billion
and yet the beneficiary community has not seen any benefits and
remains in deep poverty.

Having said that, I want to say that transfer of skills and
rendering of support to beneficiary communities are absolutely
critical for a successful land reform process. The NFP believes
that such programs of assistance are of crucial importance if
we are to have meaningful land reform.

The NFP does not accept the killing of farmers. We totally
abhor anarchy and totally condemn it. It takes our country back
and does not assist us or social cohesion.

In similar vein, I must point out that the NFP abhors the
abuse, harassment, torture and killing of farmworkers. Those
kinds of things are disgusting and must not happen in our
country. The removal of people from their land is unacceptable.
In all the provinces this is happening. Even around the corner,

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here in Woodstock and Khayelitsha, that is happening. The
department must investigate that. Thank you.

Mr M L W FILTANE: Chairperson, on the debate about section 36
of the Constitution, I want to state categorically, up front:
forget about buying back our country. This is just not the way
to reverse the effects of the wars of dispossession.

Even if you had wanted to buy back the land, you would anyway
not have enough funds to do so, especially after the floodgates
were opened by the then Minister of Home Affairs when he
recklessly allowed the granting of South Africa citizenship to
the Guptas.

Isixhosa:
Hayi ke emva koko baye bazenzela kwimali yeli lizwe, yaphela
akusokuze kubekho nale yokuthenga.

English:
Now, South African-born citizens have neither the money nor the
land off which to live.

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Then there is the issue of the pre-1913 dispossessions. We
shall not give up on our cry for the inclusion of those large
parcels of land in the list of parcels to be ...
[Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Filtane, please take
your seat. There is a point of order. On what point are you
rising, hon member?

Mr M S RALEGOMA: I rise in terms of Rule 85, Chairperson. The
member here has said ... He knows what he has said.
[Interjections.] He must substantiate because I‘m rising on the
point of Rule 85.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, I will
follow up on what he said. Thank you. [Interjections.]

Mr N L S KWANKWA: Point of order, Chair. Can you please
reprimand the hon member? He can‘t rise on a point of order on
an issue he cannot remember! [Interjections.] [Laughter.] It is
a frivolous point of order which wastes my member‘s time.
Please!

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you, hon member.
The mere fact that he talks about Rule 85 ... that‘s why I say
I will consult Hansard to determine what he said and will come
back. Continue, hon member.

Mr M L W FILTANE: Thank you very much. We won‘t give up on the
pre-1913 dispossessions. We shall not support any legislation
that excludes those acres of our land. The landless indigenous
citizens of this country must not continue to be excluded by
the current Zuma administration.

The state has so much land in its possession. Why not release
that land to the landless? This government has made a direct
contribution to the junk status in which this country finds
itself. It does so by failing to come up with a clear citizenbenefiting land policy. Little efforts like the one-family,
one-hectare and one-family, two-cows policies will not dent the
poverty faced by so many, so much so that the department has
not even attempted to do estimates of the socioeconomic impact
of such measures. They are that negligible!

Was this Constitution crafted mainly to protect minority rights
or to give more rights to the majority? Thus far it has given

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very little meaningful rights to the majority and more
meaningful rights to the minority. Look at the economy if you
do not understand what I mean by that. The government is
scraping the barrel in order to feed the landless. Food parcels
are an example.

This government is even failing to efficiently manage the land
in its possession. We are sitting with Public Works today ...
it‘s just poor, poor, poor! Blacks continue to trade on street
pavements, in the open or in shacks and caravans in the country
of their birth. They have no land on which to put up decent
business infrastructure.

I guess it would take this administration 20 years before it
could put up something like the Mall of Africa. They would be
debating and debating.

The period from 1994 was supposed to be the best of times for
the landless, but it has turned out be the worst of times.

Wake up to the challenge. The sun is about to set in 2019 and
your days will be done forever.

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We have reached a point at which this government is dead
against the state of South Africa. The government cannot
deliver to the state — which is the citizens, the land and the
people of South Africa. The Zuma administration must go! Thank
you.

Afrikaans:
Dr P J GROENEWALD: Agb Voorsitter, ‘n mens kan sien dat in 2019
daar ‘n verkiesing is wat in Suid-Afrika gaan plaasvind. En ons
kan nou al sien dat die hooftema vir daardie verkiesing grond
gaan wees. Want daar is ‘n kompetisie tussen die ANC aan die
een kant, en die EFF aan die ander kant om te kyk aan wie hulle
die meeste beloftes kan maak in terme van grond.

English:
Let me put it quite frankly: If anybody in South Africa thinks
that you take the land without compensation, you are living in
a dream. [Interjections.] Let me put it quite frankly to you:
If you want to start a civil war in South Africa, do that!
[Interjections.] Do that!

And I told you before ... [Interjections.] ... I told you
before, that ... don‘t misjudge ... [Interjections.]

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Afrikaans:
Die HUISVOORSITTER (Me M G Boroto): Agb Groenewald, asseblief
...

English:
What are you rising on, hon member?

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: I am rising on a point of order.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): In terms of which Rule,
hon member?

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: The Rule that establishes point of order. You
know what the Rule is. But the point of order is, he can‘t
stand there and threaten civil war for a radical programme of
land occupation. It‘s not parliamentary to threaten civil war.
If you want civil war ... [Inaudible.]... don‘t threaten it
here.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you very much. I
think, hon member ...

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Mr N F SHIVAMBU: You must never threaten civil war. You know
nothing about war

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, thank you!
Your point has been made. Thank you. [Interjections.]

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... and you must never, ever threaten war in
this Parliament. Please!

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, your point
has been made and I agree with you, but I will get advice and I
will return. Thank you.

Hon member, it is unparliamentary to do that. Continue.

Dr P J GROENEWALD: Chairperson, I will continue. You must
listen carefully to what I said. I said, if you are going to
continue with this, that is going to happen in South Africa.
[Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Groenewald, I have
already ruled on that. Can you continue? [Interjections.]

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Afrikaans:
Dr P J GROENEWALD: Ek wil ook vir die agb lid van die ANC sê
... wat u sê, dat al die grond deur oorlog gevat is ... gaan
lees u geskiedenis. Daar was baie stamkapteine, selfs konings
wat grond gegee het aan die Voortrekkers. Hulle het dit nie
gevat nie. Hulle is gegee vir daardie mense in Suid-Afrika.
[Tussenwerpsels.]

As u die ekonomie wil vernietig, dan moet u voortgaan met
hierdie tipe ... [Tussenwerpsels.]

English:
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Groenewald, please
take your seat for a while. Yes, hon member?

Mr H P CHAUKE: Chair, is the member willing to take a question?

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Groenewald, are you
willing to take a question?

Afrikaans:
Dr P J GROENEWALD: Voorsitter, ek het net drie minute. Ek het
nie nog tyd om te mors op vrae nie!

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Die HUISVOORSITTER (Me M G Boroto): Hy is nie bereid nie.
Dankie, agb lid.

Dr P J GROENEWALD: Kom ek sê vir u so, agb Voorsitter. Die
mislukking van grondhervorming is nie as gevolg van die
beginsel van vrywillige koper en verkoper nie; die mislukking
is as gevolg van onbevoegte amptenare, en as gevolg van
korrupsie wat plaasvind met grondhervorming. Tans is daar meer
as 20 000 plase op die opemark, waar die prys tot selfs 20%
goedkoper is as gevolg van die droogte.

Daarom, om die beginsel van vrywille koper en verkoper te wil
gebruik as ‘n verskoning, sê ek vir u, mislei u uself. Kry
skoon administrasie. Boere is bereid om te help. Hulle is ook
gereed vir mentorskap. Hulle gee dit reeds. U maak nie gebruik
van die welwillendheid van die boere nie, spesifiek as dit kom
by landbougrond.

Ek maak klaar.

English:

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I want to say to the hon members of the EFF: maybe you still
have to learn what I have forgotten about war. Thank you.
[Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you. Hon Carter.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: But, Chairperson ...

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, why are you
on your feet?

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: I want to call a point of order on this
warmonger. [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, you are ...

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: He‘s again threatening war. He can‘t just
steal our land and then he threatens war here.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, please don‘t
continue, because you will also implicate yourself. I am going
to follow up on what he said just now. Thank you.

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Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Okay. We must not be taken for granted.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you, hon member. I
will get advice on these utterances that were made.

Ms D CARTER: Chairperson, as former Deputy Chief Justice,
Moseneke, put it;

Our constitutional democracy was forged under unbelief
division, past injustice and economic inequality but on the
hope for reconciliation, nation building and cohesion. It
contains our joint and minimum ideological and normative
choices of what a good society should be. It enjoins the
state, all its organs to take reasonable steps without undue
delay to achieve that good society.

Our constitutional designers are empathetically transformative.
It is meant to migrate us from a murky and brutish past to an
inclusive future emanated by values of human decency and
solidarity. It contains a binding consensus on us or a
blueprint of what a fuly transformed society should like.

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The important issue of land was – according to Moseneke –
foremost at the time of the formation of our Constitution. The
property clause is emphatic; that those dispossessed of
property as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or
practices are entitled to the restitution of that property or
to equitable redress, that those whose tenure of land is
legally insecure as a result of past racial discriminatory laws
or practices are entitled to tenure, which is legally secure or
to comparable redress, that property may be expropriated for a
public purpose or in the public‘s interest which includes the
nations‘ commitment to land reform and that state must take
reasonable legislative and other measures within its available
resources to foster conditions which enable citizens to gain
access on land on an equitable basis.

The Constitution does not protect property ownership. It merely
protects an owner against arbitrary deprivation. Deprivation
that is not arbitrary is permissible. The property clause does
not carry the phrase ―willing buyer willing seller‖ which is
often blamed for an inadequate resolution of the land question.
The state‘s power to expropriate does not depend on the
willingness of a land owner. The compensation may be agreed,
but if not a court can fix it - and must fix it - the

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compensation must be adjusted equitably and not necessarily the
market value of the land. A market price is but one of the five
criteria the Constitution list for a court to set fair
compensation.

As Moseneke points out, the misrepresentation of the
Constitution in this regard has two political functions; first
is to deflect responsibility for the failure to achieve
meaningful land reform after apartheid away from the ANC, and
secondly, is to do so in a manner that present the
constitutional order as an impermeable barrier to the
realisation of popular aspirations which are both legitimate
and urgent. It is this that is most worrying.

From a state capture project it is evident that there is a
predatory elite intent on delegitimizing our constitutional
order. When the land question is folded into active attempts to
affirm and extend the reach of traditional authority, it is
equally easy to argue that the demand for justice is being
misused to shore up a shift towards undemocratic and
unconstitutional modes. Thank you. [Time expired.]

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Ms C DUDLEY: Madam Chair, the ACDP acknowledges the fact that
distribution of land is closely linked to whether or not
economic development actually addresses the scourge of poverty
in a society and is acutely aware of the need and for
importance of a successful land reform process in South Africa.

The limitation clause we are debating today in terms of
speeding up land reform provides for all rights in the Bill of
Rights to be limited in terms of law of general application. As
these limitations however, must be reasonable and justifiable
in an open and democratic society based on human dignity,
equality and freedom it could well be part of the solution.

The ACDP notes former Deputy Chief Justice Moseneke's
reference to the property clause as radical in both spirit,
letter and his comment that government has so far failed to
test the radical transformational reach of the idea of
compensation for expropriation being based on the just and
equitable principle and not exclusively on the basis of market
value. The ACDP was encouraged by hon Cronin‘s caution that
expropriation without restraint and compensation will be
exploited. We just need to look across the Limpopo to see who
the main victims are when this happens. The same black majority

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who have been oppressed in the past; black workers, the urban
and the rural poor, the chronic food shortages and the sky
rocketing food prices.

While the concept of revenge seems sweet to some, it will be a
bittersweet pill if past injustices are not addressed in the
manner that ensures growth and jobs. South Africa - we are told
- needs growth of 6% of GDP, gross domestic product, a year
plus increased investment and employment if want to
significantly reduce poverty. Interventions that undermine
property rights will only create instability and discourage
investment, the very investment needed to create opportunities
for employment and entrepreneurial activity to stimulate the
economy.

The ACDP view is that fair compensation would demand that the
market value is an important consideration but must be weighed
against factors listed in the Constitution which would include
the history of the property and the purpose for which it is
required. In addition to retaining the safeguards in the
Constitution for all who live in South Africa, the ACDP
believes it would be wise to have the issue of compensation
dealt with by a dedicated valuations court to assess and sign

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off on all compensation linked to forced expropriation in line
with the Constitution. Protection of property rights is
essential to individual and collective prosperity and it is
also essential for political freedom and we appeal to this
House to ensure that they are not eroded.

Apartheid restrictions on African land and home ownership were
among the most damaging aspects of past racial discrimination.
Since these restrictions began to crumble in 1975 and were
finally abolished in 1991, African ownership of houses, land,
and other assets has finally been able to grow and has done so
exponentially. We must ensure that growth is not undermined.
Thank you.

Ms T MBABAMA: Chairperson, the black parties must unite on this
issue. We cannot fight about nothing. A single law should be
developed to address the issue of land restitution without
compensation. The necessary constitutional amendments will then
be undertaken to effect this process. Madam Speaker, and hon
members, these words were spoken by none other than the
President of the country - the not so honourable Jacob Zuma –
in his address to the council of the traditional leaders on the
... [Interjections.] of land ...

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Mr B A RADEBE: I am rising on Rule 84. The member has just
referred to President Zuma as ―dishonourable‖ I think that is
desperation.

Mr H P CHAUKE: Point of order too. The point that I want to get
clarity on, Madam Chair, did I hear it proper and correct that
the member said that black parties must unite on the land
issue? Did I hear it proper from the DA that black parties must
unite on the land issue?

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): That one I will not go
to, let me respond to the point of order by the hon ...

Mr H P CHAUKE: Okay, I will wait for a while.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Okay, hon member, I will
listen and come back to you. I will not ... [Interjections.]

Mr M L W FILTANE: Point of order, Chair!

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Mbambane.

Ms T MBABAMA: Mbabama!

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Sorry, my sister for ...
Mbabama. Okay, I will come back to you. Continue with your
speech.

Mr M L W FILTANE: Comparative speech is not a denial of the
honourability or otherwise of the President. She has just said
―... not so honourable ...‖ still honourable. Thank you.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, please, take
your seat. We did not ask for your clarity. That is not a point
of order. Continue, hon member.

Ms T MBABAMA: My first words were a quotation from a speech by
President Zuma when he spoke to the council of traditional
leaders on the slow pace of land reform. This was from a man
who was supposed to be honouring the legacy of Nelson Mandela;
for a prosperous, non-racial and non-sexist democracy that
belongs to all South Africans.

This directly contradicts the stance that was taken by the ANC
in Parliament. There is no doubt that the land reform under an
ANC government has failed dismally due to reasons ranging from
gross incompetence of officials, rampant corruption in

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determining monetary value, supporting copy paste business
models and rent-a-crowd policies in land reform. The ANC as a
governing party is divided on the way forward and rapidly
losing votes. The President of the country believes in one
course of action while his parliamentary caucus believes in
another.

The ANC is deeply divided and President Zuma recognises this,
is desperately trying the populist route of using ...

IsiXhosa:
Nks T MBABAMA:
... intlungu yabantu abangenamihlaba ukufumana iivoti ngokuthi
athembise ngezinto azaziyo ukuba azisoze zenzeke.
[Kwaqhwatywa.]

English:
The Democratic Alliance does not believe in expropriation
without compensation and blaming the ―willing seller willing
buyer‖ to take the attention away from government failure is
not the thing to do. What we - as the DA - believe in, is to
immediately legalise land tenure in the former TBVC, Transkei,
Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei, states. All rural residence

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and farm dwellers to have security of tenure, government
support to be tailor made to include the rural poor in the
mainstream economy either through successful small holdings or
through ownership of successful agribusinesses.

The land audit is to be fast tracked and completed to conduct
land reform in such a manner that the property values of land
that are redistributed to the poor do not lose their market
value. Destroying the value of the land destroys the value of
what is redistributed. The ANC may be abandoning its non-racial
rules under President Zuma, but the Democratic Alliance is a
home for all; irrespective of colour, creed and sexual
orientation. We believe in freedom for people to make their own
choices on their own land, fairness in the redistribution
process and opportunities for all. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr H P CHAUKE: Chair, with respect I stood earlier and I
thought that you will make a ruling on the point that I have
made that ... [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, that was a
question of clarity that you were seeking. It was not a point
of order.

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Mr H P CHAUKE: ... that black parties must unite.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Yes, that is how I heard
it but I don‘t think it is a point of order, you can just find
it out.

Mr H P CHAUKE: Okay, black parties must unite.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, thank you
very much! It has nothing to do with us.

Mr M WATERS: Chairperson, may I address you. To help the hon
Chauke, the fact of the matter is that the hon member was
quoting the President. Actually they are quoting your
President.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, please, I
did not ask for clarities from you.

Dr C Q MADLOPHA: Hon Chair, all protocol observed, the Freedom
Charter:

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Our people have been robbed of their birth right to land,
liberty and peace by government founded on injustice and
inequality that our country will never be prosperous or free
until all people live in brotherhood, enjoying equal rights and
opportunities, that only a democratic state, based on the will
of all the people, can secure to all their birth right without
distinction of colour, race, sex or belief.

Firstly, section 25 calls for security of tenure, ownership, in
cases where the colonial and apartheid legacy of the past has
left millions of South African‘s, and women in areas of
communal land tenure, for instance, with insecure property
rights.

Secondly, section 25 empowers expropriation in the public
interest. It defines public interest and including the nation‘s
commitment to land reform and to reforms to bring about
equitable access to all South Africa‘s natural resources; and
it also adds property is not limited to land. I will confine my
input to the matter of expropriation as it concerns the
Constitution as well as the Expropriation Bill, which is
currently being considered by the House of Traditional Leaders.

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The first word of self-criticism, as the ruling party, we have
failed to fully utilise the powers granted by the Constitution
for purposes of land expropriation. We have allowed the alien
and nonconstitutional language of willing seller, willing buyer
to creep in and dominate the discourse of land reform.

This has resulted in major distortions in the market as
government demands for land for restitution and redistribution
artificially drives up prices so that sellers are effectively
over compensated for land. The general framework for
expropriation is outlined in section 25 of the Constitution,
which provides that property may be expropriated only in terms
of a law of general application, and that no law may permit
arbitrary deprivation of property. The Constitution further
determines that expropriation may only occur for a public
purpose or in the public interest and subject to payment of
compensation.

The review of the 1975 Expropriation Act became necessary to
ensure consistency with the spirit and the provisions of the
1996 Constitution, in particular the equality clause, the
property clause, with the need for just administrative action
as well as, to extend the purpose for expropriation to include

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public interest. Amongst the main changes in the Compensation
in terms of 1975 Act is determined primarily on the basis of
market value.

Section 25(3) of the Constitution, however, requires that just
an equitable compensation be paid and that such compensation be
determined by having regards to relevant circumstances, without
placing undue weight on any single factor and I quote:

Relevant circumstances, include —(a)The current use of the
property, the history of the acquisition and use of the
property, the market value of the property, the extent of
direct state investment and subsidy in the acquisition and
beneficial capital improvement of the property, and the purpose
of the expropriation.

The implications of these are very clear that the concept of
‗willing-seller, willing-buyer‘ was never enshrined in the
Constitution, nor in the policies of the ANC, and that market
value is the only one amongst many factors to take into account
when calculation just and equitable compensation. That is why
the Constitutional Court held that the purpose of section 25
has to be seen both as protecting existing private, property

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rights as well as serving the public interest, mainly in the
sphere of land reform, but not limited thereto and also as
striking a proportionate balance between these two functions.
In recognising property as a social construct, the
Constitutional Court has held that individual property rights
are not absolute, but subject to societal considerations.

The Expropriation Bill does not interfere with the powers of
existing expropriating authorities. Rather it ensures that
procedures for all expropriations are uniform, consistent with
the Constitution and fair to all parties. Thus the Minister of
Rural Development and Land Reform already has the power to
expropriate property emanating from the Restitution of Land
Rights Act, Act 22 of 1994; the Provision of Land and
Assistance Act, Act 126 of 1993; and the Extension of Security
of Tenure Act, Act 62 of 1997.

The important contribution that the Expropriation Bill will
make in governments land reform programme is to provide
certainty and guidance to all parties on the process of
expropriation. That includes the organs of state, land reform
beneficiaries, property owners and financial institutions.
Thus, the bill facilitates a clear and streamlined process

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which is fair and provides protection to all parties in line
with the Constitution.

Having said this, and as the Constitution states: ―the will of
the majority must prevail.‖ We are also very clear that the
land that was acquired through illegal means and is being used
for illegal purposes will be expropriated without compensation.
It is also important that we need to be sensitive and
responsible when we are dealing with these matters as, as this
is part of addressing the injustices of the past. I thank you,
Madam Chair. [Applause.].

Mr S M JAFTA: Hon Speaker, in debating this motion, there are
pressing and critical questions which underlie the scheme of
land reform in our post-apartheid constitutional settlement and
arrangement. Let us then critically slaughter a few sheep. Has
the current government been able to dismantle the spatial
patterns of apartheid? Has land development achieved rural and
urban justice and equity? Have we achieved land restitution
within the pretext of land reform? Have we aggressively
empowered women and their immediate families against illegal
evictions? In other words, have we secured land tenure of our
people against illegal deprivation and eviction of property?

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In his Steve Biko‘s 13 Memorial Lecture in 2012, Ben Okri
confronts us to address the most pregnant and philosophical
questions facing humanity. With hindsight, the land reform
debate is but one such question. Hon Chair, the process of
reconfiguring the scheme of land rights in South Africa has
succeeded in legislation. In implementation, however, it has
stalled. The government has introduced a number of unhelpful
legislations.

Hon Speaker, under the currency of these laws, rural hunger has
amplified, illegal evictions in commercial farms have
skyrocketed, shack settlements and shanty towns have increased;
the spatial planning introduced by apartheid has not been
dismantled. The land restitution measures have not inculcated
subsistence food producing and farming and have not addressed
rural and urban injustice.

This motion, hon Chair, envisages that, by using section 36 of
the Constitution the limitation Clause, the land reform project
can be achieved. This approach is problematic. We cannot
problematise the question of land reform. Our long-standing
view on this matter is that land reform is possible outside the
framework of the limitation clause. It is even surprising that

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this route is proposed when it‘s very provisions are clear
that, in liming the rights in the Bill of Rights, there should
be evidence that there existed no less restrictive means to
achieving the intended purpose. Our take is different therefore
... [Time expired.]

Afrikaans:
Mnr T C R WALTERS: Agb Voorsitter, voordat ek begin wil ek net
noem dat ek hoop geen party probeer deur populistiese
oorlogspraatjies stemme wen in hierdie Huis nie. Dit is
goedkoop en onverantwoordelik.

English:
The Democratic Alliance welcomes this debate because it allows
us to highlight the true reasons why the ANC government has
failed at delivering land reform.

It is a moot point that land reform in South Africa has not
succeeded. The department‘s own past figures have shown that
anything from 73% to 90% of government-run land reform projects
have failed. Billions of rands have been spent in propping up
failing projects, with no reliable measurements in place to
tell us whether this expenditure is in fact succeeding.

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It is also a moot point, as underlined by the Constitutional
Court, that this ANC government reopened land claims without
any intention of budgeting for this. Not even outstanding
claims, dating from before the reopening of land claims, were
properly budgeted for.

The ANC‘s recent fanfare around speeding up land reform is also
not borne out by the budget that was just approved, with less
than 2% of the government‘s expenditure in the Medium Term
Expenditure Framework being spent on Land Reform.

Millions of hectares of communal and state-owned land lie
fallow and are dead assets to the desperately poor households,
already living on it and engaging in agriculture.

Of course, no discussion of ANC government failures is nowadays
complete without referring to the ANC‘s key policy objective —
corruption. We see from forensic audits springing up and
complaints being made that state capture has its tentacles
firmly in place in tenders and strategic partnerships around
land reform, begging the question: ―Who are the true
beneficiaries of land reform?‖

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It needs to be stated unequivocally that Land Reform went wrong
not because anyone was out to sabotage or derail, or because of
the willing-buyer, willing-seller principle or because of some
third force, but because of government failure, plain and
simple.

There exists enormous societal goodwill to assist government.
It is not beneficiaries that are at fault but rather poor
government support and the fact that government refuses to
transfer land to beneficiaries. By refusing to give
beneficiaries title deed, a cap is placed on the financing that
could be raised to increase production. A ceiling on wealth
creation for the poor is put in place.

And no, it is not like the Minister said the other day; the DA
does not own the banks. In fact, any study of banking
executives will show significant ANC sympathy there. Where is
Maria Ramos nowadays?

There is not a single agricultural union that does not support
land reform, but yet government keeps blaming commercial
farmers, often in racial terms, for its failure.

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The DA has repeatedly challenged the ANC government to emulate
its successes in transferring title deeds to the poor and
driving successful share equity schemes. We will support
successful land reform and show it in deeds.

In terms of this motion, it is necessary to briefly deal with
the truism that the willing-seller, willing-buyer principle is
the reason for all of the above-mentioned failures.

It not this principle that reduces the supposed beneficiaries
of Land Reform projects to unpaid workers without property
rights on taxpayer-subsidised state farms that are milked dry
by cronies of the ANC.

It is not this principle that leaves the rural poor in former
homelands without title deed on the land they have farmed for
generations. The rural poor are deliberately kept in poverty to
lock them into voting for the ANC.

It is not this principle that delays the purchase of land from
existing budgets at reasonable prices, but rather endless
delays in the process, driving up the costs and therefore, the
price of sellers.

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It is not this principle that limits a transforming
agricultural sector‘s stability. It is not this principle that
fails to provide much needed jobs in a sector currently
shedding jobs.

It is not this principle that allowed extension services to
decay. It is not this principle that allowed the Agricultural
Research Council to decline. It is not this principle that
prevents suitable financing for emerging farmers.

It is not this principle that limits investment opportunities.
It is not this principle that mismanaged drought relief. It is
not this principle that runs agricultural colleges into the
ground. It is not this principle that fails to take workable
proposals from organised agriculture, Communal Property
Associations and land reform beneficiaries on board.

Attacking the willing-buyer, willing-seller principle, when the
Constitution clearly provides a framework when it gets abused,
is nothing but a Houdini act, to escape a looming appointment
with voters who increasingly know the truth.

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The Democratic Alliance has shown that a cohesive policy, based
on our Constitution and guided by our principles of freedom,
fairness and opportunity, can make land reform a success. The
real problems in Land Reform are really addressed there.

Land reform can be a much needed opportunity to reverse the
decline of a farming sector, injecting new ideas, people and
investment into a key job-creating sector. It has shown that a
success rate of between 60% and 80%, even without national
government largesse, is possible. Imagine what we could do if
we controlled all levels of government.

The DA believes in rapid expansion of property rights to the
poor, to give all South Africans a stake in the economy. We
believe in leveraging the goodwill of society in voluntary
partnerships, to destroy poverty and create jobs. We believe in
our progressive Constitution that guarantees just land reform
for all South Africans. We are the only party that truly
believes in property for the poor. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF PUBLIC WORKS: Thank you Chairperson, hon
members and fellow colleagues. The land question in South
Africa is a deeply emotive issue, and rightly so. It‘s

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something that clearly the hon Groenewald doesn‘t understand.
I‘m sorry that he‘s absent from the House. I think it‘s
something that particularly white South Africans, whether they
are right-wingers or red like me, need to appreciate and
understand.

The history of colonial and apartheid genocidal dispossession
wasn‘t just theft. It was genocidal dispossession of land,
livestock, crops, livelihoods and the enslavement of the Khoi
and San people — those that survived the genocide. All of this
has left a deep and lasting scar on our society. It underpins
the continued racialised crisis of poverty, inequality,
unemployment and social distress that a great majority of our
people feel.

It‘s not just about land, as the hon Mncwabe and the hon Mbatha
have said. It‘s also about restoring dignity, a sense of
identity ... the basic rights of citizenship ... belonging to
the place in which you live.

However, what is the land question in 2017 and how do we
address it? Two weeks ago the KwaZulu-Natal land claims
commission office complained that of the 110 claims settled

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last year, over 60% were settled in cash and not in land
compensation. KwaZulu-Natal‘s land restitution support chief
director, Adv Bheki Mbili, said it was:

a general problem across the country. ... Many of the
claimants already have small pieces of land and some don‘t
even live in those areas where their forefathers were
removed from. Some say to us that they don‘t want ... the
risk involved if they ask us to buy them these huge pieces
of land that will go out of production.

Adv Mbili went on to say that:

The problem with this is that if you look at the outcome
of the first phase of the land audit, the amount of land
that it is private land, particularly that is owned by
white people in this country is still in the region of
between 70% and 80%. We can only change the land ownership
pattern if people opt for restoration. If they opt for
financial compensation, the pattern stays the same. If you
take the money you don‘t dent the problem that currently
exists.

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An HON MEMBER: What do they want?

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF PUBLIC WORKS: Clearly there is a
disjuncture between what the public official regards as the
problem and what the people, namely the claimants, regard as
their problem and therefore their solution.

In the 1950s when the East German government expressed
disappointment at the conduct of the people, the Bertolt Brecht
ironically suggested that if the government was unhappy with
the people it should dissolve the people and elect another. Now
I‘m not suggesting that Mbili should dissolve the people and
elect another.

However, I‘ve even heard some colleagues suggest that we should
amend the land restitution legislation to compel claimants to
take land and not cash. Now, we need to think what it is that
we are trying to do collectively as South Africans; not just as
the ANC, but as South Africans in general. Obviously, land
restitution is only one dimension of what needs to be a broader
land reform programme. Yet, what the majority of land
restitution claimants are telling us is that for many; probably
for the majority of them in fact, it‘s not a question of a

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simple return; of a straightforward restoration; of a going
backwards to pre-1913 ... pre-whatever.

To build a nonracial, egalitarian and inclusive society, as the
ANC but also as a country, we have to go forward, and I would
say radically forward. Therefore, where I strongly agree with
the NFP in introducing this topic for debate is that a marketdriven solution, which is to say the willing-seller, willingbuyer approach to the land question and to many other
questions, will simply not work. The market is not what the
followers of Adam Smith would have us believe. It‘s not a zone
of perfect freedom in which buyers and sellers interact on
equal terms, trading to their mutual benefit and for the good
of all. There are huge inequalities in the market, especially
in a society like South Africa.

If we attempt to introduce serious land reform and land
transformation in our country, a market-driven, or if you like
a willing-seller, willing-buyer approach, is likely to result
either in little progress or in large-scale failure. Why? First
of all, a willing-seller, willing-buyer approach is likely to
result in a patchwork of farms acquired for land reform,
depending on what comes up on the market for purchase.

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However, land reform for agriculture requires effective,
planned and consolidated interventions to enable new farmers or
existing small farmers to have a chance of success. This means
state-led upstream and downstream market support. It means
appropriate irrigation, water rights, fencing, agricultural
extension offices, veterinary and crop services, and logistics
infrastructure. A piecemeal approach simply makes these
critical interventions impossible to consolidate and therefore
to afford.

Of course, the market might deliver a more consolidated batch
of willing sellers under circumstances, and this was what was
rather cynically suggested by the FF Plus earlier this year,
and again hinted at today by the hon Groenewald, when they said
that the drought — they said this in February — was a good time
to scale up the willing-seller, willing-buyer land reform
programme, ie what they were saying was that government, at
public expense, would bale out drought-stricken white farmers
and settle new farmers on parched land. Frankly, that‘s the
height of cynicism.

Successful land reform programmes like that in South Korea,
which was the foundation of its subsequent remarkable

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industrialisation, are about scale and about unleashing
productivity, and also as many have said, the determination and
clarity of what you are trying to achieve.

In South Africa, with some 64% of our people urbanised and with
ongoing urbanisation accelerating very rapidly, the land
question is significantly, perhaps even primarily, an urban
issue. Yet, we know that the property market in our urban
centres ... just in rural areas creates huge barriers to entry
and to inclusion for the majority. These barriers are just as
severe as the apartheid-era group areas, forced removals and
pass laws.

This is the general context in which we need to approach the
subject of today‘s debate. Is our 1996 Constitution and
specifically, as is implied in the topic for debate, is clause
25, the property clause, an impediment to achieving effective,
meaningful, sustainable land reform, both rural and urban? Can
the blockage, again as is implied in the topic for debate, in
clause 25 be overcome by invoking clause 36, the so-called
limitation clause?

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Well, let me first of all appreciate the intention behind the
hon member from the NFP who has introduced this topic because
what he‘s trying to do is to say, how can we advance land
reform, which we need to do, but within the bounds of the
Constitution?

However, well intentioned as the topic is, it‘s misguided and
it‘s barking up the wrong tree. There is absolutely no reason
to sneak around clause 25 and invoke clause 36. In the first
place, as many other speakers have already said, there is
absolutely no willing-seller, willing-buyer requirement in the
property clause in section 25. In fact, you won‘t find a single
reference to willing-seller, willing-buyer throughout the
entire Constitution.

What is to be found in the property clause is the requirement
that in the case of expropriation, just and equitable
compensation must be paid. However, the property clause is very
clear. Compensation is not based simply on market value. The
hon Carter said this correctly. The hon Madlopha also explained
this nicely. The property clause allows for expropriation in
the public interest which it explicitly defines as: ―the
nation‘s commitment to land reform‖, and not just to land

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reform, ―and reforms to bring about equitable access to all
South Africa‘s natural resources.‖ That‘s very far reaching;
very radical.

What is more, clause 25 has its own limitation clause even
before we get to clause 36. Clause 25(8) reads: ―No provision
of this section‖, the rest of the property clause, ―may impede
the state from taking legislative and other measures to achieve
land, water and related reform, in order to redress the results
of past racial discrimination.‖

In other words, the compensation provision in the property
clause cannot be used to impede land reform; genuine and wellintentioned land reform. Therefore, I would argue that
compensation could in circumstances be merely a token. It needs
to be paid but it could be a token. So I don‘t think that
compensation is the real hurdle to effective land reform. We
have already noted that hundreds of millions of rand is being
spent in the land restitution programme for instance, to pay
cash to claimants and not to purchase land.

It should also be noted that in the past the state has simply
been taken for a ride. We have heard a lot about the good will

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of those facing claims and so forth but there‘s lots of bad
will as well. The terrible and notorious case is of course the
MalaMala Game Reserve which cost, as another speaker mentioned,
R1 billion for restitution.

In 2014 this Parliament passed the Property Valuation Act
which, amongst other things, established a state valuergeneral. Instead of relying on the private sector to value
property and to be taken for a ride as has been happening in
the past, the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform
now has its own state valuer-general. According to Minister
Gugile Nkwinti, that office has already saved the public purse
R84 million on what would otherwise have been paid out for
farms.

What is more, the courts are ahead of many politicians sitting
here in Parliament. In July last year, the Land Claims Court
heard a case in a land claims issue brought by a Mr Philemon
Msiza whose father had been a tenant farmer. When the dispute
over payment finally reached the Land Claims Court last year,
the farm owner‘s expert valuer from the private sector, the
well-meaning, well-intentioned private sector, said the market
value of the portion of land claimed was R4,4 million. The

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state valuer-general said no, its R1,8 million. Very
interestingly, the Land Claims Court brought the figure down
even further to R1,5 million. The wording of its ruling is very
noteworthy. It argued that a just and equitable price is not
the same thing as a market price. Moreover, in its ruling it
argued that in assessing price in cases of land reform, market
value must not be given more weight than other factors listed
in section 25 of the Constitution. Again, as other speakers
have alluded to, these other factors include the history of the
acquisition of the property, its current use and the purpose
for which it is now being intended.

Interestingly, but not surprisingly, during the portfolio
committee hearings on the Expropriation Bill, the DA and the FF
Plus argued exactly contrary to what the court has now said.
They argued that, yes okay, market value is one of the criteria
but it needs to be the most important criteria. Why should we
be surprised that that was their argument?

What about the EFF? Now, first of all let me appreciate the
reasonable, as always, tone that hon Mbatha adopted. I think
that helps, unlike the hon Groenewald who really is not helping
the issue at all by coming out in the way that he did. But you

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know the EFF‘s position on this matter is actually a remarkable
achievement. Let me say that. It‘s a remarkable achievement. It
manages to be both consistent and at the same time incoherent.
It says it wants to give the ANC its parliamentary votes so
that we can change the Constitution to allow for expropriation
without compensation; yet, while they are saying it they are
giving their votes to the DA in metros — the very DA that wants
compensation to be determined largely on the basis of market
value. Go figure! On the other hand the EFF ...
[Interjections.]

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: On a point of order Deputy Speaker: I think
Jeremy I comparing apples and bananas.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, that‘s a political issue. It‘s
not a point of order.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Yes, but he‘s comparing two things. We are
saying six ... [Inaudible.] ... and we are fighting against ...
[Inaudible.] ... against the ANC.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, it‘s not a point of order. Hon member,
it‘s not a point of order. I‘m switching off this.

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Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Don‘t confuse things. You must focus chief.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, don‘t do that.

Mr B A RADEBE: On a point of order Deputy Speaker: The Chief
Whip of the EFF called Comrade Jeremy on first name terms, as
Jeremy. It‘s not in compliance with Rule 82. He must correct
that please.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu, what I do want to address you
on is, please listen to the presiding officers when they ask
you to obey the rules. You don‘t. You speak even when advised
that your point is not a point of order. Then you name and you
speak to the speaker here as if you are talking outside the
House. It‘s not okay. It‘s incorrect and you persist in doing
that. Proceed hon member.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF PUBLIC WORKS: Thank you Deputy Speaker.

Ms H O HLOPHE: Order Deputy Speaker.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What are you rising on hon member?

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Ms H O HLOPHE: A point of order: I just want to remind hon
Jeremy that in Kannaland they voted with the DA as well. Don‘t
have a short-sighted memory.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Hlophe, can you withdraw that? Call the
speaker mr or hon.

Ms H O HLOPHE: I said hon. You don‘t listen Deputy Speaker.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you are out of order. Take your
...

Ms H O HLOPHE: I said hon. I said hon Jeremy Cronin, the former
deputy secretary of the SA Communist Party. In Kannaland the
ANC voted with the DA. So, I‘m reminding him of the fact.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Oh, okay. Hon member, take your seat. Go
ahead hon member.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF PUBLIC WORKS: I‘m glad that at least I
woke up the EFF. They were fast asleep. So on the one hand they
offer us votes but they vote with the DA but on the other hand
the EFF says that the present government ...

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Ms H O HLOPHE: Hon Deputy Speaker, order. I think he must
withdraw that because it‘s unparliamentary. We are not sleeping
here. It‘s only ANC members who are sleeping in Parliament, not
us.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Hlophe, take your seat.

Ms H O HLOPHE: No, he must withdraw.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Take your seat. Proceed hon member.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF PUBLIC WORKS: On the other hand, the EFF
says that the present government is kleptocratic but it wants
to change the Constitution so that the same government can
expropriate without compensation. Go figure!

We don‘t need to change the Constitution but we do need to
expedite the long-delayed Expropriation Bill which the
President has sent back, but strictly on procedural grounds.

Above all, we need to drive a sustainable rural and urban land
reform programme that cannot be about hitting mechanical quota

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targets for their own sake. A radical land reform programme
must be about productive lives, about sustainable livelihoods,
about food security for all, about not just a new class of
commercial farmers but also about sustainable livelihoods and
sustainable communities for those living in communal land
tenure dispensations.

It must be about mixed use, mixed income human settlements on
well-located land and, yes indeed, it must be about the release
of well-located state land for human settlement occupation,
including Department of Public Works‘ land.

The Constitution is not an impediment to these objectives. In
fact, it is a clarion call to achieve these goals. [Applause.]

Mr S C MNCWABE: Chairperson, hon members thank you for
participating in this debate. While, we acknowledge that we
might differ on how to approach the Constitution on this
matter, but we are happy that all of us, we are saying the land
issue must be addressed. It is long overdue. Our people have
been waiting for so long. We really appreciate that.

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Hon Deputy Minister Dlamini, I agree with you that the land
problem started when colonisers arrived in our country.

IsiZulu:
Izimpi eziningi zaziliwa ngamakhosi akithi namaqhawe akithi,
babengalweli ilungelo lokuvota noma ilungelo lokuya
ePhalamende. Babelwela ilungelo lokuvikela umhlaba wabo umhlaba wobab‘omkhulu. Ungabe ukhuluma ngeqhawe uBhambatha
kaMancinza noma inkosi uLangalibalele Hadebe wesizwe samaHlubi
noma ukhuluma ngo-King Hintsa ka kaKhawuta wesizwe samaXhosa,
noma inkosi uSandile wesizwe samaXhosa, noma ukhuluma ngempi
yaseSandlwana konke kwakusegameni lokubuyisa umhlaba wesizwe
sakithi nobukhosi.

English:
But I am very disturbed with you, hon Groenewald. You must be
born again. You must be born again, if we want our land; we
want our land - full stop! [Applause.] You cannot come here and
say we are inviting the civil war. Our forefathers died for
this land. [Interjections.] If you speak of the civil war, we
are not scared. We are ready because that is what are our
forefathers died for. [Applause.] We must remind you, hon
members, that for us going up and down in the corridors of

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power, but have not addressed the land issue the blood and
bones of our forefathers are still crying. [Interjections.]

IsiZulu:
Igazi lobab‘omkhulu lisakhala ukuthi siyobabuyisela nini into
abayifela.

English:
The land issue cost them their lives. So, hon Groenewald don‘t
even go there, because we are ready for that. We will follow
our ancestors in addressing the issue of land.

IsiZulu:
Ungazosisabisa ngento enayintshontsha. Ngempela ngempela
akufanelanga ngabe sikhuluma ngokuthi kufanele kukhokhwe.

English:
I agree with you, hon Mbatha. Sometimes ...

IsiZulu:
... indaba yokwemali nemali ekubeni into yakithi yantshontshwa
ngesibhamu kufuneka sikubeke eceleni. Uma befuna isibhamu ...

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English:
... we are ready. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon remembers, order!

Mr H P CHAUKE: Chair, Chair ...

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: yes, hon member.

Mr H P CHAUKE: The member forgot to speak about the Ngungunyana
kamanokuza in Soshangane.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, no, Chauke. You can continue that
outside.

DEBATE ON AFRICA DAY: BUILDING A BETTER AFRICA AND A BETTER
WORLD

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION
(Mr L T Landers): Hon Deputy Speaker, hon members, this debate
takes place after the successful celebrations of Africa Month
in May 2017. Pan-Africanism will serve as the foundation for

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today‘s debate, during which we will demonstrate our commitment
to its ideals and values.

Allow me to begin by paying homage to the Namibian struggle
icon and anti-apartheid activist, Herman Andimba Toivo ya
Toivo, who passed away at the age of 93 in Windhoek, on Friday,
9 June 2017. Cde Toivo ya Toivo joins his fellow Pan-Africanist
peers and our founding fathers in that better place.

Herman Toivo ya Toivo, who served 16 years on Robben Island in
the same section as Nelson Mandela, was a co-founder of the
South West Africa People‘s Organisation, Swapo. He was a PanAfricanist of note and will be remembered for his tireless
struggle towards Africa‘s and Namibia‘s struggle for
emancipation. He is credited with fostering unity during the
difficult times in our continent‘s history. We use this
occasion to express our deepest condolences to his family, to
Swapo, and to the people and government of Namibia. The
accolade, ―giant of the struggle‖, does not even begin to
describe Cde Toivo ya Toivo. Hamba kahle [go well], Cde Toivo.

The genesis of our Pan-Africanist ideology and movement was in
response to colonisation of the African continent and our

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resolve to work towards a shared future as Africans. Prof
Adekeye Adebajo, Director of the Institute for Pan-African
Thought and Conversation at the University of Johannesburg,
describes Pan-Africanism thus: ―Pan-Africanism can be defined
as the efforts to promote the political, socioeconomic and
cultural unity and self-reliance of Africa and its diaspora.‖

Pan-Africanism is a worldwide, intellectual movement that aims
to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all
people of African descent. It extends beyond continental
Africans, with a substantial support base amongst the African
diaspora in the Caribbean, Central and Latin America and the
United States.

It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic,
social and political progress, and aims to unify and uplift
people of African descent. It asserts that the fate of all
African people and countries are intertwined. At its core, PanAfricanism is a belief that African peoples, both on this
continent and in the diaspora, share not merely a common
history but a common destiny.

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This vision of African unity found expression in the writings
and pronouncements of African descendants across the globe,
like Sylvester Williams, W E B du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Sol
Plaatje and Pixley ka Isaka Seme, to name but a few. Our
founding fathers, such as Julius Nyerere, Kwame Nkrumah and
O R Tambo, amongst others, built on this ideological platform
and developed concrete programmes to implement Pan-Africanism,
both in the struggle against colonialism and apartheid and in
our post-colonial and apartheid eras.

We have subscribed to this ideology and its values from the
onset of our struggle for liberation from colonialism and
apartheid. The founding fathers of our liberation movement, the
ANC, were, from the outset, Pan-Africanist in their
intellectual, revolutionary and ideological outlook, as well as
in their political activism. The establishment of the ANC in
1912 was, in fact, a Pan-Africanist liberation response to
colonialism and apartheid in Africa, in general, and South
Africa, in particular. Our Pan-Africanist outlook as a country
is therefore a post-democratic vision grounded in our
historical struggle against colonialism, imperialism and
apartheid.

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And so, we say today, we are Africans. We share a common
history and destiny with our brothers and sisters on the
continent and in the diaspora. We will continue to contribute
towards the rebirth of our continent and the ushering in of a
new era - an era where Africa will be free from the bondage of
colonialism and apartheid. I am reminded of the famous words of
Pixley ka Isaka Seme, in 1909, when he articulated the kind of
Africa we aspired to when he said: ―The regeneration of Africa
means that a new and unique civilisation is soon to be added to
the world.‖

Leaders, such as Félix Houphouët-Boigny of Côte d‘Ivoire;
Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria; Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya; Julius
Nyerere of Tanzania; Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana; Ahmed Ben Bella of
Algeria; Patrice Lumumba of the Congo, Ahmed Sékou Touré of
Guinea; Gen Nasser of Egypt; Amílcar Cabral of Guinea-Bissau;
Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso; and Modibo Keïta of Mali,
amongst others, all embodied the idea of Pan-Africanism as a
necessary political and ideological response to addressing the
legacy of colonialism and the fight against apartheid.

It is important to observe that this year, 2017, our fellow
Ghanaian patriots celebrate 60 years of freedom. Ghana‘s

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independence served as a thrust for the independence of many
other African states, and for that, we remain forever grateful
to their leadership, particularly Dr Nkrumah, who once said:

If we are to remain free, if we are to enjoy the full
benefits of Africa‘s rich resources, we must unite to plan
for our total defence and the full exploitation of our
material and human means, in the full interests of all our
peoples. To go it alone will limit our horizons, curtail our
expectations, and threaten our liberty.

We have acknowledged the role fellow Africans and the global
anticolonial movements have played in our struggle. It is,
however, important to emphasise that our own destiny and future
can never be divorced from that of the continent. Our own icon,
the late President Nelson Mandela, through an article in
Foreign Affairs magazine in 1993, reminded the world that South
Africa cannot escape its African destiny, and emphasised our
role in the pursuit of African unity. In the final analysis, it
must be deduced that we are not Africans by mere geographical
location, we are Africans by birth.

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Hon members, democratic South Africa has taken its rightful
place on the continent and contributed immensely towards
Africa‘s peace and prosperity. We have been honoured with
various leadership roles in Africa. African leaders have
entrusted us with leading the continent on many international
fora. Certainly, this will continue as we work within the
collective of the African leadership, going forward.

You will recall that in the year 2002, we hosted the landmark
summit which culminated in the Organisation of African Unity
becoming the present-day African Union, AU. We were guided by
the shared vision of a united, prosperous and strong Africa
that Nkrumah, Luthuli, Tambo and Mandela envisioned. Most
importantly, in the city of Durban, the AU was entrusted with
the mandate to take the political and economic integration
agenda of the continent forward. For our part, this ushered in
an era that sought to bolster efforts to reverse the legacy of
colonialism which Chief Albert Luthuli referred to during the
1960s when he said: ―Our continent has been carved up by great
powers ... human skills and energy have been harnessed for the
advantage of our conquerors.‖

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It is against this background that we availed Dr Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma for the position of AU Commission Chair. She made
us proud by, amongst other things, leading the adoption of a
revised, shared vision of the Africa We Want in the form of
Agenda 2063. Most notably, Dr Dlamini-Zuma played a leading
role in women empowerment on the continent and, as such, made
gender equality central to the pursuit of Pan-Africanism and in
fostering unity of purpose. [Interjections.] We use this
opportunity to congratulate her on the successful completion of
her tour of duty. [Applause.]

I also want to use this opportunity to add to the
congratulations already extended to Ethiopia‘s Minister of
Foreign Affairs and former Minister of Health, His Excellency
Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, on his election as the new
Director-General of the World Health Organisation, WHO. Dr
Ghebreyess brings his rich experience to this position, having
also served as Chairperson of the Board of the Global Fund to
Fight Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria, amongst others. We
celebrate his election and we will support him in all his
efforts.

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On this matter, I want to quote from a column in the African
Independent, written by Victor Kgomoeswana:

Let Dr Ghebreyesus use his five-year term at the WHO to
force multinational corporations to make the cure for
HIV/Aids and other killer diseases affordable, among
others, as his reputation suggests he just might.

So, I repeat. We celebrate his election and we will support him
in all his efforts.

On 2 June 2017, President Zuma formally launched Youth Month
under the theme, The Year of O R Tambo: Advancing Youth
Economic Empowerment. This will enable us to have focused
debates on how best we can accelerate youth empowerment. We are
therefore encouraged by the African Heads of State and
Government‘s decision to declare 2017 as the year of Harnessing
the Demographic Dividend through Investments in Youth.

In moving forward, South Africa should work hard on the
improvement of cultural exchanges and promotion of cultural
diplomacy. We also need to be proactive and remind our citizens
of the role the continent played in pursuit of the freedoms we

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enjoy today, and that, informed by the foundations laid by our
forbears, the ideals and values of Pan-Africanism shall propel
us to realise the aspirations of Agenda 2063. I thank you.

Mr D BERGMAN: I must say, I am very surprised at the Deputy
Minister‘s choice in presidential candidate.

―We mustn‘t ask what can be done for Africa but rather what can
we do with Africa.‖ This was an important quote from Bill
Clinton. Often Africa is looked upon as the welfare state.
Funds and aid are made available as a sign of charity and
guilt, sent in to projects that never see this of day.

It is a sad story that our continent is the wealthiest in
resources but we remain the poorest. Africa Day should seek to
turn talk into action. Instead of having dialogue and planning
sessions at Southern African Development Community, SADC0,
African Union, AU, and the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific Group
of States, ACP, we should be creating resolutions that will
transform Africa today and not tomorrow.

When it comes to transformation, Africa is her own worst enemy.
In the new African Renaissance we should be promoting

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intraregional trade. It cannot be acceptable today that a shipa-container from China to Kenya costs around $600 but to move
that container anywhere in Africa will cost at least $1 600. We
should follow the lead of Kenya and the Eastern Corridor when
it comes to infrastructure planning.

We should not have a narrow-minded focus but rather seek ways
in which to ensure that our infrastructure is adaptable to
neighbouring infrastructure, so that we can grow our bilateral
trade with our neighbours and regions in competitive and
productive environments. This could happen today.

The second problem we experience in Africa is the fact that our
natural resources end up being exported as raw material. Think
of the jobs and growth in economy our country and continent
would experience if we industrialised. Instead of exporting raw
and keeping our GDP growth at a certain percentage, we could
send a manufactured product increasing our GDP by more
percentages!

In international forums that I have had the opportunity to
seating, we speak about growing entrepreneurs and jobs but we
have the solution and tools right here, in our own back yard

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today. All it takes is for government to invest in themselves
and work with business to take that bold step from the mindset
of mining to the mindset of manufacturing.

When a problem is continental, it is important that we make
sure that we are building relationships with the region. Having
had the opportunity of sitting as a delegate in many of the
regional forums, when it comes to regional posturing, SouthAfrica is always seen and treated as the arrogant stepsister.
We are no longer seen as the bench mark.

Countries such as Egypt, Nigeria, Seychelles and Mauritius
continue to grow at high growth rates. We continue to sink to
humiliating ranks. It is sad to watch our delegates try to
represent us in amidst this decline because our approach stays
the same but our efficacy on these unions has long dwindled.

The hope and ray of light Madiba brought to the African stage
continued under the diplomatic and academic President Mbeki but
has now become a fading candle. We need to regroup and rethink
our approach. We can lead and we can represent Africa, and move
them from underdog to top dog, but we need to appreciate that
sometimes it‘s better to listen with our ears and not our

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mouths. We can learn this helpful lesson today and not
tomorrow.

South-Africa sits chasing commonwealth games and others that
they cannot afford but imagine if we could host a continental
game based on indigenous games unique to our continent? Imagine
we can host countries of our region to sport and networking
opportunities that bring down fences and pretences.

We can build true diplomacy in the wake of an ever changing
landscape: Where today‘s dictators become tomorrow‘s legends;
past democratic presidents are banished to academic halls by
the greedy and the shameless; and political opposition
threatened and jailed on trumped-up charges.

That does not have to be Africa! Africa could be a truly unique
experience, different to anywhere else in the world: Where
Africans find harmony first and foremost with each other; then
in neighbour‘s home; and within each other‘s region. Sport can
achieve the impossible and can bridge the divide.

A continental competition funded by unspent funds in the
African Renaissance and International Co-operation Fund, ARF,

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can be done today and not tomorrow. Africa tends to flirt with
countries that boldly flash money but then discreetly hand over
the invoice and terms. Historically this trend was focused on
the west but over the last decade or so it has moved happily
and carelessly to the east.

Our approach should rather be proud and promote our African
identity and not be sold to any exploitative bidders anymore!
We should promote Africa for Africans and become a venue of
direct foreign investment rather than costly loans that auction
our identity to these bidders. This can happen with a focus on
ending open government corruption, exploitation of the poor and
disenfranchisement. This could happen today and not tomorrow.

The time has come for Africa to rise. Let‘s not dream of an
Africa tomorrow; let‘s create an equal Africa today.

For as the famous poet says:

I owe my being to the hills and the valleys, the mountains
and the glades, the rivers, the deserts, the trees, the
flowers, the seas and the ever-changing seasons that
define the face of our native land — I am an African.

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[Applause.]

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, on 25 May 1963 the progressive
pan-Africanists met in Addis Ababa, in the congress that
culminated in the formation of the Organisation of African
Unity. These were leaders like Haile Selassie, Sékou Touré,
Julius Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah. They said that we must unite
the continent; we must have African solidarity. We must coordinate and intensify intra-African economic, political and
trade co-operation.

Part of their objectives was to emphasise that we must defend
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the African
continent. However, they also said that we must eradicate all
forms of colonialism that had come to define the African
continent for many centuries since the 19th century.

It was only 28 years later, where a practical elaborate
programme was adopted in Abuja, in 1991 where the African
Economic Community was established in what came to be known as
the Abuja Treaty. The Abuja Treaty was adopted by the assembly
of heads of states and government - 51 of them. It set the
clearest programme of action on what was to be done towards

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achieving the original aims and objectives of the Organisation
of African Unity.

It said that we should establish organs of the African Economic
Community which include the Council of Ministers, the Pan
African Parliament, the African Court on Human and People‘s
Rights, the Economic and Social Commission that should coordinate all work that is needed to be done here in the
particular continent.

Most of those entities have not been given full expression in
the manner in which they have been dealt with. We must perhaps
deal with the reasons as to why is South Africa lagging behind.
The African continent is lagging behind in terms of these
issues.

The Deputy Minister of International Relations came here to
sing praises for Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma who was a dismal
failure as the African Union. [Interjections.] Her deployment
to the African Union was to smooth operations for the Gupta
Dynasty that had started to do business because she was there.

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It led to the senseless deployment of South African soldiers to
the Central African Republic because they wanted to achieve
their own narrow business interests. Fifteen soldiers were
killed because of that particular deployment ...
[Interjections.] ... under Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma as AU Chair.

The fact of the matter is that the Western Sahara still remains
a colony. Morocco was readmitted as the member of the African
Union and Pan African Parliament under her own foresight. This
political leader who is successful allowed Morocco to be
readmitted – a coloniser country in the continent dealing with
that.

Under her stewardship of the African Union, Nkosazana DlaminiZuma, the so-called hero of African Unity, the AU is still
dependent. More that 80% of AU‘s funding still come from the
European Union. What is revolutionary; what is pan-Africanist
about that? What did she do? She came with Agenda 2063!

There is a programme of action that is incomplete, called the
Abuja Treaty that has got dates up until 2028. What did she do?
She comes and says: We want Agenda 2063 for Africa - shifting
the goalpost far above what we currently have.

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The agenda which this Parliament – which South Africa must
affirm – is the Abuja Treaty of the establishment of the
African economy so that we are able to consolidated African
Unity in the vision that was given to us by: Andimba Toivo ya
Toivo of Namibia – may his soul rest in peace; Julius Nyerere;
Haile Selassie; Kwame Nkrumah; and all the great African
leaders. [Time expired.] Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mr M A MNCWANGO: Hon Speaker, this Africa Day provides us with
an opportunity for pause and reflection on the continental
status quo, its challenges, successes and shortcomings. It
enjoins us, as Africans, to adopt such continental vantage
point in order for us to be not on the cognisant but also duty
bound in ensuring the greater peace and prosperity for all
within its borders.

The Pan Africanist ideology, though it is somewhat faltering
its once clear calls for co-operation and unity are no longer
subscribe to by the many. Although the African Union, AU, still
champions such efforts one must question whether there is still
the political will and impetus by some member states to strive
for the ideal of an open democratic and free Africa.

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Peace, security, stability and good governance are a sine qua
non and foundational to the success of the continent.
Continental Peace and Stability remains concerning. Even though
strides have been made in this area by the AU, we still see the
challenge of ‗fragility‘ in many post-conflict countries. Peace
and stability remaining as it were on a knife-edge. Conflict
involving children, women and youth on the continent must
receive greater attention and efforts in mitigation thereof
must remain an AU priority.

Using children as combatants is barbaric and every effort must
be made to bring peace to such war-torn areas. Emerging issues
such as maritime security, border tensions, trafficking in
illicit drugs, human trafficking and poaching of wildlife are
areas of grave concern, as is the constant threat of terrorism.
Murderous religious intolerance as we have recently witnessed
in Egypt with 28 Christian cops being brutally killed, will
only sow further division.

African dictatorships that sacrifice the well-being of their
citizens for the monetary benefit of the few are a challenge
that is going to require an African solution. At the beginning
of this year we witnessed Economic Community of West African

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States, Ecowas, through the use of diplomacy and possible
military intervention convince Gambian President, Yahya Jammeh
to leave the country after he refused to step down despite
losing in the elections. Closer to home, our SADC should take
page from the Ecowas‘s manual and adopt a more robust position
as regards the situation in Zimbabwe.

Chairperson, Africa is one of the wealthiest continents in the
world and yet we continue to conduct our affairs as if we were
the poorest. This is a mindset and it must shift if we are to
create the African dream and renaissance. We must imbue our
youth with the vision and capability through world class
education and skills development to reach this dream. They are
the future of Africa. This is the dream and this is our dream.

Hon Speaker, this debate is an auspicious debate for me for
another reason as it marks my last debate before this most
august assembly. [Applause.] I have been privileged for the
last 23 years to serve as a member of this National Assembly
and to have played a small role in the ushering in, not only
our transformation into democracy but also in its further
development. I wish to take this brief opportunity to thank all
of you seated here today for the friendship and camaraderie

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that we have garnered over the years as we have striven
together to create a better future for all South Africans. In
particular, I would like to thank my colleagues in the IFP, my
leader, Prince Buthelezi, my Chief Whip, Mr Narend Singh, and
my Chairperson of Caucus, Prof C T Msimang for granting me such
a wonderful opportunity to better serve the people of this
great land and I am forever grateful for that.

To our caucus staff, thank you for your outstanding support. To
my family, my wife Audrey and children Skhumbuzo, Zama and
Mvelo, my heartfelt thanks and love for the sacrifices you have
made in having a husband and father away from home whilst
serving in Parliament. Your love and support is cherished and
has kept me going through the good times and the bad ones.

In conclusion Chairperson, my message to South Africa is that,
we are a great land with a great people. We need to forge ahead
as one, root out the disease of corruption that currently
besets us, uphold the rule of law, stand together irrespective
of race, colour or creed, and in so doing become that shining
example of what all other African nations should aspire to, in
service and benefiting not only to the people of this country,
but to all the people of Africa. I thank you. [applause.]

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The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you very much hon Mngcwango. On our
behalf: ...

Sesotho:
... O tsamae hantle ntate. [[Mahofi.]

English:
We add our words of thanks to your family and your party for
having worked with us well during your time here. Thank you
very much.

Prof N M KHUBISA: Hon Deputy Speaker, we must also add our
voice and wish you Mpangazitha all the best wherever

you will

be and we will also remember you for your knowledge and
understanding of matters of justice, correctional services,
police, security and international relations, all the best Sir.
Nkwame Nkrumah once said:

I am not an African because I was born in Africa but because
Africa was born in me.

There is indeed a thread that connects us from Cape to Cairo
anchored in our shared characteristics and interrelationship as

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Africans. That thread is Africa born in us. It matters not what
race we are but being African transcends race and nationality.
It transcends political philosophies and unites us in a social
cohesive force that is waiting to emerge from the shadows of
our colonial past.

We must mutually agree as Africans that we will only become
stronger when we come together with no tarnish records of poor
governance, corrupt tendencies, greed and nepotism. The time
has come for Africa to take stock and have eyes in order.
Deputy Speaker, member states in the African Union have their
sovereignty as individual states hence no member can interfere
in the affairs of another without the mandate from the member
state concerned. However, it is of paramount importance that
all members should subscribe to the prescripts of African
regional law and international law.

African countries and independent states have to uphold the
rule of law and not abuse the fundamental human rights. Nations
of the world will respect us Africans if we are united; promote
the socioeconomic advancement of Africa; and most importantly
if we shun greed, corruption, nepotism and all patriarchal and
chauvinistic tendencies which bedevil our beautiful continent.

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If we want our voice to be stronger on the international stage
when we have to speak then we have to speak with a united and
distinct voice.

As Africans we share a common humanitarian philosophy of Ubuntu
which has a potential to unite us and as a continental power
that values human life, peace and stability. It is a voice that
will tell of our deep rooted compassion for our fellow Africans
and mankind and our admittance that in life we have not only
rights but also obligations. Our voice must speak of a shared
vision and purpose.

We need to interrogate what Nkwame Nkrumah meant when he said:

Africa is a paradox which illustrates and highlights neocolonialism, her earth is rich yet the products that come from
above and below the soil continue to enrich not Africans
predominantly but groups and individuals who operate to
Africa‘s impoverishment. Thank you Deputy Speaker.

Mr N L S KWANKWA: Hon Deputy Speaker, we would also like to
thank hon Mngcwango for serving our country for the years he

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spent serving our country with distinction. Sir, we are greatly
indebted to you. Thank you very much.

IsiXhosa:
Uqhube kakuhle.

English:
When it comes to this Africa Debate, colleagues I think there
is an important question that we must pose. It is a sad irony
for us Africans that what is happening to us is exactly what
Mike and the Mechanics describes in one of his songs that says,
we are beggars while sitting on the beach of gold.

A major contributing factor has to do with the fact that a lot
of African countries have adopted misguided economic policies.
If you look at the recent report of the International Monetary
Fund it tells you exactly that growth in Africa last year was
1,4%. The major contributing factor to those challenges in
those issues has to do mainly with the poor performance of some
of the leading economies in Africa, firstly in Nigeria which is
in recession. It is in recession because it chose a wrong mix
of policies and also struggles with her fair share of bad
leadership.

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Look at South Africa, for example, we are in recession now.
Issues have to do primarily with corruption and mismanagement
of the economy. That we cannot shy away from it. The fact of
the matter is that when we talk about Africa‘s development as
the two largest economies what we must consider is the
responsibility that our leadership role places on our
shoulders. If we fail two economies we fail with the rest of
the continent.

The other issue as Africans we must ask, sit down and pose a
very important question is when it comes to a poor leadership
and some of the countries that have hardened into autocracy
such as the Democratic Republic of Congo for example, Burundi
and many others – what are we doing? Are we doing enough,
firstly at a regional level and secondly, at a continental
level to try and intervene to address those issues? We are not
doing enough.

If you consider properly that at the time when the summit
conference of the African heads of states took place in 1963
where Haile Sellasse said:

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We remain persuaded that in our efforts to scatter the clouds
we dream the horizon of our future success must come if only
because failure is unthinkable. We have to make a similar
clarion call to say that we have to try and tackle the
challenges that face Africa with the same vigour. The other
problem is the issue that faces Zambia at the present moment
with Hakainde Hichilema. I read in the Lusaka Times yesterday
that he even says that he is prepared to die for what he
believes in if that is what these political opponents want. But
the question is, what is he going to die for? Why are our
African leaders silent on the issues that face the African
continent? We should stand up and raise our voices and condemn
them and say this is not the direction we want to take whether
you talk about implementing vision 2063 or any other visions
that you come up with and fail to implement when we need to do
so.

IsiXhosa:
Siyaqhuba, mayihambe i-Afrika.

English:
God bless Africa. I thank you so much. [Applause.]

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Dr C P MULDER: Hon Chairperson, allow me to also extend our
best wishes to our colleague, Albert Mncwango. It is true that
our colleague served in Parliament since 1994 and he was always
a colleague that you should take seriously because his
arguments were always sound. He always made good inputs in
debates. I understand that his favourite quote is the following
and I quote: ―The only source of knowledge is experience.‖ How
do you get 23 years of experience in Parliament? By serving in
Parliament for 23 years.

So, we wish our colleague everything of the best and we hope
that his future will be bright and where he is going to serve,
will also be to the benefit of the people he serves.

Today, we are debating Africa Day, which is on 25 May and the
topic of our debate is building a better Africa and a better
world. I want to say to my other colleague, hon Kwankwa from
the UDM that he has just made a very good speech. I hope that
colleagues listened because I think what he said was the
essence of what we need to say to one another.

We have had too many debates on talking about the past and
about things that were decided at this convention and at that

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symposium or whatever the case may be. When are we going to
talk about the future of our continent? It is one thing to
always talk about the past this and the past that. It is time
that we stop talking and start doing things in terms of
developing our continent in Africa.

There are various reasons that the continent is not performing.
I cannot think for one minute that there is a single member in
this House who do not want to see our country and our continent
succeed.

Afrikaans:
Ons almal wil dit graag hê. Ons wil graag hê dat ons kontinent
met die res van die wêreld moet kompiteer en dat ons suksesvol
moet wees.

Ons is baie gou om te sê dat Afrika moet verenig. Miskien moet
ons minder tyd spandeer om Afrika te verenig en by ons eie huis
begin - ons eie land - en kyk of ons hiervan ‘n suksus kan
maak. As elke land dit basies sal doen, sal ons by ‘n
suksesvolle uitkoms kom, wat dit betref. [Tussenwerpsels.]

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Dis baie goed om van Pan-Afrikanisme, politiieke, kulturele,
sosiale en ekonomiese ontwikkeling en solidariteit te praat.
Dis reg en goed, maar dit begin by die basiese goed, in terme
van ekonomiese groei.

Dit is pynlik om te sien dat Suid-Afrika besig is om te gly.
Dis pynlik om te sien dat Egipte by ons verbygaan. Dis pynlik
om te sien dat Nigerië by ons verbygaan.

Kom ons kry ons eie huis in orde. Kom ons maak ‘n sukses van
Suid-Afrika en dan kan ons ons rol speel in die res van Afrika
en die voorbeeld basies stel.

Aan die einde van die dag gaan dit oor leierskap, oor leiers
wat bereid is om op te staan vir wat reg is, om op te staan
teen korrupsie en wanbesteding en om ‘n voorbeeld te stel.
Suid-Afrika het ‘n groot pad om te gaan, wat dit betref.

Die VF Plus is trots om deel te wees van Afrika-dag en die
viering daarvan. Baie Dankie.

Mr W M MADISHA: Deputy Speaker, as some of us know, the theme
for Africa Day this year was: The Year of O R Tambo: Building a

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Better Africa and a Better World. This year, South Africa is
also reaffirming its support for the African Union‘s Agenda
2063 - Committing the country to playing its role within the
AU, to ensure the successful implementation of the vision and
plan to build a better Africa.

Amongst the AU aspirations for 2063 are a prosperous Africa,
based on inclusive growth and sustainable development; an
Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights,
justice and the rule of law; peaceful and secure Africa, and an
Africa with strong values and ethics.

The question is, as South Africa, how are we going to
contribute to Agenda 2063 when we now face a full-blown
recession, junk status, economic growth destroying policies,
chronic unemployment and ballooning inequality, and as a
consequence, unsustainable development?

As South Africa, how are we going to contribute to Agenda 2063,
when instead of attracting investment and creating growth and
employment, we are intent on creating an unsustainable
government-dependent populist?

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As South Africa, how are we going to contribute to Agenda 20 63
when we have moved from being the champions and model of good
governance on the Continent to being an example of poor and
rotten governance, with rampant corruption and now, a captured
state by foreigners?

As South Africa, how are we going to contribute to Agenda 2063
when our government and ruling party regularly attack the
judiciary and disregard the rule of law?

As South Africa, how are we going to contribute to Agenda 2063
when we have moved away from our human rights approach to
foreign and continental affairs to supporting tyrants wanted by
the ICC?

As South Africa, how are we going to contribute to Agenda 2063
when it appears that we may well have intervened in conflict on
the continent for corrupt and enrichment ends?

As South Africa, how are we going to contribute to Agenda 2063
when we have shifted from being the continental leaders in good
values and ethics to being a pariah state?

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We don‘t think that we are doing well and something has to be
done. Thank you.

Rev K R J MESHOE: Deputy Speaker, the ACDP believes there are
three important things that government must do before our
nation can start building a better Africa and a better world.

Firstly, safety and security, order and discipline must be
restored in our country. Crime is out of proportion and
criminals appear to be in charge in certain areas. Since the
beginning of this year, a shocking number of women and children
have been killed in our country. A new evil has developed where
women are raped, killed and set alight.

According to the South African Medical Research Council, every
eight hours, a woman is killed by an intimate partner. This is
totally unacceptable.

Secondly, corruption that has become endemic in our society
must be eradicated. The looting of state resources must stop
and the current President Zuma administration must be replaced
by an administration that cares for the poorest of the poor and

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that will ensure that jobs are created and that the economy
grows.

We cannot build a better Africa and a better world when our
unemployment rate is sitting at more than 28% and lawlessness
and corruption are at an all-time high.

Corruption is destroying South Africa‘s economy, employment
opportunities and investor confidence. It must be dealt with,
before we can start dreaming about building a better Africa.

Thirdly, South Africans must be willing to learn from
successful nations such as Singapore, that managed to progress
from being a Third World Country to a First World Country in
the space of only 35 years.

Led by their first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, who was in
office from 1959 to 1990, Singapore was transformed from one of
the poorest countries in the world in the 1960‘s to being among
the most advanced today.

Key elements that enabled their transformation included the
rule of law, efficient government structures, the continuous

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fight against corruption, and overall stability. Unfortunately,
our country is lacking in all these four areas.

Until South Africa gets a leader that is committed to social
cohesion and nonracialism, this House will forever dream about
building a better Africa.

The ACDP believes that if we learn and apply the lessons of
Singapore, then we will see a repeat of what is recorded in
Genesis 41:57, where it says: ―And all the world came to Egypt
to buy grain from Joseph, because the famine was severe
everywhere.― Imagine the world coming to Africa for sustenance
because of all the mineral wealth that we have.

The ACDP plans to apply the lessons of Singapore and to help
restore Africa to her former glory where she, once again,
becomes the bread basket of the world.

A few weeks ago, a Zimbabwean showed me an article that
appeared in The Herald newspaper. It said that 50 years ago,
Rhodesia, Zimbabwe today, use to send foreign aid to the UK.
The question is: Can Africa do that again? Can they send
foreign aid to Europe again? I believe it can be done.

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Lastly, the ACDP wishes hon Mncwango future success and thank
him for the 23 years of distinguished service in this House and
we wish him well.

Setswana:
Tsamaya sentle, Rra. Modimo a go tlhogonolofatse.

Ms E M COLEMAN: Hon Deputy Speaker, let me also join the House
in bidding farewell to hon Mncwango and wish him well in his
future endeavours. [Interjections.] I also don‘t know who you
are. [Interjections.]

Hon Deputy Speaker, as we discuss all matters about Africa, we
raise our fists in salute and bow our heads in grief at the
loss of yet another gallon son of the soil – one of the revered
fathers of our struggle, Herman Andimba Toivo ya Toivo.

There are no better words to describe the man than the words
echoed by the ANC in its recent statement on his passing calling him a loyal friend of the South African people, a
freedom fighter, hero and icon of Namibia struggle for self
determination.

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Every time we lose a member of that golden generation, the
conscientious call for us to exert more efforts in the struggle
for the total emancipation of our people, grows even louder.
It‘s a call we must respond to sparing neither effort nor
strength in dealing with the hurdles before us.

The ANC believes South Africa‘s prosperity is linked and
coexists with the consolidation of the African Agenda –
addressing inequality between the poor and the wealthy
countries with increasing poverty and the marginalisation of
millions of people, the globalisation of terrorism,
unilateralism and militarism of major powers.

Our strategic approach as the ANC is to achieve an
international order with greater security, peace, dialogue and
equity between countries. We are guided by the principles of a
better life for all and a vision of a just and equitable world
and a better Africa.

The applicability of our values in parts of Africa and the
world has projected South Africa as a beacon of hope for the
rest of Africa and the developing world. At the 50th
anniversary of the African union in 2013, African leaders

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declared that our continent commits to accelerate Africa‘s
infrastructural development; to link African people‘s countries
and economics and to help drive social, cultural and economic
development.

In this regard, the leaders committed themselves to meet
strategic targets in transport, Information and Communications
Technology, ICT, energy and other social infrastructure by
committing national, regional and continental resources to this
effort.

Agenda 2063 of the African Union sets out the aspirations of
African people. These include: A prosperous Africa based on
inclusive growth and sustainable development; an Africa whose
development is people driven, relying on the potential of
African people especially its women and youth and caring for
children; an Africa as a strong united and influential global
player and partner.

As we mark Africa day in 2017, we need to review the progress
we have made as Africans in the area of economic development.
The challenge of meeting the eight Millennium Development

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Goals, MDGs, depended on the economically developed nations
fulfilling their obligations.

None of the MDGs were achieved by the developing nations and in
particular the sub-Saharan Africa by 2015 primarily because
rich nations fail to honour their commitments to MDGs such as
cancellations of debts in the highly indebted and economically
poor countries - the implementation of eight programmes and
making available 0,7% of their grodd domestic product, GDP, to
poor countries.

They have continued to subsidise their own agricultural output
knowing fully well the implications for developing countries.
They have also placed stumbling blocks to an agreement on a
free, fair, just and sustainable trade regime.

Hon Deputy Speaker, infrastructure development links the people
of the continent as well as her countries and economies in ways
that advance the integration of Africa and promote regional
economic integration but also strengthens our solidarity. It
builds mutually beneficial infrastructure that strengthens the
ability of countries to trade and establish regional value
chains for increased competitiveness.

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Given low levels of intra-regional economic exchange and the
smallest share of global trade, Africa remains the least
integrated continent in the world. Infrastructure
inefficiencies are costing Africa billion of dollars annually
and are stunting growth.

Bridging this gap can only be achieved through regional and
continental co-operation and solution finding of which we are
busy with. In spite of these challenges, African countries have
collaborated successfully to build major infrastructure
projects, among them are the Inga 3 Hydropower Project in the
Democratic Republic Congo, the Lesotho hydropower phase two and
... [Interjections.] Sorry about that.

The ANC believes that the programme of integrating African
economies is best served by the ongoing work to integrating our
regional economies under programmes such as the Regional
economic integration communities, creating alternative trading
blocks, increasing inter-trade amongst countries in the south
and developing initiatives such as the BRICS.

These initiatives are supported by the African Union‘s and
Regional Economic Communities, REC‘s measures to boost market

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access and intra-African trade. During the commodity boom
period when extractive industries enjoyed huge profits, African
states could not take advantage of the boom because of the poor
state of the institutional government systems.

Changing policy and the regulatory environment takes much
longer than a changing market; it has taken nearly a decade for
developing countries to realise this policy gap and begin to
discuss ways of correcting this. Even though the dramatic
politic upheavals unfolding in many African states create new
uncertainties about the future of multilateral co-operation,
there is hope that through the building of strong institutions,
these conflicts can be mitigated.

Africa‘s natural endowments are often a source of these
conflicts which in turn are also funded by foreign powers
seeking to extract maximum benefits from both resources and
situations.

Arbitrary internal divisions imposed on us by our history of
colonialism have left us relatively more isolated both from
each other and the world as a whole. To overcome that legacy,

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we first need to liberate ourselves from foreign domination and
set our people on a path to dignity and prosperity.

By all accounts, Africa‘s economic growth and performance this
past decade has been exceptionally strong even in the midst of
widespread global economic crisis and recession. The growth
however, has not resulted in significant and commensurate
declines in poverty levels nor has it been rich in jobs. In a
large measure, the growth has also not been sufficiently
inclusive. Low intra-Africa trade, limited integration and
infrastructure connectedness are additional obstacles to
boosting the global competitiveness of Africa and economies,
and contributing to elimination of poverty.

We need to work to promote policies and programmes for
inclusive growth and job creation and accelerate progress
towards achievement of SDGs. The AU has committed to support
programmes that are designed to help member states adopt
policies on inclusive growth – for those who do not know. The
body is also working towards accelerating progress towards
establishment of a continental free trade area, harmonisation
of monetary policies and other standards.

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In conclusion, as the African idiom says: Sugar cane in
sweetest in its joint. Simply meaning that good and sweet
things of life may appear difficult to achieve but in the end,
it is worth it.

Hon Shivambu, you must know that ... [Interjections.] Keep
quiet. [Interjections.] ... to get lost is to learn the way.
You need to go and understand that proverb. I thank you.
[Applause.]

Mr M P GALO: Hon Deputy Speaker, the son of the soil Robert
Sobukwe has written extensively on building a better Africa and
a better world for global peace and harmony. He has been neatly
articulate on the subject. He stated that and I quote:

Besides the sense of a common historical fate that we
share with the other countries of Africa, it is
imperative, for purely practical reasons, that the whole
of Africa be united into a single unit, centrally
controlled. Only in that way can we solve the immense
problems that face the continent.

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African descendants have never renounced the idea of crafting
African solutions to African problems. We owe it to our
founding forbearers to deepen regional integration in the
continent, to harness our coexistence as a people and to form a
global pact geared towards advancing the competitive
environment to which we trade as global partners.

The African Peer Review Mechanism reminds us that Africa, using
its requisite natural resources and intellectual prowess, can
manifest a sense of renewed hope for its people. Patriotic
vanity is never enough, Deputy Speaker. We need men and women
who are champions of justice, morality and fairness. Global
peace can only advance if the vanguard movements jealously
guard against the depletion of state coffers and the abuse of
Africa‘s natural resources to advance personal cults and
interest.

African states cannot simply prosper on this basis. We will
regress progressively towards the downward spiral. Deputy
Speaker, the unity of Africa and the global world is prefigured
on the understanding that, in our view, the ownership of the
means of production should vest under the curatorship of the
indigenous people of Africa. It is the people who tilt the

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soil, who built the bridges and who mines platinum. It should
follow that their control of the means of production will
harness the state capacity to provide services to the poor.

The African Traditional Leaders have proven, time and again,
that their contribution to humanity has tended to recalibrate
the values of interdependence, social cohesion, Ubuntu – and
all those salient principles that advance the global accord. We
often take for granted that Kwame Nkrumah, Nelson Mandela and
many others... [Time expired.]

Mr M A PLOUAMMA: Hon members, hon Mncwango, we wish you well
true patriot. I might speak like a lover who just got a
surprise engagement. [Laughter.] You have served South Africa
well and you have served the IFP well. [Applause.] You deserve
the best in your future engagements.

Hon members, today I want to remind you of how Patrice Lumumba
was killed and one of his killer‘s daughter still hold his
teeth as an inheritance and pet of amusement.

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So much sacrifice, but Joseph Kabila and his killers have
hijacked the fruits of independence. Congo is now a killing
field.

The remains of the Herero people still grace the German museums
and universities as part of their historical expeditions and
conquest. The modern Germany still refuses to compensate or
participate meaningfully in rebuilding Namibia. I want to say,
rest in peace, Ntate Toivo Ya Toivo.

Hon Members, here in South Africa, we are still living under
the bas spell of Cecil John Rhodes, the founder of economic
cartels with Rothschild. We can still trace the arrogance of
Paul Kruger from his descendants and our Kings and Queens were
slaughtered under their skewed land grabs and expansion. Things
still remains the same; they own the economy and the best part
of our country and communal lands.

Black people are still the ones who still wake up in the
morning to work for their masters in the cities; it is very
difficult for us to celebrate and to even think that Africa
moves forward.

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Those who oppressed us have not repented; they have never asked
for sincere apology, we just offered forgiveness and convinced
ourselves that they will change.

Hon members, Africa Day should not be like a relic to be worn
once a year. We need to ask ourselves whether Africa is fully
independent from the chains of the past. Can we celebrate
Africa, when all means of production are still in the hands of
the few or do we celebrate few black bourgeoisie added around
the table of former oppressors? Can we define our future and
our destiny without the interference of the West?

We need to ask ourselves in which way this continent has
progressed or is it the world of slavery redone in the fashion
of the day. We have inherited misery; false solution guided by
the dark intellectuals of the past. I thank you.

Ms S V KALYAN: Deputy Speaker, on behalf of the DA and myself,
I would to bid farewell to the hon Mncwango and wish him all
the best in the next chapter in your life. Something I will
always remember you by is your courteous and tearful manner. Go
well!

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In Professor Ngugi wa Thiong‘o recent lecture entitled
―Decolonise the Mind, Secure the Base‖ used the analogy of the
home to explain the idea of securing the base. He says that one
should treat ones house as a base. It is from this base that
one meets with the heads of other households. Usually, the head
of the household fights tooth and nail to protect their assets.
The same should happen in the continent of Africa. Do we see it
as a home or as a place from which we can come to steal? He
says many of Africa‘s leaders have come to view their homes as
hunting grounds from which they can steal. He says African
leaders go a step further and invite outsiders to plunder their
homes. They invite robbers in and then allow the robbers to
dictate how to run their country. Wa Thiong‘o says that African
leaders are taking money from their own to build or buy
mansions in Brazil and Dubai. In South Africa we call it state
capture.

There are two main actions or two main consequences of such
actions is poverty – dire poverty, resulting in the exit of
masses to find a better life in another country and the illicit
outflow of finances. In 2016, 2 500 Africans were either
swallowed by the sea or abandoned in the desert. Why did they

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leave their country to pursue a better life? Because they
believe there is no hope at home.

Illicit financial flows from Africa are large and are
increasing. Africa is a net creditor to the rest of the world,
but the continent is losing more than $50 billion annually
through illicit financial flows. The African Union, AU, High
Level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows led by the former
President Thabo Mbeki confirmed that corruption drains billions
of dollars from Africa - money that could be used to create
jobs and better living conditions. And the deceitful way it is
done by the large multinational co-operations, it is so
difficult to catch them. Usually, it is commercial tax evasion,
trade misinvoicing, abusive transfer pricing and criminal
activities like human trafficking, illegal arms dealing and
smuggling of contraband. Unique to South Africa or perhaps not
unique to South Africa is also bribery and corruption of
government officials.

He former US President, Barack Obama, addressed the AU in 2015
and remarked, ―Africa does not need strong men, it needs strong
institutions‖. The AU and its predecessor are founded on the
ideals of African unity anchored in the values of respect,

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tolerance and solidarity. These are lofty ideals indeed. But
the unfortunate reality is that Africa today is ill prepared to
adequately respond to current events because the AU still has
to be made fit for purpose.

This is one of the many findings of the Kagame Report which was
tasked to look at the restructuring of the AU. The chronic
failure by Africa to see through and implement AU decisions is
giving truth to the perception that the AU is really a
toothless body. The AU has adopted more that 1 500 resolutions
but there is no way of monitoring implementation. South Africa
is guilty of noncompliance. The overdependence of the AU on
partner funding means partners dictate how the AU behaves and
that is why there is such a deviation from its lofty ideals.

The AU stands by idly by when African leaders extend their
presidential-term limits even when they are well past their
sell-by date. Some African leaders seem to believe that they
have a monopoly and wisdom on leadership and therefore deem
themselves to be presidents for life and use brutality and
force to sustain their longevity in power.

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Here are some cases in support of my point. Zimbabwe has a 93year-old ―sleepy Joe‖ president who has been in power for 35
years and still wants to run for another term. The president of
Equatorial Guinea has been in power for 36 years. The president
of Angola has been in power for 36 years. The president of
Sudan, a wanted International Criminal Court, ICC, criminal has
been in power for 26 years. Do you think the citizens of these
countries are celebrating Africa Day?

We have also observed the creeping in of authoritarian
tendencies next door in Zambia. South Africa‘s silence on what
is happening in Zambia is deafening. The AU has allowed Morocco
back into the AU without any measures in place to ensure
compliance with any of the AU instruments. While South Africa
did not support the readmisssion, 36 African countries under
the leadership of Nkosazana ―Zumba‖ did and her legacy will be
that she will be remembered for the unchecked colonialism and
the continued depression of the rights of the people of Western
Sahara.

The people of the Gambia and Economic Community of West African
States, Ecowas, must be commended for showing leadership in the
face of a potential bloodbath after their recent elections. The

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Kagame Report has a very strong conclusion that the AU stands
at yet another crossroad in history. It can carry on down the
same road or change direction to become more relevant. It
suggests that it‘s time to change direction and ... [Time
expired.] ... hopefully the new AU chair will turn the AU into
a more credible institution. Thank you.

Mr M S A MASANGO: Hon House Chair, hon members, distinguished
guests, fellow South Africans, the heads of state and
government in their Summit held in Kigali on 29 January this
year, masterfully noted that, I quote:

Continuing to defer necessary reforms to the future is an
implicit decision to do nothing. It means giving up on
ourselves and our people, tolerating our conditions as
inevitable, and accepting Africa‘s subordinate place in the
community of nations as natural.

Hon Members, it is indeed instructive to note that amongst the
seminal decisions taken by the Summit was, amongst others, the
realignment of the African Union, AU, Institutions to deliver
against its priorities; the self-financing of the AU by the
African states because foreign donations undermine Africa‘s

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national sovereignty; and a faster implementation of decisions
and programmes; and, of course, lastly the creation of the
African Volunteer Corps.

Fellow South Africans, I cannot agree more with Prof Thandika
Mkandawire when he urges the continent to train its own
professional cadres, Afrocrats. He argues that Afrocrats must
understand the vision of their political principals and thus
will be passionate in implementing such a vision and its
programmes within the AU, the Pan African Parliament, Pap, and
their national governments.

Hon members, former President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo and
co­authors ―Making Africa Work‖, a handbook for economic
success, not only highlights some of our current weaknesses but
also cautions us that by 2050, Africa‘s youth could be a
whopping 430 million. Thus honing their skills, expertise and
employability is an urgent task.

IsiNdebele:
Sihlalo neNdlu yesiBethamthetho, kazi kuyatlhuwisa kwamambala
ukutjheja bonyana lapha e-Afrika enarheni yeSahara
yeTjingalanga abantu bakhona basese ngaphasi kwegandelelo

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leMorocco. Njengathi ngaphambi kuka 1994, basatlhagiswa,
bayabetjhwa bebabotjhwe nabanghonghoyilako.

Sithi i-African Union neenarha zoke akuragelwe phambili
ngomzabalazo wokutjhaphulula iSahara yeTjingalanga, ngombana
kuyindaba yobudosi phambili be-Afrika.

English:
And yet, the DA is conspicuous by its silence to this
excruciating colonial yoke of oppression by Morocco on Western
Sahara and it equally equivocates about human rights violation
in Palestine. Their silence was deafening on the recent mass
hunger strike by the #Political Prisoners of Palestine – 1300
of them embarked on a hunger strike. [Applause.] Only the
members from this side of the House actually took two days of
fasting and issued statements. [Applause.] Nothing came out
from the DA. There4 was no condemnation of Israel whatsoever.

Fellow compatriots, the OAU established in 1963, the AU
established in 2002 and aspirations embodied in the African
Agenda 2063, are a quintessential fulfilment of the vision of
Kwame Nkrumah, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Jomo Kenyatta, Pixley ka Isaka
Seme, OR Tambo and many others in the diaspora. Nkrumah noted:

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we all want a united Africa not only in our concept
of what unity connotes, but united in our common
desire to move forward together in dealing with all
the problems that can best be solved only on a
continental basis.

Fellow Africans, thus shall we make bold our unassailable
assertion that South Africa is proud to have deployed its
leadership in brokering peace, deployed peacekeeping forces and
continues to participate in periodic election observation
missions in the continent. By the way, peace is indeed a
conditio sine qua non for development. The objective of
silencing the guns by 2020 continues apace.

Hon members, the Africa we want, through Agenda 2063, behoves
us to maintain the current diplomatic footprint of 124
missions, 47 of which are in Africa because it is in our best
national interest. As a nation, we don‘t want to be a passive
political passenger on the global stage, whilst human
civilisation evolves.

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Africa stands firm in its resolve for the realisation of a
caring, a humane, and a just world order. Thus, the demand for
the democratisation, representativity in the United Nations
Security Council and other multilateral global governance
institutions remains in strategic sight. We cannot allow few
nations to wallow in opulence whilst Africa drowns in abject
poverty, as correctly observed by Walter Rodney in his 1972
treatise ―How Europe Under-developed Africa.‖ Hon Kalyan buy
and read this book.

Chairperson, in 2017, we must revive discussions about PanAfricanism and what it truly represents, we must re-appropriate
our common history, our identity, our films and literature, our
oneness in diversity, our values of Ubuntu and avoid all
trappings of foreign enculturation.

In our various jurisdictions, we need to rekindle our national
consciousness through our National Anthems and the singing of
the AU anthem to reassert our common destiny. We therefore
applaud the initiative taken by the institute for Pan African
Thought and Conversation at the University of Johannesburg for
bringing together, this weekend, Friday, Saturday and Sunday –
academics, historians, economists, philosophers and social

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scientists to commemorate Africa Day, June 16 and to contribute
to the decolonisation of the academic curriculum so that it can
truly reflect the African context.

Hon·members, colonialism, slavery and apartheid undoubtedly
inflicted unyielding scars on the socioeconomic landscape of
the continent. It is thus disheartening and an insult to the
memory of the founders of the OAU, the AU and the memory of
Steve Biko, Nelson Mandela, George Padmore, Robert Sobukwe,
Franz Fanon, Maya Angelou and many others involved in the
crucible of struggle against colonialism to hear Zille, a
beneficiary of our freedom, who has zig-zagged Mandela‘s
reconciliation into a zilch by extolling colonialism, slavery
and apartheid. [Applause.]

Of course, it is quite clear the DA has been historically
asleep or at least selectively asleep. It has no sense of what
was said in 1906, 1945 in Manchester, 1955 in Bandung, in 1963
in Addis Ababa, 2002 in Durban. It behaves as a party which is
not in the African continent populated and leading Africans.
[Applause.] It sees Africa as somewhere there that the ANC and
others ... [Interjections.]. It does not see it self as a party
that must work with them. It is for this reason that the DA has

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forgiven Helen for saying what she has said. So the DA must
tell the South Africans whether it is a ―domalliance‖ and if it
is not then it must expel Zille. Finish and ―klaar‖.
[Interjections.] It is clear that Helen Zille does the thinking
and Maimane does the listening and he must be told what to say,
how to say it, what to think and when to think.

Afrikaans:
Jy moet altyd luister as the groot ma praat.[Gelag]

English:
Of course, the question is also the DA is the opposition. What
are they opposing? Why are they opposing us? [Interjections.]
We must transform this country from apartheid to its democratic
future. [Interjections.] We must build the economy; it says it
is an opposition. What are they opposing? Why are they opposing
the black economic empowerment, BEE, why are they against the
country moving away from poverty? They want the status quo to
remain. [Interjections.] Quite clearly, the DA is a party of
the past and it cannot be given the right to lead this country
in 2019. [Applause.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order, hon members.

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Mr M S A MASANGO: One of the things that the DA would do if the
leadership of the African continent were to do. To demand that
there must be reparations for slavery, colonialism and
apartheid. They would be the first ones to be against the
African continent not anti-African. They have the Africans, but
they have the Africans they want [Interjections.] The Africans
who must think the way they want them to think who must behave
the way the want...

Afrikaans:
... ‘n geel boy, ‘n swart boy, ‘n kort man ...

English:
... or whoever. [Laughter.] They want the kind of Africans who
think like that. They are against the fact that we have 47
missions in the African continent. What is wrong with that? As
an African country, our first port of call is to be part of the
African continent and develop and evolve with them. Members
this side of the House are not showing a finger at the
leadership of the Africans. They have been with them in the
international socialist league, in the nonalliance movement, in
the African liberation committee and many multilateral fora. We

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together think and bring the collective genius of the African
people about the Africa we want. That is what ...

Afrikaans:
... hierdie bittereinders ...

English:
... and of course Groenewald ...

Afrikaans:
... en nie hierdie hensoppers nie. [Gelag.] Nie hierdie
hensoppers ...

English:
... who are working with them in Port Elizabeth, Johannesburg
and Tshwane. In terms of your history, I am sure you know who
the ―henshoppers‖ are. [Interjections.]

Mr M S MBATHA: House Chair, I rise on the point of order: How
many minutes does a member still have ... [Interjections.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C T Frolick): Hon take your seat. You
are irrelevant.

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Mr M S A MASANGO: I wish on behalf of the ANC and on behalf of
the committee to congratulate ...

Ms E N LOUW: Chair, on a point of order, I rise to ask a member
a question, if he would like to take a question?

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C T Frolick): Will you take a
question, hon member?

Ms E N LOUW: As to why is he crying?

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C T Frolick): No, hon member. He has
not agreed to take a question yet. Hon Masango, are you
prepared to take a question?

IsiZulu:
Mnu M S A MASANGO: Anginasikhathi sokudlala.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C T Frolick): Hon member, no, it‘s
not ... no, hon member.

Ms E N NTLANGWINI: Why are you crying for our votes? You are a
coward. [Interjections.]

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C T Frolick): Hon member, take your
seat. Take your seat! Hon Masango, will you please conclude.

IsiZulu:
Mnu M S A MASANGO: Bengithi ngizimbandakanye nabo bonke
abakhulumile lapha ukuhalalisela ubaba wethu, Mpakazitha
Mahlobo. Hhayi ke nami ngithi njengoba sihlangana kwikomidi
yezoDudlelwano Namazwe Omhlaba kanye nokubambisana usebenze
kahle ndoda yakithi. Uyisebenzele iNingizimu Afrika,
uwusebenzele uhulumeni wentando yeningi. Kuhle loko okwenzile.
Ukwenze loko ngokungenabogovu. Uma ukuthi ubaba uMncwango
useyokwenza okunye, cha sithi unwele olude Mahlobo, Mpangazitha
sizoba nawe nje. Usibongele emndenini wakho ngokuthi usiboleke
wena sisebenze kahle kangaka. Siyabonga. [Ihlombe.]

PRESIDENT JACOB ZUMA APPOINTS JUSTICE RAY ZONDO AS THE DEPUTY
CHIEF JUSTICE

(Draft Resolution)

Ms L A MNGANGA-GCABASHE: House Chairperson, I move without
notice:

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That the House –

(1) welcomes the appointment of Justice Ray Zondo as the
Deputy Chief Justice of the Republic of South Africa by
President, Jacob Zuma, on Wednesday 7 June 2017;

(2) notes that Judge Zondo filled the position that became
vacant as a result of the retirement from the active
service of the Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke;

(3) further notes that prior to being appointed as a judge,
he practised for many years as a human rights and labour
lawyer,

(4) understands that he began his career as an articled clerk
under the late Mrs Victoria Mxenge;

(5) further understands that Justice Zondo also served on
several commissions and committees, including the
Goldstone Commission of Enquiry regarding the Prevention
of Violence and Intimidation, as well as the Managerial
Task Team which was established in 1994 to drive the
Labour Relations Bill for post-apartheid South Africa;

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(6) recalls that Justice Zondo was appointed as a:

(a) Judge of the Labour Court in November 1997;
(b) Judge of the then Transvaal Provincial Division of
the High Court in 1999; and
(c) Judge President of the Labour Court and Labour Appeal
Court in 2000 for a period of 10 years. [Time
Expired.]

Agreed to.

FIRES IN KNYSNA AND PLETTENBERG BAY IN THE WESTERN CAPE

(Draft Resolution)

Ms P T VAN DAMME: House Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House –

(1)

notes with great sadness fires that tore through the
town of Knysna and Plettenberg Bay in the Western Cape
last week, leaving in its wreck a devastation in its
path;

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(2)

further notes that the fires were fanned by devastating
storm that toured through the Cape Peninsula on
Wednesday;

(3)

acknowledges that nine people lost their lives during
the storm as a result of the fires;

(4)

further acknowledges that the fires were eventually
brought under control as a result of the immense
sacrifices and hard work of fire-fighters and volunteers
from around the country;

(5)

recognises the immeasurable role of the Western Cape
Disaster Management Unit, Working on Fire, the Volunteer
Wildfire Services, the Western Cape Government and the
municipalities of Bitou, George and Knysna who worked
tirelessly to save lives and repair damages;

(6)

further recognise the role of civil society, non-profit
organisations, private companies and generous South
Africans who came together to provide much needed
shelter and food to the thousands of the residents who
have been displaced; and

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(7)

conveys our sincere condolences to the families of the
nine victims of the fires. [Applause.]

Agreed to.

THE PASSING OF ANDIMBA TOIVO YA TOIVO

(Draft Resolution)

Ms H O HLOPHE: House Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House –

(1)

notes with sadness the passing of struggle icon and
former Robben Island prisoner Andimba Toivo Ya Toivo;

(2)

further notes the important role Ya Toivo played in the
founding of the South West Africa People‘s Organisation,
SWAPO;

(3)

acknowledges Ya Toivo‘s genuine commitment to the people
of Namibia and his struggle against the illegal
occupation of Namibia by apartheid South Africa;

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(4)

further acknowledges that, for his participation in the
struggle, Ya Toivo was sentenced to 20 years in Robben
Island;

(5)

understands that despite his imprisonment, Ya Toivo
remained resolute in his commitment to a free and
independent Namibia;

(6)

further understands that the young people of today must
take courage and learn from the words of Ya Toivo
that:―Only when we are granted our independence,
economic independence, will the struggle stop;‖

(7)

recognises that we must learn and emulate the
selflessness demonstrated by this struggle icon, Ya
Toivo; and

(8)

call on Prliament to send its conveys its condolences
and pay respect to the family of Andimba Toivo Ya Toivo
and the people of Namibia.

Agreed to.

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BAFANA BAFANA’S VICTORY OVER NIGERIA

(Draft Resolution)

Mr M S RALEGOMA: House Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House –

(1)

welcomes Bafana Bafana‘s victory over their nemesis
Nigeria in an African Nations Cup qualifying match at
Akwa Ibom Stadium on Saturday, 10 June;

(2)

recalls that goals from Tokelo Rantie and Percy Tau
handed Bafana their first ever competitive win against
the Super Eagles, as they began the 2019 Africa Cup of
Nations qualifiers with three points;

(3)

recognises the way the victory was achieved which has
been so emotional: The long trip to West Africa, the
short preparation period and by completely destroying
the home favourites in their own backyard;

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(4)

remembers that it took Bafana Bafana 24 years to break
their unlucky streak against the Super Eagles in an
official match;

(5)

congratulates the coach Stuart Baxter and Bafana‘s
current crop of players for making history; and

(6)

wishes them well in their next encounter against Cape
Verde in a FIFA World Cup qualifier.

Agreed to.

BONGMUSA MTHEMBU WINS 2017 COMRADES MARATHON

(Draft Resolution:

Mr N SINGH: House Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House –

(1)

congratulates Bongmusa Mthembu who won the 2017 Comrades
Marathon that took place on Sunday, 4 June 2017;

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(2)

notes that Mthembu was born and raised in Bulwer just
outside Pietermaritzburg;

(3)

further notes that he won this race for the second time,
the first time was in 2014;

(4)

recognises that he is one of two South Africans to have
ever won this race twice;

(5)

acknowledges that this champion crossed the Comrades
Marathon finish line just before 11am, completing the
challenging 86,73 kilometre race from Durban to
Pietermaritzburg in a time of 05 hours, 35 minutes and
34 seconds;

(6)

further acknowledges that other participants who also
took part and completed this challenging race, in
particular, our very own Member of Parliament, Mr K P
Sithole;

(7)

further recognises that Mr Sithole completed the race in
just under hours and is not new to the Comrades Marathon
as he had completed the race six times previously; and

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(8)

commends the camaraderie which the participants and all
parties involved in making the race a success, and
further alludes the attention this race still enjoys
from international participation.

Agreed to.

MS TSHIAMO LEGOALE WINNING THE TOP HONOURS AT THE FAMELAB
INTERNATIONAL 2017 CONTEST

(Draft Resolution)

Prof N M KHUBISA: House Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House –

(1)

notes that South African geologist, Ms Tshiamo Legoale,
won top honours at the FameLab International 2017
contest last week, where more than 30 scientists from
across the globe battled for the title of FameLab
Champion in the world‘s biggest science communication
competition;

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(2)

further notes that Ms Legoale is a 27-years-old and a
geologist at Mintek, where she specialises in
metallurgic research and probing methods to use wheat
as a gold hyper accumulator, where wheat plants are
used to harvest gold from mine dumps;

(3)

recognises that the wheat-to-gold method research done
by Ms Legoale could represent a potential alternative
to illegal mining in a sustainable manner and assists
with the rehabilitation of old abandoned mines;

(4)

further recognise that Ms Legoale‘s achievement is
particularly relevant whilst we are celebrating the
youth month, and that she is setting a shining example
for our scholars;

(5)

calls the house to congratulate Ms Legoale on her
achievement; and

(6)

encourages the young South African scholars to follow
the shining example set by Ms Legoale to excel in
science and innovative ways.

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Agreed to.

MUSLIMS OBSERVE THE MONTH OF RAMADAN

(Draft Resolution)

Ms L A MNGANGA-GCABASHE: The ANC moves without notice:

That the House –

(1)

extends its best wishes to the Muslim community as they
observe the month of Ramadan which started on May 27,
2017 and will finish on June 24, 2017;

(2)

further notes that Ramadan is the most sacred month on
the Muslim calendar and marks the time when Islamic
holy book, the Quran, was revealed;

(3)

understands that it is also a time of devotion and
reflection when Muslims abstain from food and water
from sunrise to sunset;

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(4)

further understands that following Ramadan, Muslims
will celebrate Eid, which is to be held on 25 June
2017, marking the end of the Ramadan fasting and the
start of the next month, Shawwal;

(5)

urges Muslims to use this opportunity of the blessed
month that represents peace, unity and compassion, to
once again renew their pursuit of peace and justice for
all; and

(6)

wishes all Muslims in South Africa well over the fast.

Agreed to.

WASHINGTON SIXOLO DIES

(Draft Resolution)

Mr M L W FILTANE: Hon Chair, sorry for the delay. I move
without notice on behalf of the UDM:

That the House –

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(1)

notes with sadness the passing on of a legend of the
Creative Cultural Industry, Mr Washington Sixolo,
popularly known for his role as Jwara in Emzini
Wezinsizwa;

(2)

further notes that Jwara died of multiple illnesses
on Sunday, 4 June 2017, at the age of 83;

(3)

believes that Jwara leaves behind a large legacy from
which we can all learn;

(4)

further believes that as a veteran actor, he
enthralled his audience with fascinating stories;

(5)

acknowledges that Ntate Sixolo was also a language
adviser to some of the productions including
Generations, and that he acted in television, TV,
series Shaka Zulu as Bhebhe and Jackie Chan‘s Who Am
I as a Zulu king;

(6)

further acknowledges that in 1983, he won a Tonight
Acting Award in recognition of his excellence in
acting; and

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(7)

expresses its condolences with the members of the
Sixolo family, the friends and the Creative Cultural
Industry as a whole.

Agreed to.

ACKNOWLEDGING THE PEOPLE AND COMMUNITY OF NALEDI

(Draft Resolution)

Mr R T W CHANCE: I hereby move without notice on behalf of the
DA:

That the House –

(1)

notes that on 8 June 1976, at Naledi High School in
Soweto, police vehicles were set alight after the
attempt to arrest a learner, Enos Ngutshane, who had
written to the Department of Education in protest
against the Bantu Education Act;

(2)

recalls that the South African Student Movement
leaders went underground to arrange, with surrounding

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schools, a meeting on 13 June where the June 16 march
was planned;

(3)

acknowledges that on that fateful day, students began
marching from Naledi High School, through Mofolo,
Tladi, Jabulani and other suburbs of Soweto, arriving
in Orlando West where the shooting of Hector Peterson
made international headlines; and

(4)

requests that this House gives due recognition to the
people and community of Naledi, arguably the
birthplace of the 1976 student revolt, which
unleashed an unstoppable movement culminating in our
first free democratic elections 18 years later.

Agreed to.

CHAPTER 9 INSTITUTIONS TREATED UNFAIRLY

(Draft Resolution)

Ms M O MOKAUSE: Hon House Chair, I move on behalf of the EFF
without notice:

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That the House –

(1)

notes the discontent with which Parliament and
government treat institutions that are supposed to
support and strengthen our democracy;

(2)

further notes that this is even after the
Constitutional Court has affirmed Chapter 9
institutions powers and their binding
recommendations;

(3)

acknowledges that since the release of the state
capture report by the former Public Protector,
Advocate Thuli Madonsela, seven months ago,
Parliament has failed to follow up on the findings or
implement the recommendations by Advocate Thuli
Madonsela;

(4)

also notes that all efforts of judicial review of the
report by Jacob Zuma are simply a waste of taxpayers
money and mean to delay justice while the looting
continues by the Ministers appointed by the Guptas;

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(5)

acknowledges that with the new evidence that is now
available, Parliament cannot afford to wait on other
processes but it must play its role to deal with
state capture;

(6)

further acknowledges that all efforts to uncover
state capture must be supported; and

(7)

calls on this House to take a serious exception to
attempt to continue to undermine the state of capture
report and remind us all to focus on implementing its
recommendations, and not give lip service to and
undermine these important Chapter 9 institutions.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon members, I now put
the motion, are there any objections?

An HON MEMBER: We object, Chairperson.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): There is an objection.
Order, hon members! There is an objection and the motion is
thus not agreed to.

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SPRINGBOKS BEATS FRANCE

(Draft Resolution)

Mr S M RALEGOMA: The ANC moves without notice:

That the House –

(1)

notes that on Saturday 10 June 2017, Springboks end
at a losing streak when they beat France 37-14 during
the International Rugby Union test match at Loftus
Versfeld Stadium in Pretoria securing a pressure
relieving win for coach Allister Coetzee;

(2)

remembers that South Africa scored two tries in a
minute in the second half on the way to victory
regaining some pride after a disastrous previous
campaign;

(3)

believes that this win will ease some of the grinding
pressure on the coach and players;

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(4)

congratulates the Springboks for playing a good game;
and

(5)

wishes them well in their second match with France in
Durban next Saturday, 17 June 2017.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon members, I now put
the motion, are there any objections? There is an objection ...
[Interjections.] Who is rising on a point of order here?

Motion not agreed to.

Ms R N CAPA: Chair, is it parliamentary for that hon member to
be standing while we are busy in this House? [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order, hon members! Let
me deal with the motion. There‘s an objection, and the motion
is thus not agreed to.

Hon members, we are aware of the situation of the hon member
that underwent an extensive ... [Interjections.]

Ms D KOHLER: [Inaudible.]

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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order! Order, hon
member!

We are aware of the situation of the hon member, and that‘s why
we are allowing her to stand. She underwent an operation.
[Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: Apologise in this House!

PRIMARY SCHOOL PUPILS ASSAULTED BY POLICE AT PRINCIPAL’S
INVITATION

(Draft Resolution)

Ms D CARTER: Chairperson, on behalf of Cope, I move without
notice:

That the House —

(1) notes that merely a week before 16 June, 15 primary
school pupils were allegedly beaten up and kicked by
members of the SA Police Service, SAPS;

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(2) further notes that it is alleged that the principal at
Mamomoane Primary School in Madidi near Soshanguve
invited the police to come and discipline the children
because they were not listening;

(3) recognises that two officers from the Klipgat police
station assaulted these children, aged between 10 and
12;

(4) further recognises that one of the children is still
hospitalised with broken ribs;

(5) acknowledges that the station commander has referred
the case to the Independent Police Investigative
Directorate, Ipid, for investigation; and

(6) calls on the Department of Basic Education, SAPS and
Ipid to investigate and leave no stone unturned.

Agreed to.

Ms E N NTLANGWINI: Chair, on a point of order. Chair, I think
you should ask that member to apologise to the hon Natasha. We

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should, in fact, commend her for being here at work and working
even though she has to stand to do so. Some of their members go
home and sleep!

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Thank you, hon member.
The matter has been dealt with. [Interjections.] Order!

TELEVISION PERSONALITY JOHANN BOTHA SHOT AND KILLED

(Draft Resolution)

Mr S M RALEGOMA: Chairperson, on behalf of the ANC, I move
without notice:

That the House —

(1) notes with sadness the death of Johann Botha, the
presenter of the long-running wildlife show 50/50 on
SABC 2 after he was shot during a robbery at a bar in
the Maboneng Precinct on Wednesday night;

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(2) believes that, according to the police, four people –
three men and a woman – entered the bar, bought food,
and then pointed a gun at the owner;

(3) further believes that the owner and Johan Botha were
shot in the upper body and both died at the scene;

(4) understands that Botha was a former producer,
presenter and executive producer of the SABC‘s
environmental programme Projek Ardwolf;

(5) further understands that by the time of his death he
was a producer on MNet‘s Carte Blanche investigative
magazine show;

(6) acknowledges that Botha had an enormous talent and a
big heart, and that his energy on camera and
investigative journalistic insight made him a champion
for the environment; and

(7) conveys its condolences to his family, colleagues and
friends.

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Agreed to.

SOUTH AFRICAN ECONOMY OFFICIALLY IN RECESSION

(Draft Resolution)

Mr S M JAFTA: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House –

(1) notes that the South African economy has officially
entered technical recession;

(2) further notes that the economic cluster Ministries
should weigh-in on this quagmire and introduce
austerity measures in public spending;

(3) calls upon these Ministries to engage with business
across the spectrum, to quell business anxiety and
fears of political unrest; and

(4) further calls upon these Ministries to assure all
stakeholders in business, labour and the National

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Economic Development and Labour Council, Nedlac, that
government is working tirelessly to inspire investor
confidence in the state administration.

Agreed to.

CAPE STORM CLAIMS NINE LIVES AND WREAKS HAVOC

(Draft Resolution)

Ms L A MNGANGA-GCABASHE: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House —

(1) notes with sadness the death of nine people following
a storm which ravaged the Western Cape on Wednesday,
7 June 2017 till Thursday afternoon;

(2) further notes that scores of people were displaced and
spent the night at community halls, churches and
alternative shelters;

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(3) believes that hundreds of structures were destroyed
while thousands of people were affected by waterlogged homes;

(4) recalls that many trees were uprooted and roofs blown
off, which resulted in several blocked roads and
snapped power lines;

(5) understands that, in the Hout Bay area alone, more
than 700 structures were affected by floods;

(6) commends the NGOs, churches and authorities who gave
necessary support to those affected; and

(7) conveys its condolences to the families of the
deceased.

Agreed to.

SOUTH AFRICAN WRITING LEGEND P G DU PLESSIS PASSES AWAY

(Draft Resolution)

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Mr G A GROOTBOOM: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House —

(1) notes the death of Pieter Georg Du Plessis on
7 June 2017 after a long period of illness;

(2) further notes that, during his successful career, he
won a number of literary prizes for his outstanding
works that are still popular all over the country
today, of which Die Nag van Legio was, most certainly,
the best known literary piece;

(3) recognises that he also won the coveted Hertzog Prize
for the masterpiece, Siener in die Suburbs;

(4) recalls that Du Plessis was known in writing circles
as a top-class story teller and filmmaker;

(5) remembers the following words that might find favour
with everybody:

Afrikaans:

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Mens moet ook maar vrede maak met die kortheid
van jou dae en jy moet die skoongeid van jou
kortstondigheid aanvaar;

(6) acknowledges his massive contribution to the treasure
trove of South African literature; and

(7) conveys its heartfelt condolences to his family and
friends.

Agreed to.

COURT APPLICATION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT AGAINST THE ANC
DISMISSED

(Member‘s Statement)

Adv B T BONGO (ANC): The ANC welcomes the decision by the South
Gauteng High Court on Tuesday 6 June 2017 to dismiss with costs
the application for summary judgment brought by Ms Sihle Bolani
against the ANC. The court has dismissed this case of the
public relations expert Sihle Bolani, who claimed that ANC owed
her more than R1 million for the role she underhanded on the

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issues of black ops campaign targeted to the opposition
parties.

The ANC has consistently maintained that it has no relationship
with Ms Bolani and it knows nothing about the black ops
campaign around the issues of Local Government Elections.

The ANC has always since its formal launch in 1912 relied and
depended on the just basis of its policies and the superiority
of the ideals of building a true non-racial, united, nonsexist,
democratic and prosperous society and it has always used that
to gain the support of the people of South Africa and it is
committed to make sure that the people of South get to be their
own liberators. Together with the people of this country, we
have recorded compelling achievements in the economy; improving
the livelihood ... [Time expired.]

RESIGNATION OF THE ELECTRICITY SUPPLY COMMISSION, ESKOM, BOARD
CHAIRPERSON

(Member‘s Statement)

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Ms N W MAZZONE (DA): House Chairperson, the DA noted late last
night, the unsurprising resignation of the Electricity Supply
Commission, Eskom, Board Chairperson, Ben Ngubane.

Hot on the heels of damning revelations of the capture of the
Eskom leadership by the Guptas and the breakdown of the
corporative governance at Eskom; Mr Ngubane who presided over
the retrenchment, then retirement then rehire of Brian Molefe
as Eskom CEO has much to answer for, not least of which
includes Molefe‘s R30 million golden handshake deal and an
avalanche of accusations that the Guptas have milked Eskom for
many years.

Let us not forget that this is the same man who chaired the
South African Broadcasting Corporation, SABC, at the time that
Tlaudi Motsoeneng was made acting CEO of the Public Broadcaster
and defended him in this very institution unconditionally at
all times.

Ngubane‘s resignation will not exonerate him from liability of
the breakdown of governance at the power utility and the DA
will use the Parliamentary enquiry into Eskom set to commence
from 20 June to hold Ngubane to account.

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As one by one, the ponies in the chess game that the state
capture for the DA reiterate that South Africa is not for sale.
Not on our watch.

GUPTA CORRUPTION IN TRANSNET

(Member‘s Statement)

Ms N V MENTE (EFF): Thank you Chair. On the 09 June 2017 last
week Friday, the EFF CIC Julius Malema and EFF officials laid
criminal charges against the Minister of Finance Malusi Gigaba
and other people who were involved in the Transnet locomotive
tender corruption.

The EFF has all along warned South Africa about money that was
moved by Mr Zuma and other Cabinet Ministers to Dubai, money
that was looted from the state through corruption.

All what we have been saying is now supported by the hardcore
evidence that is available for anyone to see, and we are not
surprised that no Cabinet Minister has challenged the integrity
of these emails.

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Minister of Finance was the instigator and implementer of the
Gupta corruption at Transnet and those who want to stand up on
Point of Orders for a substantive motion must go to
Johannesburg Central Police Station they have a full docket
there.

Efforts to recapitalise Transnet were hijacked and thieves saw
opportunity to loot and prices were negotiated to include
bribes and kickbacks instead of price going down.

Transnet is paying for locomotives at a price that even
developed countries are not paying because of the criminal
organisation regiments and trading... [Interjection.]

Mr S M RALEGOMA: Chair, I‘m rising on Rule 85: the member is
raising issues that needed to be substantiated.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member I have
listened to your statement which at one stage was according to
the rules but then it started making very specific accusations
and you referred to a case, however although that is a matter
that is still under investigation it does require a
substantiated motion in the House so that if we feel that

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strongly about the House can look into it. So a substantive
motion is thus required.

Ms N V MENTE (EFF): The docket is available as a substantive
motion. We can give you copies. In fact, copies were already
forwarded to you. I don‘t know why you haven‘t seen them.

The police must do their job and investigate all these
corruption because there are also foreign companies involved.
We have written to the Chinese ... [Interjection.] ... and
American Embassies to refer to the respective law enforcement
agencies. You must go down. [Time expired.]

EASTERN CAPE TO RE-ALLOCATE UNOCCUPIED HOUSES

(Member‘s Statement)

Ms V BAM-MUGWANYA (ANC): The ANC welcomes the move by the
Eastern Cape Human Settlements provincial department to give
the go ahead to all municipalities to re-allocate unoccupied
houses to long awaiting qualifying beneficiaries.

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This decision was taken when it has come to the fore that some
municipalities are struggling to trace beneficiaries whose
houses have been completed. As a result, such houses most of
the time are vandalized and used by criminals for crime
purposes.

We support this move, as long as that undertaking is done
cautiously through a legal process of deregistration of
approved beneficiaries who have not taken ownership of their
completed government subsidy houses.

The ANC is of the view that the department must trace the
missing beneficiaries of unoccupied government subsidy houses
before undertaking the process of deregistration. This requires
that the missing beneficiaries are traced through advertisement
and are given a period of 21 days to respond before the
deregistration process commences.

The unoccupied houses also delay the transfer of issuing title
deeds to the correct beneficiaries. This year alone, the
department plans to lodge transfer and issue 10 000 title deeds
to the correct beneficiaries in line with the ANC‗s commitment
to eliminate the backlog of title deeds. I thank you.

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ARREST OF FOREIGNERS WITH RHINO HORN

(Member‘s Statement)

Mr N SINGH (IFP): Chairperson on Sunday two foreign national
record leaving South Africa with R5 million worth of Rhino horn
hidden in their luggage. That‘s the tip of the iceberg. This
year alone 477 Rhinos have fallen to poachers.

In KwaZulu-Natal we lost 23 in just twelve days. Tragically our
anti poaching victories in the Kruger National Park have simply
relocated the battle.

With our country still losing three Rhinos a day we dare not
cut budgets and think we are winning. Within a few short years
there will be no Rhino left unless government acts across the
board.

Treasury must count the cost to our country of illegal Rhino
horn trafficking. Tourism must count the future cost of lost
revenue; justice must create circuit courts in all the
districts were protected areas occur; police must investigate
and refer the syndicate who are operating freely; safety and

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security must refit our military with green barys to defend our
national heritage.

The environmental affairs must study the pros and cons of
dealing with the existing stock piles of illegal horns;
communities living around protected areas must receive the same
terms and training to become partners in this fight.

Chairperson through project Rhino KZN, a million youth are
calling on us to stop this slaughter now. If we fail their
generation will never see a wild Rhino. A year from now our
progress will... [Interjection.] [Time expired.]

PUBLICATIONS OF EMAILS ALLEGING GUPTA CORRUPTION

(Member‘s Statement)

Mr S C MNCWABE (NFP): Thank you hon Chairperson. Chair, where
there is a smoke there is fire. We can also assume that where
there is a lot of smoke there is a big fire.

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During the past few weeks South Africa has come face to face
with a flood of emails which starts to reveal the extent of the
Gupta interference in the state affairs.

The Gupta links make it difficult Chair to deny that our state
has indeed been captured. Chairperson, this state capture is
the result of a shadow state, governed from somewhere. It is a
state that operates for the benefit of the few using our
executive as its political hitman.

It is a state that prays on the greedy of individuals in
position of power and influences those who want more - a state
that ruthlessly pursues the aim of looting the public coffers
at the expense of the people. Under the rule of this shadow
state the economy of our country has been perished and racked.

Our national integrity has been tainted. In the midst of every
passing day with all these things, our chances of economic
recovery becomes less and our chances of further rating
downgrade is certained. While our people are becoming poorer
the connected few will become richer. Thank you.

SEA POINT DA WARD COUNCILLOR FINED R10 000

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(Member‘s Statement)

Ms M C C PILANE-MAJAKE (ANC): Hon Chairperson, the ANC believes
that the R10 000 fine imposed on the Sea Point DA Ward
Councillor Shayne Ramsay, for her racist and anti-poor
statements, is a slap on the wrist. Ramsay pleaded guilty at a
disciplinary committee of the DA for referring to homeless
people as criminals, mentally retarded and social outcasts.
Shocking!

Poverty can never make you stupid like the DA believes. It can
never make you ridiculous, it can never make you unworthy and
poverty should not make you an outcast, like the DA believes.
Poverty for South Africans was never bought over the counter,
but it is a direct outcome and consequence of the struggles
that our people endured for years under the white apartheid
regime that dehumanised and disenfranchised our people and that
put the wealth of our country in the hands of the whites for
300 years.

The DA and its alliance partners the EFF, can continue to put
spanners in the works, organise marches and riots, but we shall
overcome, so says the ANC, as they lie to themselves that they

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have already won the 2019 elections when they have already lost
the 2014 elections. We want to send a clear message to the
DA... [Time expired.] [Applause.]

HUMAN SETTLEMENTS BANK LAUNCHED IN CAPE TOWN

(Member‘s Statement)

Ms M F NKADIMENG (ANC): Hon Chair, the ANC welcomes the newly
established Human Settlements Bank meant to assist as many as
3 million people in the gap market. The bank was officially
launched in Cape Town on Friday 19 May 2017, by Human
Settlements Minister, Lindiwe Sisulu. Among its purposes, the
bank will facilitate faster access to home financing for the
poor. It is understandable that the bank would take the form of
the Development Bank of Southern Africa, which is a development
finance bank. Public servants including nurses, teachers and
soldiers would benefit from home loans from the bank.

The gap market comprises people who earn too much to get
Reconstruction and Development Programme, RDP, houses and too
little to get mortgages from banks. The ANC believes that this
bank will transform the property sector, which remained

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untransformed. We hope that the private sector will come on
board and assist in this project which is underpinned by a
policy of undoing apartheid era spatial divides and bringing
the poor closer to economic centres. The bank would also
provide finance to emerging black entrants into the property
sector, and would scale up delivery of the finance linked
individual subsidy. I thank you. [Applause.]

CONDEMNING ALL FARM ATTACKS AND MURDERS

(Member‘s Statement)

Ms A STEYN: Chairperson, North West Premier, Supra Mahumapelo,
blamed and I quote, ―White racists‖, for the death of young
Matlhomola Mosweu. He said and I quote, ―There is no confusion
at whose hands did Matlhomola lose his life.‖ He referred to
and I quote, ―Visitors who came empty handed to South Africa...
none of them came with sunflowers or cows here...‖

Shortly after this, North West province has seen an increase
in farm attacks and murders with seven attacks in one month,
one person murdered and another raped.

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Instead of calling for calm and solutions to unite the
community, he abused the opportunity to lash, and divide races,
at a time of immense volatility. The DA condemns all attacks
and murders and call on political leaders to unite and not
divide communities. I thank you. [Applause.]

MINISTER MALUSI GIGABA UNDULY GRANTED THE GUPTA FAMILY
CITIZENSHIP

(Member‘s Statement)

Mr M S MBATHA: Yesterday we provided proof that Minister Malusi
Gigaba unduly granted the Gupta family citizenship. This was
after Mr G G Hlatshwayo on behalf of the DG of the department
correctly denied the Guptas the citizenship stating that they
were not meeting the requirements within the act.

The application for naturalisation was therefore unsuccessful
as conveyed to the Minister by the officials. On 23 December
2005, in less than few months ago Minister Gigaba wrote to the
Guptas granting them in terms what he grants as naturalisation.
It is now beyond reasonable doubt that Minister Gigaba was

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brought back to Home Affairs to finalise this process as it has
been outstanding for a while.

This is after he has done a mess at the Public Enterprise
Department by appointing all the Gupta family and cronies in
all strategic positions in boards within the state enterprises.
The EFF has taken a decision to approach its lawyers to take
the matter to court with a view to rescind and to correct the
big mistake that has been done by Minister Gigaba. It is clear
that he works for the Guptas. Thank you.

HANDING OVER A NEW HIGH TECH COMPUTER LABORATORY TO
SIGIDISABATHEMBU PRIMARY

(Member‘s Statement)

Ms N NDONGENI (ANC): Chairperson, The ANC believes that
education and skills are fundamental requirements for creating
a prosperous society. As such, the ANC commends the Department
of Science and Technology for handing over a new high tech
computer laboratory to Sigidisabathembu Primary in the poverty
stricken rural village of Ilenge-Majuqule in Ladysmith,

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KwaZulu-Natal, a school that few years ago was just two shacks
with no windows and doors.

Today the school has dramatically changed from what it was, to
a brick school with a new high tech computer laboratory. The
school boasts a laboratory, which is internet enabled and
equipped with 30 desktop computers, a multimedia printer,
external hard drives and a projector. Moreover, nine laptops
have been donated for the school‘s six teachers, and 19 tablets
for Grade R learners to use. This development has opened up a
new world of education for children at Sigidisabathembu Primary
School.

The schoolchildren and the community would not have to spend
time and money travelling more than an hour to town to access
and use a computer. Instead of travelling, learners will get to
use computers every day at school. This initiative is the
Department of Science and Technology‘s Youth into Science
Programme. I thank you.

THE KILLING OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN

(Member‘s Statement)

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Mr L M NTSHAYISA (AIC): Hon Chairperson, as AIC we call upon
the intelligence police safety and security services of our
country to look thoroughly in the issue of criminals. There
should be a clear turn around strategy in dealing with these
unscrupulous satanic culprits which are killing women and
children almost everyday.

All the stakeholders in all municipalities should come together
and assist the government in dealing with this scourge of
murder and raping of our children and women. Everytime we hear
that children have been snatched from schools by these
criminals and are never heard of again and only their dead
bodies would be found.

Basic education should also check and assist schools in drawing
up the so called the school safety policies and this should be
implemented.

The issue of inter-departmental relations becomes very much
important in this regard. These devilish criminals are killing
the future of our nation. Our youth should refrain from the
youth of drugs and other substances so that they don‘t become

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targets. It may sound xenophobic, but most of these drugs are
brought by these foreign nationals. Their skills are accepted
but the killing of children and women can never be allowed.

We hope that as the government, we will win this fight against
these criminals and so on. Thank you.

NEW CLINIC IN RANDFONTEIN

(Members‘s Statement)

Mr W MAPHANGA (ANC): House Chair, the ANC will always strive to
ensure that South Africans have access to comprehensive quality
health services irrespective of their socioeconomic status. The
recent launch of R40 million state of the art clinic by the
Gauteng provincial Government at Randfontein in Rand West City
Local Municipality is welcomed and is commended. This clinic
will serve residents from Brandvlei, Elandsfontein, Louwmarina,
Helikonpark, Greenhill and other areas in that region.

It provides maternal and child health services and has lifesaving facilities for emergency births, provides treatment for
chronic illnesses such as TB and HIV, has an outreach team that

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visits schools and goes to patients‘ homes to ensure compliance
with treatment for TB, HIV and other conditions. The clinic
also offers the services of specialists that include social
workers, a dietician and a dentist. The clinic has the capacity
required by the doctors, nurses and specialists servicing the
community. The ANC believes that this clinic will ensure the
best care for local residents. ANC is of the view that the
comprehensive health services should be made available as close
to communities as possible. Thank you, Chair.

SERVICE DELIVERY IN DA-RUN METROS

(Member‘s Statement)

Mr Z N MBHELE (DA): Chairperson, while the recently past DA-run
Johannesburg Metro pro poor budget allocated R31 million to metro
police departments for the recruitment of 1500 new officers to
increase police visibility, the ANC-run eThekwini metro police
wasted R4 million to hire more than 50 top vehicles during a six
month spending spree in 2016. While the DA-run Tshwane Metro has
introduced an anti-hijacking units and beefed up the anti-cable
theft units within its metro police, and the Nelson Mandela Bay
Metro has stabilized its metro police with the appointment of a new

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police-chief and has already trained more than 100 new recruits
since DA took over.

The supply chain management processes in the ANC-run Durban
Metro were under multiple irregularities that squandered
resources meant to increase safety for eThekwini residents.
This is the DA difference that citizens can look forward to
under a DA government after 2019. A DA government that cuts
corruption, improve service delivery and increasing safety for
all communities. Thank you.

MOGALE CITY MAYOR

(Member‘s Statement)

Ms B J MALULEKE (ANC): Chairperson, the ANC welcomes the
positive outcomes of a motion of no confidence against Mogale
City DA Mayor, Michael Holenstein on Wednesday 7 June 2017,
with votes tallied 39/38 resulted in favour of the ANC's motion
of no confidence in the executive mayor. The motion was tabled
on the basis of gross violation of the laws by the executive
mayor. The ANC Speaker of Council agreed to his party‘s request
to conduct a motion of no confidence against DA‘s Holenstein

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through a secret ballot. Although the DA cried foul that the
motion was not done through a show of hands by stating that the
municipality‘s rules did not allow for a secret ballot when
conducting motions of no confidence. This irony does not escape
the ANC.

The ANC, thus views the position of the opposition parties as
disingenuous given that on a national level they supported the
United Democratic Movement‘s calls for a secret ballot vote for
the motion of no confidence against the President, Jacob Zuma.
The DA went further by calling on ANC cadres in Parliament to
vote with their conscience. And even more hypocritically, the
DA‘s national leadership was part of last month‘s march by
opposition parties to the Constitutional Court in support of
the secret ballot. I thank you.

MINISTERIAL RESPONSES

The MINISTER OF ENERGY: House Chair, firstly let me start by
reiterating government‘s commitment in dealing with and
fighting corruption amongst departments and everywhere else.
That is witnessed by the signing of the FICA by Minister Gigaba
today, which he has signed and gazetted. It is part of the

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areas and the actions that government is showing on its
commitment to fight corruption.

The second issue I want to respond to is a statement by DA that
speaks to poor budget in Johannesburg. I am not so sure hon
member which Johannesburg you are talking about because the
City of Johannesburg has cancelled free basic water to poor
communities. Now, you are talking about the poor; the poor
people‘s budget is not there. [Interjections.]

You have cancelled free litres of water that are given to
communities which were introduced by the City Johannesburg then
under the ANC. Today, members of the community who are poor,
with child-headed households and who are senior citizens are
going to suffer under your leadership. [Interjections.]

The other issue I want to respond to is the issue around the
killing of women and children. I think this issue needs all of
us, from government to civil society and all members of society
in terms of women and men, to stand together and say: Not in
our name. Let‘s protect women; let protect children so that
everybody can feel safe. Those who are found abusing women must

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be isolated in society. So, there must not be any level of
tolerance for those who are found wanting.

Finally, I want speak to the state-of-the-art clinic in
Gauteng. I think this is a commitment of the ANC-led government
in ensuring that we do not bring ... [Time expired.] Thank you,
Chair. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Chairperson, I wish to
begin by agreeing with the hon Singh that we should not cast or
rather neglect attention to rhino poaching in any part of the
country, particularly where we have very rich wildlife such as
KwaZulu-Natal. Thus, the collaboration that we‘ve had between
the SA National Parks, SANParks, as well as the CSIR and the SA
Police Service in using technology developed by the CSIR in
fighting rhino poaching in the Kruger Park is something that we
should take to other parts of the country. So, we would
strongly support the hon Singh there.

Secondly, I thank the hon member of the ANC who referred to the
laboratory that had been provided for the school in Ilenge in
KwaZulu-Natal. This is part of our attempt to ensure that we
increase resources for developing competence in science and

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technology in all parts of our country. We value the support of
all Members of Parliament in encouraging young people in South
Africa to take up science and mathematics.

Finally, we applaud the Department of Human Settlements for
continuing with the excellent record that government has built
as the ANC-led government in providing housing to many millions
of poor citizens in our country who would not enjoy such access
had it not been for the democratic government of South Africa.

Thus, we encourage increased efforts by the Human Settlements
department, and particularly congratulate them on this step
taken: To support those who have not been able to get mortgages
from banks; who will now be able to purchases homes with loans
that are affordable from the entity created by the Department
of Human Settlements. Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Chair, the hon Minister
has covered me basically on the rhino horn issue but we
absolutely agree with the hon Singh that indeed our country‘s
resources are being looted and that we can and should do better
with regard to border management. It is a real pity that of all

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of the opposition parties, it was the IFP that voted in favour
of the Border Management Authorities Bill.

We certainly think that all parties of the House should agree
that we can and should do better with border management in the
future. We note however that the perpetrators in this
particular case were apprehended and we congratulate the
officials in this regard.

With regard to the issue of waivers, I am sure Minister Gigaba
can speak for himself on this matter which was essentially more
of a substantive motion than a Member‘s Statement. However, be
that as it may, I think it is wrong for Members of Parliament
to suggest that the Minister was not acting within his legal
powers. It is usual in Home Affairs for waivers to be applied
for and to be granted with regard to special motivation.

Finally, just speaking about the DA difference: I wonder if the
hon member who raised the issue of the DA difference read the
letter to the Sunday Times by Ms Bev Hermanson who said, and I
quote:

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The DA promised that they were going to do better, that
service would improve. Well, they lied! Big time! ... Huge
potholes [in Randpark Ridge], no electricity, and
sometimes no water.

I wonder if we shouldn‘t all agree that, ―DA disappoints in
Joburg‖. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T FROLICK): Just to remind the
House ... [Interjections.] ... that I indicated to the member
who moved the motion with regard to the Minister of Finance
during his term as Minister of Home Affairs that it requires a
substantive motion. So, we wait for resubmission thereof and we
will process it.

NOTICES OF MOTION

Adv B T BONGO: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
ANC:

That the House-

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debates strengthening government, private sector and
labour partnership in attempting to address the country‘s
unemployment challenges.

Thank you.

Mr H M HOOSEN: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
DA:

That the House-

debates the excessive guarantees and bail outs given to
the state-owned enterprises in the light of the recession
and continuous downgrades.

I so move.

Ms E N NTLANGWINI: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that
on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of
the EFF:

That the House-

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notes that since our arrival in Parliament 2014, we have
called on this House to intervene; wrote letters to the
Minister and rose the matter at every opportunity on the
Apla political prisoners to be released; and

calls on the House to debate the continued imprisonment of
the Apla political prisoners.

I so move

Mrs M C C PILANE-MAJAKE: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice
that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on
behalf of the ANC:

That the Housedebates social cohesion and nation-building in the context
of peace, humanity and equality we must jealously promote
towards final liberation and development of our beautiful
country.

I so move.

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Mrs S J NKOMO: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
IFP:

That the House-

debates the poor train services that have left many
commuters stranded and led to destruction and looting of
public property.

I thank you.

Mr S C MNCWABE: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
NFP:

That the House-

debates ways in which the South African economy can be put
on a path of recovery to mitigate the impact of inevitable
further credit downgrades.

Thank you.

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Ms V BAM MUGWANYA: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that
on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of
the ANC:

That the House-

debates promoting inclusive growth and employment creation
towards a prosperous South Africa.

Thank you.

IsiXhosa:
Mnu N L S KWANKWA: Somlomo ohloniphekileyo, besele

ndicinga ukuba unomkhethe, ndenza isaziso sokuba, xa
le Ndlu ihlala kwakhona, ndiza kwenza isiphakamiso
egameni le-UDM:

Sokuba le Ndlu-

ishukuxe umba wezothutho ezikolweni (scholar transport)
eMpuma Koloni nakwamanye amaphondo nokunqongophala kwemali
urhulumente asilelayo ekuyikhupheni.

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Enkosi.

Ms H S BOSHOFF: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
DA:

That the House-

debates the increase in South Africa‘s unemployment rate
to 20,7% the highest it has been in 14 years.

Thank you.

Mr Z R XALISA: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
DA:

That the House-

debates that every year winter storms and floods in the
townships all over the country in particular in Cape Town
destroying the homes of poor people in particular blacks
and the so-called coloureds; and

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calls on this House to debate a need for proper city
planning that will bring the people closer to the work
places and decent housing to eradicate this suffering.

I so move.

Ms N NDONGENI: Hon House Chair, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
DA:

That the House-

debates encouraging the youth to make meaningful use of
all support and resources available at their disposal to
improve their prospect and their advancement in the
economy.

I so move.

Ms M F NKADIMENG: House Chairperson, I hereby give notice that
on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of
the ANC:

UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017
Page: 248
That the House debates the government subsidy programmes
which is focused and directed at meeting the needs of the
most vulnerable households including the orphans, the aged
and the disabled. Thank you.

Mr S M JAFTA: House Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
AIC:

That the House debates the role of the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission units located within the
Departments of Justice and Correctional Services in
implementing the recommendations by the committee on
reparations and rehabilitation.

Mr W MAPHANGA: House Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on
the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the
ANC:

That the House debates the strengthening the healthy
system to ensure that it is efficient and responsive, and
that it offers financial risk protection. I thank you,
Chair. [Applause.]

UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017
Page: 249
Mr C H H HUNSINGER: House Chairperson, I hereby give notice
that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on
behalf of the DA:

That the House debates the shambolic state of affairs at
the Metrorail and Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa,
Prasa, and their failure to deliver a reliable service to
thousands of commuters.

Ms B J MALULEKE: House Chairperson, I hereby give notice that
on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of
the ANC:

That the House debates the recognition of traditional
leaders as central to the deepening democracy, public
participation and effective governance.

The House adjourned at 19:25.


 


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