Hansard: NA: Unrevised Hansard
House: National Assembly
Date of Meeting: 25 May 2016
Summary
No summary available.
Minutes
WEDNESDAY, 25 MAY 2016
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
The House met at 15:05.
The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.
WELCOMING OF LEARNERS FROM FEZEKA SECONDARY SCHOOL
The SPEAKER: Hon members, I wish to acknowledge the presence of the Grades 10 and 11 learners from Fezeka Secondary School. You are welcome. These are future parliamentarians. [Applause.]
QUESTIONS FOR ORAL REPLY
THE DEPUTY PRESIDENT:
Intended remedial action in response to Public Protector’s report on separation between state and political parties
5. Ms L L van der Merwe (IFP) asked the Deputy President:
Whether, following a recent report by the Public Protector on the separation between the state and political parties, in which she found that the distribution of SA Social Security Agency food parcels by the former leader of a certain political party (name furnished) in the run-up to the national elections in 2009 was in contravention of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, and an abuse of state resources, he can inform this House about the (a) remedial action(s) and/or interventions the Government intends to take in response to the Public Protector’s report and (b) timeframes for the specified action(s) and/or interventions in order to ensure that state resources will not be abused in this manner again?
NO1632E
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker and hon members, I’m informed that the Minister of Social Development has instructed the SA Social Security Agency, Sassa, to ensure that the distribution of social relief of distress, which was at issue in this case, is strictly provided in accordance with the provisions of the Social Assistance Act of 2004.
Social relief of distress is a legislated and necessary programme of immediate material assistance to people who live in this country, be they citizens, residents, or refugees who, at one point or another, experience crisis situations in their lives. The relief is provided in various forms. This can include the handing out of food parcels, the handing out of vouchers, school uniforms, humanitarian assistance during a disaster, or cash, under certain circumstances. The relief is provided without prejudice or favour because it based purely on the beneficiaries’ immediate, dire circumstances.
The Minister’s instruction is aimed at ensuring that only recipients who qualify for social relief distress in terms of our law, will receive it and that only departmental or Sassa staff will be the ones who will distribute it.
In this regard, government respects the Office of the Public Protector and accepts that the remedial action she takes is binding, unless reviewed or set aside by a court of law.
Government is, furthermore, committed to ensuring that all members of the executive abide by the Code of Ethics for Members of the Executive, and that all state resources are used with great care and for the purpose for which they were allocated. I thank you, hon Speaker. [Applause.]
Ms L L VAN DER MERWE: Hon Speaker, the hon the Deputy President, thank you very much. I appreciate the comments that you made in terms of the Public Protector and her findings being binding, and we thank you for that, hon Deputy President. However, for me, this is an issue that goes to the very heart of our democracy.
The IFP recently witnessed how ANC officials and Sassa officials, just a day before a by-election, brought in trucks of food parcels. We have the photos here. This is not an isolated incident. In fact, now, with every by-election, you will find the same situation. And I don’t think one can advance the argument and say that those food parcels are only distributed on a needs basis because, quite frankly, there is an electioneering or campaigning element to those distributions. [Interjections.]
My question to the Deputy President is: Do you think that the measures that you have just outlined will actually go far enough to ensure that you put an end to this practice which has become entrenched? Do you believe that a failure to do so will actually render the upcoming local government election neither free nor fair? Thank you. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker, I believe that the measures that I have just read out, including the fact that all political parties are party to the signing of the electoral code, which provides that the elections must be run on a free and fair basis and that there should be total tolerance ...
Overall, as a government, we believe that state resources should not be used for party-political interests ... [Laughter.] ... and that we should not be advancing party-political interests through state resources because state recourses are there for all South Africans - for all the people who live in our country. Therefore, I do not believe that the coming local government election will be jeopardised in any way, whatsoever. I have full faith in the adherence of all of us, as political parties, to our democratic values and our democratic principles in South Africa. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Nkul H P CHAUKE: Xandla xa Phuresidente, lexi ndzi lavaka ku xi vula na leswi mi pfumelelana na mina eka swona hi leswaku mhaka leyi ya ku phakela swakudya swa lava pfumalaka, a hi nawu ku suka eka vandla ra ANC leswaku ri tirhisa ku phakela vanhu swakudya leswaku vavhoti va ri vhotela. Xana mi pfumelelana na mina, Xandla xa Phuresidente?
Xavumbirhi, xana milawu leyi nga kona leyi hi nga yi veka leyi mi nga vulavula hi yona yi tiyisisa leswaku maphakele ya swakudya leswi ya endliwa hi ndlela ya kahle, nakambe ku nga vi na munhu eka swiyenge hinkwaswo swa mfumo, ku suka eka mfumo wa le xikarhi, tihuvo to endla milawu ta swifundzankulu xikan’we na mifumo ya miganga, loyi a tirhisaka swakudya leswi ku gangisa vavhoti. Leswi a swi kongomisiwi eka vandla ra ANC ntsena, kambe hi nga ha nyika xikombiso na hi le Western Cape. Xana na vona nawu lowu wa va khumba xana?
XANDLA XA PHURESIDENTE: Manana Xipikara, loko hi vulavula hi nawu lowu, hi vulavula hi leswaku wu fanele wu boha eka vanhu hinkwavo. Loko hi ku wu boha eka vanhu hinkwavo, hi vula leswaku hinkwerhu hi fanele ku wu landzelela. Na hina tanihi ANC wa hi boha. A swi vuli leswaku wu boha eka vanhu van’we ntsena.
Mhaka yo nyika vanhu swakuya yi fanele ku famba hi nawu lowu nga vekiwa hi Palamende. Hi nga swi endli ku xava tivhoti ta vanhu. Hi nga swi endli hi xikongomelo xa leswaku vanhu va vhotela nhlangano wa swa tipolitiki lowu kumbe lowuya. Na kwala Western Cape kumbe kwihi kumbe kwihi, hi fanele hi landzelela nawu lowu.
Swakudya xikan’we na hinkwaswo leswi humesiwaka hi mfumo swi nga
tirhisiwi ku xava tivhoti ta vanhu.
Mfumo wu fanele ku tirhela vanhu hinkwavo hi ndlela yo fana. Va nga hlawuli leswaku loyi hi ta nwi nyika leswi hikuva i ambale xikipa xa muhlovo lowu kumbe lowuya. Leswi hi leswi hi swi vulaka. Swakudya a swi nyikiwi vanhu hinkwavo naswona swi fanele ku endliwa hi ku landza nawu lowu nga tsariwa ehansi. Ndza khensa. [Va phokotela.] (Translation of Xitsonga paragraphs follows.)
[Mr H P CHAUKE: Deputy President, firstly, what I want to indicate and what we are in agreement with is that the issue of the distribution of social relief of distress is not legislation from the ANC that it should use the distribution of food parcels so that voters can vote for it. Deputy President, do you agree with me?
Secondly, the existing legislation that you have made mention of stresses that the distribution of food parcels should be done in an appropriate manner, and furthermore, there should be nobody from any sector of government, national government, provincial legislatures or local government, who uses food parcels to garner votes. This is not directed to the ANC only, but we can
cite an example of the Western Cape. Does this legislation also affect them, or not?
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, when we talk about this legislation, we mean that it should be compulsory for everybody. When we say it is compulsory for everybody, we mean that every one of us should adhere to it. Even we, as the ANC, are bound by it.
The issue of the handing out of food parcels to the people should be done in accordance with the law that was legislated by Parliament. We should not do it to garner people’s votes. We should not do it with the intention that people should vote for this or that political party. Even here, in the Western Cape, or anywhere else, we need to adhere to this legislation. Food parcels or anything that is provided by government should not be used to garner people’s votes.
The government should be of service to all the citizens in the same manner. They should not choose to give this one this because he or she is wearing this or that colour of T-shirt.
Food parcels should be given to everybody, and it should be done in accordance with the law that has been legislated. I thank you. [Applause.]]
Ms B S MASANGO: Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President, the expectations of vulnerable South Africans during the ANC election campaign is widely reported and documented. It has even sparked outrage on the ANC’s own Facebook page. On numerous occasions, people have said to us that they are tired of seeing food parcels during election campaigns only. [Interjections.]
The questions which I would like to ask the Deputy President are: How will the government ensure that there will be no trucks driving around asking people to vote for the ANC while handing out taxpayers’ food parcels and the ANC paraphernalia; and will the Deputy President please explain the steps he will take to prevent this exploitation from happening? [Applause.]
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker, I should say that we need to make a clear distinction on this. Social assistance is one of those weapons that government is using to fight poverty. [Applause.] That is what we are doing. When people who are in distress, people who are in need, are given one form of assistance or another, be it food parcels, be it blankets, or be it a number of other assistance measures, it should never be read as that the ANC, which is the governing party, is buying votes. The ANC does not need to buy votes by giving people food parcels. [Interjections.] The ANC, as a governing party, has
enough experience, the right policies, and enough capability to convince people to vote for it rather than buying them through food parcels.
The food parcels that are given out are also given out in non- ANC-controlled provinces. The Western Cape does so, and indeed, in other provinces. You can therefore not say that when people who are hungry and under stress and in distress are given assistance, it is for buying votes. That you will not see from the ANC. We give people support because they are in need. That is what we, as the ANC, do. [Applause.]
Mr N L S KWANKWA: Somlomo ohloniphekileyo, Sekela Mongameli, hayi uyapolitika nyani ngoku, ndiyakubona. [Hon Speaker, Deputy President, I notice that you are really politicking now.]
I want to extend this matter a little bit further to include the matter of the Expanded Public Works Programme, EPWP. In the Standing Committee on Appropriations, the report of the Standing Committee on Appropriations Budget Vote highlights it as an observation and a concern of the politicisation of that programme. It’s a matter that political parties have raised in the past, but that did not receive much attention. However, I think now that it is contained in the parliamentary report,
something needs to be done by government because it is very prevalent.
What is your government going to do to ensure that the EPWP is not used as a tool to prop up the ruling party’s campaign in an effort to try and show people that you are creating jobs now that the elections are around the corner? Thank you.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, the Interministerial Committee on Public Employment Programmes, PEP-IMC, which the President has asked me to chair, which deals with public employment programmes, deals with matters that affect employment, the EPWP, and we get sight of precisely what is happening throughout the country.
The issue that you are raising had been raised in the past and we have made sure that public employment programmes are not used for advancing the party-political interests of any party. When the governing party, the ANC, set out its targets and objectives of creating 6 million job opportunities - and we are almost halfway to that target now - it was not aimed at getting its supporters into these programmes. It was aimed at getting a plethora of South Africans to participate in this.
I would like you to believe me that I have spent quite a bit of time going through a number of our programmes throughout the country, and I often take the time to ask people privately whether they are satisfied with the way the public employment programme is being run. Nearly all of them say, yes, they are satisfied. They even go further to say the councillors and officials who are there are doing it in a very open and transparent manner, and they invite everyone in the community to participate. That gives me a great deal of satisfaction.
However, I must say, hon member, that we do note the comment that you have made and the IMC will make sure that these programmes are forever used to advance the interests of all South Africans. Thank you for raising it again. We will keep a watchful eye on precisely that type of behaviour. Thank you. [Applause.]
Intentions regarding the granting of powers to Ministers to appoint Members of the Executive Council
6. Mr A M Shaik Emam (NFP) asked the Deputy President:
Whether, in view of the fact that the government is constituted as three distinctive but interdependent
spheres, as outlined in section 40(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, the government intends to give Ministers powers to appoint Members of the Executive Council in the provinces as Ministers are ultimately responsible for their specified departments; if so, when? NO1512E
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa clearly outlines the process of the appointment of members of the executive councils, MECs, in our provinces. Section 132 of our Constitution is quite clear on this, in that it states that the executive council of a province consists of the premier, as the head of the council, and no fewer than five and no more than 10 members appointed by the premier amongst the members of the provincial legislature. The premier of a province therefore, appoints the members of the executive council. He or she assigns their powers and functions and he or she may dismiss those members that he or she appoints.
I am not aware of any plans by the government to amend the Constitution to give national Ministers the powers to appoint MECs in provinces. As it is right now, it does not happen in any of our provinces, as MECs are appointed by premiers. National Ministers and MECs are, nevertheless, expected to continue to
work closely on matters relating to their specific departments, as envisaged through the constitutional principles of the interrelatedness and interdependence of our constitutional architecture.
In this regard, the concept of co-operative governance that we crafted when we drafted our Constitution is given more life through the way in which national Ministers and MECs co-operate to advance the interests of South Africans through the various departments in which they are deployed. Thank you very much, hon Speaker. [Applause.]
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Hon Speaker and hon Deputy President, this is exactly what my point is. [Interjections.] If you look in that gallery, I have Charmaine Adams, who lives in the city of Cape Town and has applied for a house for 25 years - and nothing is happening. [Interjections.] We also have, in that gallery, Daniel Botland, who is 65-years-old and has been living in a Reconstruction and Development Programme, RDP, house without a roof for five years. [Interjections.] We have Shireen Petersen, also in the gallery, who has had no water and sanitation for over 20 years. [Interjections.]
We have Tasneema, who will tell you they cannot even go out after dark. We have 80-year-old Lena Windvogel, who will also tell you that the RDP house she is living in is falling to pieces. [Interjections.] We have Mary-Ann Adams, who will tell you that due to no sanitation, faeces are dumped outside their homes, which is a health hazard, with no health facilities.
Now, in light of the fact that these decisions are made by national government - that MECs are appointed by premiers - there seem to be some limitations. As a result thereof, all these underprivileged people suffer the consequences.
The SPEAKER: Hon member, your one minute is over.
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: What is the department or government going to do about providing quality health and a quality life to our people, given the fact that your powers are limited and MECs make the decisions and marginalise our people because of who you are and what you are? [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Shaik Emam, your time is up.
Mr M WATERS: Hon Speaker, on a point of order ...
The SPEAKER: Hon Deputy President, can you take your seat while I take the point of order? Hon Waters, what is your point of order?
Mr M WATERS: Hon Speaker, I apologise to the Deputy President for interrupting him. My point of order is: We’ve had the gallery participating in the proceedings. [Interjections.] Can you please remind the gallery not to participate, please?
The SPEAKER: Indeed. Our honourable guests in the gallery are kindly requested not to participate in the proceedings of the Chamber, not by rising, raising your hand, or clapping your hands. [Interjections.] You are just expected to be neutral spectators that sit and observe. With respect, we are appealing to you. Hon Deputy President?
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker, thank you. I think the hon Shaik Emam has added a lot of colour and texture to his supplementary question by having some of the people that he is referring to in the gallery and I take it that they are all based here in the Western Cape.
HON MEMBERS: Yes!
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: With them being based in the Western Cape, they are experiencing all these problems and difficulties as a result of one failure or another by the government here in the Western Cape and by the relevant MECs.
Now, I really feel truly touched and I would like to say to those guests who are here in the gallery that we really apologise for the failing of our government to meet the aspirations that they all had. Some of them live in RDP houses without roofs. That should not be the case. They should not be living in houses where there are faeces that are flowing right in front of them. They should not be on the waiting list for houses for more than 20 years, or so. That, we apologise for.
However, in the end, in order to make government more effective, government does need to be closer to the people. The MECs - and, indeed, the councillors that we appoint - need to be the type of councillors who are going to pay close attention to the needs of our people, who are going to know the experiences of our people. And in the main, they should be people from the community so that they can associate more closely with the needs of our people.
I do not know whether that is the case here, or not. All I can say, hon Shaik Emam, is that these matters, obviously, need to be addressed and attended to and I would say that clearly, there needs to be attention given. They should be reported to the government here, in the Western Cape. Indeed, even the national department should be willing and prepared to take them up to see the extent to which we can assist our people who have taken the trouble to come here to Parliament. That is something that we ought to be doing as a caring government and as a government that takes the interests of our people to heart.
So, I would welcome the opportunity that this problem should be put to government officials, initially, here in the Western Cape, and if nothing happens, they should also be escalated to a national level. Thank you, very much. [Applause.]
Mr K J MILEHAM: Hon Speaker and Deputy President, at the outset, let me state that this question is bizarre in the extreme. The hon Shaik Emam would do well to read the Constitution - and if he has read it, to try and understand it. [Interjections.]
In addition to what the Deputy President has already said, section 41(1)(g) of the Constitution states that all spheres of government and all organs of state within each sphere must
exercise their powers and perform their functions in a manner that does not encroach on the geographical, functional, or institutional integrity of another sphere. Yet, the hon Shaik Emam would have the national government usurp that constitutional authority by having national Ministers appoint MECs in another democratically elected sphere of government. The hon Shaik Emam would do well to examine the shocking state of affairs in the one municipality that they do govern. [Interjections.]
Prof N M KHUBISA: Hon Speaker, on a point of order: One was labouring under the impression that the hon member would ask a question. Now, it seems that he is casting aspersions on our member. We take a very strong exception to that. [Interjections.] The hon member must focus on his question. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon ... mhlonishwa. Konje ubani igama lakho, mhlonishwa? Mhlonishwa uKhubisa, ngiyaxolisa. [Hon member. By the way, what is your name? Hon Khubisa, I apologise.]
The hon member has a right to actually make his point, including making a commentary before he gets to the question. Hopefully, hon Mileham, you will get to your question.
Mr K J MILEHAM: Yes, hon Speaker. So, the hon Shaik Emam will do well to examine the shocking state of affairs in the one municipality they do govern, namely the Zululand District Municipality, before he throws stones at the best-run municipality and province in the country. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
My question, Deputy President, is this: What steps are being taken in the national sphere - and here, I am talking about both executive and legislative - to hold provincial governments accountable? Where are they reporting on their key performance indicators and who oversees their budgets and expenditure? What actions are being taken to bring underperforming provinces and, more specifically, corrupt or maladministrating provincial executives into line? [Applause.]
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker, as I answer this question, I thought that what the hon Shaik Emam had being referring to was the extent to which one could also strengthen co-operative governance, the interdependent nature of all spheres of government - rather than stress on their being separate forms of government or spheres of government - to stress more how these spheres of government can work together to advance the interests of our people. And that is the approach that I would take: How
do we deepen co-operative governance? The second part of the question or the statement, I would guess, is: How is national government ensuring that there is good performance in all spheres of government?
We have the President’s Co-ordinating Council, PCC, chaired by the President, that at all times, whenever it meets, seeks to review precisely what is happening in all provinces. That structure is aimed at deepening the co-operation amongst all provinces in relation to national government.
When it comes to budgets, we have the Fiscal and Financial Commission that is meant to do precisely that. The Auditor- General, in the end, is the one who keeps a clear check on what is happening in provinces and, indeed, in national departments, in relation to the expenditure of our finances.
So, there is sufficient check and balance between the national and the provincial. Clearly, we do need to deepen and broaden that and make sure that it becomes more effective. If there are any ideas that the hon member is able to put forward as clear proposals, I invite him to bring his wisdom forward so that we can be better enlightened on how all structures of government can work better. Thank you, hon Speaker. [Applause.]
Mr M HLENGWA: Hon Speaker and Hon Deputy President, I would like to welcome your initial response before ...
... wonke lomdonsiswano okade sewenzeka la ... [... all the commotion that has happened ...]
... to the original question, just to say, as a staunch federalist, I believe that the power needs to be based at grassroots from the bottom and up. And what we need to do, as you correctly say, is to give greater emphasis to co-operative governance.
So, my question is, hon Deputy President: Has any consideration been given to the Van Zyl Slabbert report, which seeks to reform the electoral system so that we can ensure greater accountability and ensure that we do not have just the proportional representation system, which has elected representatives mainly accountable to their political parties and not to the communities? For us to be able to strengthen the balance that you speak about, we need to transcend the power even further.
Secondly, and just quickly, on the issue of the Minmec and how we strengthen those bodies to ensure that co-operation is there
and that the departments speak to each other from the provincial and national government, to what extent can those then be transcended down to local government municipalities where, in essence, all development is local and we would need to strengthen them from the local government?
I have just those two issues, Deputy President. Thank you very much.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, the proposals that were made by the late Van Zyl Slabbert are one of those many proposals that have been floated around in relation to how we can effect some changes and tweaking to our constitutional architecture - and those matters are matters that all of us need to consider. All of the political parties need to debate those and see whether they have any form of efficacy, or whether they will even suit the times that we live in.
If we can get to the point where we believe that the types of proposals that were put forward by Van Zyl Slabbert and, indeed, many other constitutional proposals that were put forward, we should debate them and see the extent to which they can be taken forward. So, that is my answer to that one.
In relation to how we can make sure that the various levels of government speak to each other, in government, as it is now, the way we have been able to tighten this process that you are talking about is through the continuous meetings and co- ordination of government work through the meetings of Ministers and MECs. The Minmec meetings continue and take place on an ongoing basis, dealing with real-life situations and projects that affect the lives of our people.
So, that enhances the co-ordination that we have in government. But more broadly, there are many other structures that we have. For instance, the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission, PICC, also involves quite a number of people from the provinces, and the President’s Co-ordinating Council that I spoke about, and that helps us to co-ordinate the work that happens in government at all levels.
When we come to local government, provinces take care, themselves, to make sure that the various municipalities in their domain do actually co-ordinate things jointly with them. This they do by definition and by virtue of the laws that we all live under.
So, there is quite a lot of co-ordination. We also need to look at where co-ordination can be made better so that each level of government speaks to the other, and the ideas that may be put on the table are ideas we would be quite willing to consider. Thank you very much indeed. [Applause.]
Mr M BOOI: Madam Speaker, I thank the Deputy President for his eloquence in how he put the issues up. [Interjections.] The challenge, and what the member has raised, is that it seems as if there is a continuous inefficiency in all the structures that you have outlined in the Western Cape. They are not able to do the work given to them by the national government or even by the Constitution.
How do you assist in that environment, Deputy President, to be able to get to assist the people presently in the gallery? It is quite clear that the hon member is raising it from the context that he is quite worried about the state of affairs in the Western Cape.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, what the hon Shaik Emam has raised is clearly a matter of great concern to us at national government level. We have a plethora of problems being experienced by our people, some of whom are here in the gallery.
Clearly, when it affects housing, the Minister of Human Settlements will be very, very concerned that such laxity of implementation of various rules and regulations is happening in this province - and if it is happening elsewhere, she would be the first to be concerned. If it is with regard to water, the Minister of Water and Sanitation will also be worried.
In the end, the national government must, by definition, have oversight over what happens throughout the country. It must have oversight and get involved. We should not hide behind a leaf of some constitutional provision which says, Leave us alone. This is because we live in a country where there has to be co- operative governance because we are dealing with our people, whose needs are urgent, and we need to redress the imbalances of the past. Therefore, we cannot just say, Leave us alone; we are this province or that province. We know what best needs to be done.
My answer to you is that oversight role by national government should mean that yes, we should get involved in making sure that the provinces do actually implement what they are meant to implement, to advance the interests of our people. Because we cannot allow some of our people to live in terrible conditions
whilst others live in much better conditions. The national government cannot allow that. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Reception of South Africa’s message at World Economic Forum
Africa meeting
7. Mr B A Radebe (ANC) asked the Deputy President:
How was South Africa’s message received at the recent World Economic Forum Africa meeting that was held in Kigali, Rwanda, from 11 to 13 May 2016? NO1614E
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker, just a few weeks ago, a top- class delegation of some 200 people from South Africa, constituted as Team South Africa, went to the World Economic Forum, WEF, meeting in Kigali, in Rwanda - the land of a thousand hills. This multistakeholder team, which represented our country, came from government, business, civil society, and a number of media representatives. In all the engagements during the WEF Africa, members of Team South Africa conveyed one common message to the rest of the continent and, indeed, to the world: South Africa is a desirable, dependable, and worthwhile destination for investment.
What the team had essentially gone to do was to go and make contact with a number of people who tend to attend those types of conferences and hopefully, to move from contact to contract that will bring investment into South Africa. Members of Team South Africa participated in various formal sessions of that forum. Many also had bilateral meetings with businesspeople and government people, and there were a lot of intergovernmental discussions with a number of people from various countries.
In our interactions, as government, and based on the feedback that we got from a number of businesspeople who attended, we thought and felt that our message, as a country, was well received. Those we met with were well-informed on South Africa and appreciated the important role that our country plays in the economic and social development of the continent.
They agreed with our message that South Africa has a dynamic and stable economy with solid economic fundamentals and that our democracy is also robust, mature, and secure - the type of democracy that gives rise to a stable country for investments.
They recognised that South Africa also has a sound regulatory framework that provides protection to investors and that we have a diversified economy that offers world-class business services and infrastructure.
Several of the people we met raised issues of political stability and were keen to know how South Africa was responding to the difficult global economic environment. When we explained to them that the foundations of the South African economy are strong enough to withstand the current turbulence that we are going through, a number of them felt that this could be a good destination for investments.
Our African brothers and sisters felt that South Africa should continue to be the gateway through which investments can flow into the continent and, indeed, were even keener to welcome South African companies that operate in their part of the continent.
We had an opportunity to share experiences and also to learn from what others are doing on the continent. A number of African countries are truly rising and they have a lot to offer South Africans in relation to a number of areas of life. We were very pleased that we were warmly welcomed with open arms in Rwanda and that we were able to share our experience and learn a lot from those that we met. We had a fantastic journey and Team South Africa flew the South African flag very high in Rwanda.
The SPEAKER: Hon members, before I call for supplementary questions, may I remind hon members that we should only ask one supplementary question?
Mr B A RADEBE: Hon Speaker, first of all, I would like to wish all Africans and South Africans a happy Africa Day.
HON MEMBERS: Hear! Hear! [Applause.]
Mr B A RADEBE: Hon Deputy President, one of the founding fathers of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, Dr Kwame Nkrumah, said that the political liberation of the continent was going to come from the north, but the economic emancipation was going to come from the south, from South Africa. It is really appreciated that all the other leaders of the African continent see South Africa as a gateway to investment in Africa.
One of the shortcomings of the African continent is the lack of intra-Africa trade, the lack of quality foreign direct investment, and the lack of infrastructure which can promote trade within the African continent. Our own NDP recognises that at this point, only 13% of South Africa’s trade is with the continent and expects that, by 2030, it must be 30%. [Interjections.] What is the current crop of African leadership
doing to attract foreign direct investment, promote intra-Africa trade, and ensure that there is proper infrastructure to promote the growth of the African continent? Thank you.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker, much of the discussion that took place in Rwanda dealt with how we can get African countries to be more interconnected - not only in as far as digital matters were concerned, because that was the main theme of the conference - but also, when it comes to trade, and also, how we can enhance infrastructure development that will lead to the people of Africa being able to trade better with one another, travel a lot easier, and do the developmental work that we are meant to do, as a continent. So, all of that occupied quite a lot of space and time at that conference.
What we found pleasing was that the talk about infrastructure, be it electrical, roads, the Internet, rivers or dams and the laying out of water, was common amongst all the participants who were there. Indeed, we found, very pleasantly, that all the African countries who were there were talking about the same thing - infrastructure development. As we all know, infrastructure development can lead to the connectedness of our continent in as far as trade is concerned.
Trade was one of those issues that was highlighted quite strongly. In order to advance our economic fortunes as a continent, we need to be trading more and more with each other. However, in order to do so, we need to extend those infrastructure linkups that we should have, like roads and rail, etc.
Then again, the main focus, as I said, was the extent to which we can use technology to extend the levels of connectedness on the African continent. We found that technological advancement was speeding up the progress on the continent in exponential ways and that we found quite pleasing.
In the end, without being arrogant, without being forward, at all, South Africa was able to present itself as a good destination for investment. However, we were very careful not to project ourselves as the best in class. We projected ourselves as being part of the African continent and as being willing to develop in tandem with the continent. Where we can lend assistance, we should do so, and where we can learn from others, we should be able to do so. We concluded that we have a symbiotic relationship with all countries on the continent and South Africa’s task must be how best we can advance the interests, not only of our own country, first, but also of the
continent, as a whole, when it comes to matters of development. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Mr D J MAYNIER: Speaker, the Deputy President tries to assure us that South Africa’s message was well received at the World Economic Forum but of course, that’s not what the transcript of his media briefing in Rwanda on 13 May 2016 suggests. The truth is the Deputy President had to convince observers that South Africa, as he concedes, was a stable democracy. This is what the Deputy President said:
In relation to the political landscape, South Africa is a stable democracy. What people read about in the media is not unique to South Africa. We can assure observers that South Africa is a stable democracy.
So, will the Deputy President tell us whether it was embarrassing to have to convince observers that South Africa was a stable democracy at the World Economic Forum and whether in the light of this, he is now considering running for the leadership of his party and removing the hon Jacob Zuma as President of South Africa? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, I can tell the hon Maynier that it was most uplifting to tell our brothers and sisters on the African continent that South Africa is a very stable democracy. We have a durable democracy and we have a stable Constitution that enhances our stability. We were also quick to applaud a number of other countries on the continent that you may not know of that are very stable, countries that have embraced democracy, countries that are moving in tandem with us on the democratic stability route and making sure that that democracy yields economic benefits.
We have gone beyond where you are because you are still very parochial, my dearest Maynier. You are still very inwardly focused. We are now looking at the benefits of stability; the benefits of democracy are economic development and that was the buzz word. And you were not even there. I mean, really.
Seriously? You should have come along with us. Next time, do come along. The buzzword was economic development – how we can use our strengths, which is our democracy, the human capital that we have in our country and, indeed, on the continent, to bolster our economic fortunes.
Now, I will ask you a question: Are you prepared to run for the leadership of your party and oust Maimane? [Interjections.]
Perhaps you should answer that question first because we, as the ANC, have no problem. We have a strong leadership that is leading the party, that is leading the country. [Interjections.] Just look around. All these leaders are charging ahead and you will see for yourself on 3 August. Thank you. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Mr D J MAYNIER: Hon Speaker ...
The SPEAKER: No, hon Maynier, you had your chance. [Interjections.]
Mr D J MAYNIER: I will be happy to answer the question if the Deputy President answers the question: Is he running ...? [Interjections.]
Prof N M KHUBISA: Hon Speaker, Deputy President, I believe, amongst a plethora of issues you have referred to, there was some focus on the issue of good governance, job creation, poverty, unemployment, health conditions, knowledge exchange, wealth sharing, terrorist attacks, and climate change. Would you say that, at the end of the conference, these matters were given urgent attention? Thank you.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, I can say without any equivocation that, yes, they were given attention. What also made sure that those matters were ventilated and attended to was the presence of a number of leaders from various countries. It was not only President Kagame who was there. President Kenyatta was there, as were a number of presidents from the West of Africa. They made sure that issues that are germane to the development of the continent were actually addressed.
All those issues, including climate change, hon member, were addressed. Let me say that they were addressed with a deep sense of seriousness. They were not just ticking the boxes. These leaders and the delegates who were there were focusing and focusing in a way that went to looking at the numbers - the financial indicators. The President of the African Development Bank was there, playing a key role in the conference. As a banker, he was able to say they are prepared to finance the building of this dam, this road, and that railway, and so forth.
Many of the issues that you are raising, including issues like terrorist attacks, Kenya has been exposed to. They were also addressed and attended to. And they were addressed within the context of 2063 – the objective that the continent has set up
for itself. It also went beyond that. They were also addressed within the context of the UN Millennium Development Goals, MDGs.
We were sitting there and not only discussing issues on a parochial basis that affect one or two countries. We were looking at the global goals that all countries have set up for themselves and also looking at ourselves, as Africans, in terms of 2063 and where we want Africa to be.
The other buzzword was the Africa that we want. We were asking what type of Africa we want by 2063. We asked ourselves if we are already on the journey to achieve that Africa that we want. Are we implementing some of those goals that we have set up?
So, in that regard, that was a very meaningful forum for all who attended - government, business, the media, and civil society.
It was an uplifting type of forum but also a focusing forum – to get us to focus.
Let me conclude by saying that many people who attended said they were tired of just hearing speeches; they now want action and implementation. They said they wanted African countries to go beyond just speechifying and to talk about implementation.
That is why the African Development Bank was also there. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Mr J A ESTERHUIZEN: Madam Speaker, the hon Deputy President, energy is essential for economic growth. You and all the delegates were shown a very comprehensive map showing all the African countries, populations, and all their various percentages of access to electricity. As you just said now, one of the matters you discussed was how all African states can work together.
Was it not a concern to you and your fellow delegates that a fellow South African state with the potential to supply the continent of Africa with clean and affordable electricity is failing not only its own people? The Democratic Republic of the Congo has 68 million people without electricity. But also we, who signed a treaty with the DRC in 2013, and were obliged to pay a US$10 million deposit. Construction was supposed to start on 15 October, last year. October 15 came without a sod being turned.
Rwanda was the right platform for this. Was this discussed or will the Grand Inga Project only remain an African dream? Thank you.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, hon member, the issue of energy – and, indeed, clean energy - was one of the central issues discussed at this forum. I would like you to believe me when I say that the Grand Inga Project was also one of the centrepieces of discussion at this conference.
The heads of state who were there were talking, in the main, economic development underpinned by energy generation. It was quite pleasant to hear all these heads of state talking, firstly, about economic development and saying that in order for us to get there and to have this development, we have to have energy generation. They went beyond that. They were now relating the number of megawatts that they are now putting in place to boost their energy generation in their various countries.
The African Development Bank also reflected on a number of projects. The Grand Inga Project was also referred to and in a way that says we now need to take it forward. This is where it is stuck and this is what now needs to be done to move the Grand Inga Project forward. So, I remain confident that the logjam and bottlenecks that were there in relation to the Grand Inga Project are now going to be removed, particularly, also, as the African leaders will be meeting in Kigali, in August, and they
are also going to discuss this. The Grand Inga Project is also being discussed in a number of other forums.
The good thing is that South Africa remains connected and involved with the Grand Inga Project. So, we are part of it, we have already put some dollars on the table, and we want to see the Grand Inga Project moving ahead.
We remain convinced that in order to see the economic regeneration of Africa, energy - and particularly, clean energy
- is going to underpin all the efforts that we are involved in. Many countries are already moving forward on the energy landscape. You watch and see. The map that you will see of Africa in the next few years is going to be a brightly lit map because many of our countries on the African continent are going to be generating energy exponentially.
We are marching ahead as a continent. This being Africa Day, it is something that we should be celebrating: We are part of an African continent that is on the move. Africa is wide awake and the Grand Inga Project is going to be a reality and no longer a dream. Thank you very much. Thank you very much.
Particulars regarding South Africa’s efforts to lay a foundation
for post-conflict reconstruction and development of South Sudan
8. Mrs C Dudley (ACDP) asked the Deputy President:
With reference to his working visit to South Sudan which formed part of efforts to consolidate unity within the ranks of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in
order
to ensure peace and stability in South Sudan, has
he
found
any evidence of South Africa’s efforts with regard
to
laying a foundation for the post-conflict reconstruction and development of South Sudan for the benefit of its people? NO1633E
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, as I was saying, today, we join our fellow Africans across the entire continent in celebrating this great day for all of us, as Africans – Africa Day. It is a day when we remember the great sacrifices that were made by our forebears, how our leaders have charted us forward to get to the point where we are, as many African countries, and we are also enjoined by our continental organisation, the African Union, AU, to continue the work towards the peace and stability, sustainable development, and prosperity of our continent. Guided by these objectives, South Africa, our own country, has
participated in the post-conflict reconstruction and development of South Sudan since its independence.
We remain engaged in conflict-resolution efforts in South Sudan. In this context, we have just returned from a working visit to Juba, where we have been engaged with various role-players with a view to consolidating unity within the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement, SPLM, moving from the premise that unity within the SPLM is a critical component for the creation of peace and stability in South Sudan. We have worked alongside the Secretary-General of Tanzania’s Chama Cha Mapinduzi to unify the various factions of the SPLM.
We have also worked with regional organisations, the African Union, the United Nations, and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in Eastern Africa, also known as Igad.
As a result of these efforts, all factions within the SPLM have now returned to Juba in South Sudan, and a new, transitional unity government comprising all these factions has now been formed and is in place.
During our visit, we had an opportunity to meet President Salva Kiir Mayardit, the First Vice President, Riek Machar, and the
Foreign Minister, Nhial Deng Nhial, all of them representing the various groupings of the SPLM. All these groupings of the SPLM remain committed to the consolidation of peace as a necessary step towards ending conflict completely in South Sudan.
We can say without any doubt that the guns of war have now been silenced in South Sudan. The various leaders of that country are now involved in the process of rebuilding peace and rebuilding the lives of their own people. As co-guarantors of the Arusha Peace Agreement, South Africa will continue to provide the necessary support to the SPLM to consolidate efforts towards the post-conflict reconstruction and development of that country.
The people of South Sudan deserve the benefits of peace and stability as a stepping stone towards sustainable development and prosperity.
As a country, we commit ourselves to walking hand in hand with the people of South Sudan on their journey towards a peaceful and prosperous society. They welcome the assistance that they are getting from their various partners around the world, and they are very pleased that South Africa and Tanzania are involved at close range to assist them in rebuilding not only
their own party, but also in stabilising democracy in South Sudan.
So, we had a good journey. It was quite worthwhile in terms of the richness of the interaction with the people that we met.
Thank you. [Applause.]
Ms C DUDLEY: Madam Speaker, I should like to thank the Deputy President for the feedback. Hon Deputy President, as a result of peace agreements being violated and the unstable situation, the country’s economy is, of course, in crisis. The South Sudanese pound has declined in value and the cost of goods and services has sky-rocketed, with food prices at a record high.
Have you and your counterpart discussed the South Sudanese economic and fiscal crisis and has South Africa been asked to assist in any additional way? If so, what are the relevant details?
We are also particularly concerned, as are many others, with the situation at a camp in Juba where about 200 000 people have not been receiving UN aid. Everyone is concerned about what is actually going to happen to those 200 000 people. We were
wondering if you had discussed this and whether you have any information that you can give us. Thank you.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, the needs of the people of South Sudan are plentiful. They span quite a number of areas of human endeavour. They relate to health. They do relate to security, as well. They relate to the displacement of not only
200 000 people, but also hundreds of thousands of their own people who are displaced internally - people who now face famine and hunger because their economy has been going through enormous challenges, particularly because it is dependent very much on oil extraction. As the price of oil has come down, it has meant that they face serious challenges.
The assistance that we have been giving to the people of South Sudan involves a lot of support in terms of building up their structures and making sure that their party functions well.
Clearly, they need much more than that. They need much more than just words. These are matters that they continue to raise with us and we will need to find ways of how we can assist.
We have also been giving them institutional support in terms of capacity-building to get their people better prepared so that
those people can run the institutions that are present in their own country.
Now, when it comes to those people that you referred to, it was raised with us. There are efforts to get not only the UN but also a number of other agencies to lend support, not only to the
200 000 people, but also to hundreds of thousands of other people. The work of beginning to get them to go back to their homes is also about to get under way.
So, the challenge that is faced by the people in South Sudan is huge. We remain privileged that we have been trusted enough to give them the assistance that we are giving at the moment. It is assistance that they truly appreciate in many, many ways. Thank you.
Mr N L S KWANKWA: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, I would like to approach this question from a slightly different dimension. Over the past few years, for instance, South Africa has played a critical role in trying to ensure that there is peace and democracy in Africa. We have been net exporters of the values of democracy in Africa, in particular. When we look at that record, it fills us with a great deal of pride.
However, you will agree with me, Mr President ... hon Deputy President, rather! It is too soon for me to call you Mr President! [Laughter.] Hon Deputy President, you will agree with me that that takes a lot of resources.
The question I want to ask ... in light of the fact that we are number three ... we have lost our position as the second-largest economy in Africa. To what extent does government, then, make sure that when we invest resources in Africa to try and make sure that there is stability, we balance it with our national interests - economic interests, in particular - so that we don’t create stability in those countries for other people to benefit from it. Thank you.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Hon Speaker and hon Kwankwa, you can rest assured that, as we move around and interact with various countries, clearly, what we seek to promote is South Africa’s interests. But we seek to promote that within a broader context of our being part of the African continent. So, we are Africans. Being Africans also means that, when we advance our interests as South Africa, we also must see the interests of the continent also being advanced.
So, in our view, the two are not mutually exclusive. They are inclusive and we can approach them jointly, at the same time. So, when we lend assistance to South Sudan, by definition, we are also lending assistance to our own interests, as South Africans, and that is how they see it.
However, they give us a lot more respect and a lot more room to manoeuvre by noticing that we are not selfish; we are not parochial. As we advance, we are also helping them to advance. That is who we are. In a way, you could say that is our DNA, as South Africans. That is the type of DNA we must be spreading around.
So, yes, we advance our interests within the broader context of our African agenda. Thank you.
Mr S MOKGALAPA: Speaker, and hon Deputy President, President Kiir signed a compromise deal on 26 August 2015. However, he added an annexure that included a list of 16 reservations that he strongly deemed important to the self-determination of South Sudan. This would impede the attainment of lasting peace.
The question is, What have you done to address those
16 reservations in order to avoid the resurgence of violence and the collapse of the peace agreement in South Sudan? Thank you.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, the agreement that was signed by the leaders of South Sudan is a living document. It is a document that they are working through themselves.
In a way, it was a confidence-building measure. When he listed all those reservations, he was basically saying these are issues that need to be addressed. On a daily basis, what we have found and what we were briefed on is that a number of the issues that he had raised as big reservations are beginning to wilt away and disappear as confidence is being engendered. The confidence levels are rising on an ongoing basis, largely because the leaders of South Sudan realise that they can no longer return to war, that war is not an option. The only option that exists in South Sudan is peace, and how to consolidate it.
So, reservations will be there, but they are the type of reservations that are melting away.
When we had an engagement with President Salva Kiir Mayardit, very few of the reservations were even raised. He was much more
positive and, indeed, the other leaders were also very positive in wanting to move the peace process along, aiming at the
24 months, or the 30 months that they have, during which time they will go to the polls and elect a new government.
So, the unity government is beginning to function.
Yes, do they have challenges here and there? They have challenges, but they are dealing with them on an ongoing basis with the support of a number of the partners that they have. We happen to be privileged that we are one of those partners that they trust, one of those partners that they know they can work with. Thank you.
Ms N P KHUNOU: Speaker, I wish all of us a happy Africa Day! May our identity be part of our inspiration.
South Africa has been at the heart of peace talks in South Sudan. Following the Arusha Agreement that the SPLM has signed, there were concerns that, if not maintained properly, it would create problems in the future.
Deputy President, can you expand on the programmes that we have here in South Africa as part of post-conflict reconstruction and
development to sustain and maintain the effort that our country is making through your mediation? Thank you.
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Speaker, one of the things that we have been able to share with the people of South Sudan is the experience that we gained from our own transition. Ours is a transition that continues as we continue to build our nation, to build our country, and to develop it in a number of ways.
We continue to share this with the people of South Sudan, and they have found our own experiences very encouraging.
Encouraging in that, having come from colonialism and having come from fighting a war, they have now achieved peace, a peace that was disturbed, but they now also know that they can actually have permanent peace. And our experience stands out as a very, very good precedent and a lesson to them.
Therefore, our engagement with the people of South Sudan and the leaders there and, indeed, with the various organisations that we tend to interact with is a process that is very enriching in that we are able to share with them precisely the journey that we have traversed. It is a journey that we continue to traverse as we build our nation and we inform them how we have been able
to overcome a number of difficulties and challenges, some of which they are currently going through.
Recently, we have also been able to outline to them how we went through a Government of National Unity, and the challenges that are inherent in that type of process. This is what they are now learning from as they are now united as a government of unity moving towards consolidating unity of their own party.
So, the experiences that we are having with them are really great experiences and we believe that will help them consolidate their peace. They are also learning a lot from the Republic of Tanzania, as they learn from Chama Cha Mapinduzi.
So, the process in South Sudan is a process whose consolidation we can be proud to have contributed to a little bit. As it consolidates further, I am sure South Africans can be proud that we have made a contribution to the rebuilding of a nation that was devastated by war and colonialism. Thank you very much.
PEACE AND SECURITY
Cluster 1
MINISTERS:
Findings made and measures established in implementation of Milestone 1 of the Defence Review
87. Mr D D Gamede (ANC) asked the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans:
With reference to the five Defence Review Milestones that have been identified which are critical in the planning and implementation process and the team which she has appointed to come up with a turn-around strategy to strengthen her department, (a) what are the unique findings that the team has made and (b) what measures have been put in place in supporting her department with the implementation of Milestone 1 of the Defence Review? NO1616E
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: Speaker, as we
indicated during our Budget Vote debate two weeks ago, we have established a Defence Review Implementation Project Team, called Dript. The financial year 2015-16 will, of course, be devoted to planning the implementation of the SA Defence Review 2016.
The Dript consists of two military and secretariat planning teams. It has already identified noncost or minimal cost-driven interventions, which will improve the efficiency and
effectiveness of our organisation. The plan is based on ministerial priorities whose implementation will be key to the realisation of the targets of the first stage of Milestone 1 of the SA Defence Review 2015.
Hon members will recall that Milestone 1 of the Defence Review talks to arresting the decline of the capabilities of the Defence Force, and also to the rejuvenation of the SA National Defence Force, itself. So, some of the critical areas identified here are: developing a proper defence funding model, a human resource renewal strategy, a capability renewal, and the continuance of the ordered operational commitments.
In this regard, the 2016-17 annual performance plan consists of
12 outcomes, which can be achieved within the current budget allocation. These are: sustained ordered defence commitments; capability sustainment and renewal; maintained defence facilities; restructuring of the SA National Defence Force; the Department of Defence’s human resources management; and enhancement of military discipline, etc. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr D D GAMEDE: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Minister, due to the fact that most of the time, you have played a role in bringing peace and stability in Africa, I also wish you a happy Africa Day.
Now, the question is: How will the turnaround strategy ensure the building of capacity and capability in the state to pursue its developmental goals and peace and stability in the region, on the continent, and in the world? Thank you. [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: Deputy Speaker,
hon Gamede, and hon members, happy Africa Day! As the hon member knows, I was just mentioning some of the key Milestones right now. The first one lays a foundation for the remaining four Milestones that have been identified by the Defence Review Committee. The hon Gamede would know that one of those addresses capacitating the National Defence Force and we believe that this is one of its key priorities.
Ensuring that one has a highly professionalised, disciplined Defence Force is going to be key. Training is the major foundation to building the kind of Defence Force which will make the kind of interventions you have referred to.
Furthermore, on issues of discipline, if there is no discipline amongst our soldiers, we would obviously run into problems in terms of ensuring that there is peace and stability within the continent. Of course, based on that, as a member of the portfolio committee, the hon member would know that there are
certain steps that we’ve had to take as quickly as possible to withdraw soldiers back to South Africa in instances of transgressions by our own forces.
Then there is Milestone 2, which addresses rebalancing the force. During this Milestone, the department will of course, primarily focus on the balance and configuration of the military capabilities, as specified in our Defence Review.
Milestone 3 addresses the capacity of the force and Milestone 4 addresses responding to the strategic threats to South Africa.
Mr S J F MARAIS: Deputy Speaker, Minister, we know that we require R1,8 billion to fund Milestone 1, which is a five-year programme. So, with five Milestones, it is a 25-year programme.
Milestone 1 is about arresting the decline. In other words, stop the decline in the Defence Force. We know at this stage, already, that this R1,8 billion over the medium term was not granted by the National Treasury. That’s a fact! [Interjections.] You and the Secretariat of Defence have also confirmed that we cannot fund Milestone 1, and that there are many other essential services and equipment we also cannot fund from these Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement indications.
Minister, is it thus not a more responsible and defensible alternative not to procure the new VVIP aircraft, whether it is leased or purchased, at this stage? Would you not rather spend this money on Milestone 1 and on other essential services?
The SPEAKER: Hon member, your time has expired.
Mr S J F MARAIS: And do you not agree that this will be more in the best interests of the Defence Force ... [Interjections.] ... and South Africa; not that of the ANC executive? I thank you. [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: Deputy Speaker,
hon Marais, let me start by saying, yes, you are right. There is a shortage of funding. We don’t have the funds to implement part of the Defence Review. However, I think, as a member of the portfolio committee, you should also appreciate the fact that there are certain steps which we have taken to see how best and what it is that we can do to get extra funding for the Department of Defence so that we can implement some of the plans which we have at our disposal.
One of those initiatives which we have undertaken is to audit the properties of the Department of Defence, countrywide, and we
now know the exact value of the properties we have in the Department of Defence. The reason behind it is that perhaps we can use those properties as leverage to get some funding to do some of the things which we need to do.
On the matter of the VVIP aircraft, it seems to me this is a matter which we have to talk about, agree on, and close. There is no way in which, right now, the Defence Force can avoid buying a VVIP aircraft ... [Interjections.] ... in the same way that there is no way in which we can deny the reality that we need a strategic airlift capability. In the same way, we know that there is a shortage of many other aircraft - some of them simply parked there - which we cannot maintain.
As for the VVIP aircraft, whereas the security of the principals lies with the police, you know that the responsibility of the transportation and safety in that aircraft of the VVIPs is a mandate of the Department of Defence. One of the issues which I have constantly raised is that you can’t continue ... [Interjections.]
HON MEMBERS: Buy SAA! Buy SAA! [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: I am sure your
former president before democracy used to fly SAA. [Interjections.] Is that so? Alright.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Minister, your time has expired.
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: Well, hon Marais,
I just want to say that there is no way in which you can avoid this because in the first instance, you have to ensure that the principal is safe. Whoever is in the aircraft are people you know ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, your time has expired.
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: I am sorry,
because I had to respond to those things there. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Msibi, your next supplementary question, please. [Interjections.] Hon Msibi? [Interjections.] Hon members, it appears as if someone pressed that button without there being anyone responsible.
There being no further supplementary questions, we will move onto the next question.
Position regarding viable alternative amendment in terms of minimum threshold to allow JSC to conduct interviews and propose nominees
99. Mr N Singh (IFP) asked the Minister of Justice and Correctional Services:
In view of the fact that section 174(4)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, which deals with the appointment of judges to the Constitutional Court, requires the Judicial Service Commission, JSC, to prepare a list of nominees with three names more than the number of appointments to be made and submit the specified list to the President, and given that there were only three applicants for a single vacancy that occurred recently, resulting in the nominees not being interviewed as a minimum of four nominees needed to be recommended to the President in terms of the specified section, what (a) viable alternative and/or (b) amendment to the specified section can he put forward in terms of the minimum threshold to allow the JSC to conduct interviews and propose nominees? NO1629E
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Deputy
Speaker, the constitutional provision referred to by the hon member empowers His Excellency the President, as the Head of State, to choose from a list of three names, or more, the number of the appointments to be made, as recommended by the Judicial Services Commission, JSC, judges of the Constitutional Court. It provides the hon President with the discretion as to who to appoint to the Constitutional Court, and forms part of the distinctive procedures provided for by the Constitution in relation to the appointment of judges to the Constitutional Court.
This provision was included by the drafters of the Constitution in recognition of the significance of the status of the Constitutional Court, which is the highest court in the land.
Whilst it is true that there were not sufficient candidates for the recent vacancy at the Constitutional Court, it is worth stating, though, that the process of nominating candidates to serve as judges in the Constitutional Court allows for any person to nominate any fit and proper South African to that court.
As a member of the JSC, the hon Singh is well aware that all of us, including himself, are permitted to approach any fit and
proper persons who are South African residents to be considered for appointment to the Constitutional Court whenever the Judicial Services Commission calls for nominations. Before we consider any other options, we should therefore first look at whether we are exercising our civic duty of nominating candidates to the Constitutional Court.
With regard to the possibility of any amendment to
section 174(4)(a) of the Constitution, the matter has not arisen at the level of the executive. However, should the hon member deem it desirable to have the Constitution amended, as he suggests, he should consider raising the matter with the Constitutional Review Committee of Parliament. I thank you.
Mr N SINGH: Deputy Speaker, that I will do, hon Minister, but I ask you the question because it is borne out of the fact that, recently, we had one vacancy and we only had three applicants. We could not consider them because, as you said, in terms of the Constitution, you have to suggest four to the President — which is three plus one — but now we have a second vacancy with the Deputy Chief Justice, Dikgang Moseneke, having retired. We want to congratulate him on the excellent work he did, as a patriot, for South Africa.
The question arises, as it is common knowledge, Minister, that academics are not easily and readily considered for appointment as judges. The normal practice, although there have been some exceptions — Kate O’Regan, etc — is that you must be a magistrate, then a judge, and then go to the Constitutional Court. Should we not be considering, very seriously, academics who have been through the legal fraternity in recognised tertiary institutions and consider them as suitable nominees that we can interview for appointment to the Constitutional Court? Thank you.
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Deputy
Speaker, yes, indeed, when the Constitutional Court started back in 1996, it was a blend of not only serving judges but also members of the academia. Since then, I think the trend has been to have persons who are currently serving as judges to be appointed to that court. This is a subject which, I think, the hon member, as a member of the JSC, may want to introduce again for debate, so that if there is an underlying policy consideration that merits debate, that engagement can take place so that we can resolve the issue.
What the Constitution does say, however, is that at least four of the 11 members of the court should be serving judges. It does
not limit the number of persons to be judges. So, they could all, technically speaking, be judges. However, there is a view that, ideally, given the nature of that court and the kind of policy matters that come before it as matters to consider constitutionality, that perhaps there should be a blend of different backgrounds to constitute that particular bench. So, in a sense, there is some support for that view, but perhaps that is a matter that should be put squarely before the JSC, since it is the body that recommends appointments to the President. I thank you.
Adv G BREYTENBACH: Deputy Speaker, Mr Minister, does the lack of suitable candidates not emanate from the way in which the interview process is conducted? This makes certain suitable candidates unwilling to make themselves available. If this is the case, what will you do to address this problem?
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Deputy
Speaker, unfortunately, I do not chair the JSC. The JSC, as you are aware, is chaired by the Chief Justice. He determines how proceedings should proceed and if there are circumstances that, in his opinion, should be dealt with in the course of interviews, either he or any other member of the JSC should be in the position to raise those matters. I am not aware of any
candidates who, otherwise, would have made themselves available but for the manner in which interviews are conducted. However, if there are concerns, firstly, I would urge that they be formally raised with the JSC, preferably through the Chief Justice, so that those matters can be put on the table for discussion at the JSC and solutions found. Thank you.
Mr L K B MPUMLWANA: Deputy Speaker, hon Minister, it seems that candidates for appointment to the bench are not only limited, but that the pool, itself, lacks demographic diversity. One of the methods that could be employed by the department to increase the pool of candidates is to ensure that there is preferential briefing of black and female advocates by state litigation, just to give them enough experience. What steps has the department taken to facilitate enlargement of the pool of candidates for appointment as judges? Thank you.
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Should I go
ahead, Deputy Speaker?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, sir.
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Deputy
Speaker, I agree with the sentiments expressed by the hon
member. It is, indeed, for this reason and against this background, that the department has launched the Transformation of State Legal Services project in order to facilitate the preferential briefing of black and female advocates for state litigation. The department appointed a project leader to drive the transformation of the state legal services in order to address this and other challenges.
A policy briefing is being prepared to ensure that black and female advocates are given preferential treatment, as well. The policy will render clear guidelines on implementation across all state attorneys’ offices and across the Public Service, generally.
Currently, some 76% of briefs issued by the state attorney are allocated to black advocates. I do know that concerns have been raised, even in those circumstances, that the briefs are not necessarily transformative, in that judges, themselves, continue to lament the fact that, in some high-profile cases, the entire team of lawyers representing particular government departments are all white and all male. Those are some of the challenges that, through intervention strategies such as the project I have just alluded to, are intended to address.
The project leader is driving these strategic matters, and the creation of development initiatives for previously disadvantaged individuals of the minimum threshold to allow the JSC to conduct interviews and propose nominees can be reported as one of its achievements thus far. Thank you.
Particulars regarding mechanism to investigate complaints regarding high crime rate, corruption and collusion
83. Mr A M Shaik Emam (NFP) asked the Minister of Police:
(1) In view of the various complaints that have been received from police officers and communities in various parts of the country, in particular, Lenasia, in Gauteng, and the Bayview Police Station, in Chatsworth, in Durban, regarding the high crime rate, corruption, and collusion between members of the SA Police Service and criminals, what mechanism does his department have in place to investigate the specified complaints in a manner that will not expose the complainants to any danger;
(2) whether he will consider appointing an independent team to address the specified complaints? NO1511E
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Hon Deputy Speaker, in light of the fact that I have a four-page reply to this question, could I please solicit your permission to table this particular reply?
HON MEMBERS: No! No! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, I suggest that you speak to it. [Interjections.] The hon Shaik Emam is here waiting to ask you supplementary questions.
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Thank you very much. Now that you have asked me to speak to it, the first part to the question in replying to it is that it stipulates and identifies the entire procedure in terms of what steps are being followed, and have got to be followed, in addressing the question of complaints.
In relation to the second part, whether or not one could consider appointing an independent team to address the specified complaints, that particular area resides with the respective and relevant provincial commissioner, who will assess as and when the need arises whether or not to escalate the issue that such a request could then be granted. Thank you very much.
Prof N M KHUBISA: Hon Minister, the hon Shaik Emam has just gone to the doctor ... [Interjections.] ... but, hon Minister ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Khubisa, you should allow us to know first before you inform the Minister. We are the ones who must handle that. [Interjections.]
Prof N M KHUBISA: My humble apologies, Deputy Speaker. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes. You see ... [Interjections.] Order! Order, hon Shaik Emam!
An HON MEMBER: It’s a miracle!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: In future, you should not leave when you know that your question is coming up. You have placed the hon Khubisa in an invidious position. Now, I do not know what supplementary question you are going to ask.
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Thank you, hon Deputy Speaker, at least there is some humour in the House today! [Interjections.] Hon Minister
...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, hon member, you are out of order. You are out of order. You cannot do that. In fact, you should not say that. Just withdraw it. You cannot say a hon member is drunk. Withdraw it. [Interjections.]
Ms A STEYN: Hon Deputy Speaker, I sat in this row. The member said it is a joke. There was nothing about being drunk. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, if you start playing those games, you are going to get it back at you, viciously. Do not invite it. [Interjections.] Hon member, you keep screaming. And the next time you do it, you will have to leave the House, alright? Hon member ... this member in front of me here, and he does it repeatedly. What is wrong, hon member? [Interjections.]
I think the hon member here is being contemptuous and, hon member, I think I am going to ask you to leave the House. [Interjections.] The hon member does it repeatedly. Not once, every day - and I think I take exception to that. [Interjections.]
Hon Steenhuisen, what are you rising on?
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, every single one of the DA speakers last week had to be subjected to being called sell-outs by the ANC benches. And the presiding officers did nothing about it. I would like to know what Rule you are using to eject my member from the House.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, in the first place, I have spoken to the member repeatedly that he should not be screaming
... Hon member, just wait a minute. You cannot ask me a question
... [Interjections.] Hon member ... hon member ... [Interjections.] Hon Steenhuisen, I thought there would be a reason for you to appreciate why it is important for us to keep order in the House. If there is no order – if the member continuously interrupts and screams ... [Interjections.] I deal with every member in the House. I do. [Interjections.]
Hon Kwankwa, what are you rising on?
Mr N L S KWANKWA: Hon Deputy Speaker, I am rising to make a request to you. I know ...
... ukuba ucaphukile kodwa khawuhle, tata. [... that you are annoyed. Calm down, sir.]
The request that I want to make to you is that – you know we normally listen to you when you say, “Hon member, don’t do that.” Can you say that so that we can move on again without you ejecting anyone from the House, please? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Kwankwa, hon members, the Rules require us to be orderly, to listen to the Chair when we ask you not to do things. If you repeatedly continue to do what is in Rule 51 and when you contemptuously refuse to allow us to conduct the House in that order, you will have to go out.
Hon Steenhuisen, you know that Rule. [Interjections.] Yes. I am telling you, hon Steenhuisen, and I am asking you to realise that your insistence on doing that is out of order. [Interjections.]
Hon member, I am warning you, if you repeat doing that, I am going to do that. [Interjections.] Hon member, can you stop doing that? Stop doing that. I am not talking to you. I have told you who I am speaking to, in the first place.
I am warning you hon member, if you repeat your screaming at me and in the House, I am going to throw you out of the House. You can be sure of that.
Yes, hon members, let us proceed. Go ahead, hon member, with your question there.
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Thank you, hon Deputy Speaker. Hon Minister, if you look up at that gallery, all those people seated there are victims of crime and living on the Cape Flats. [Interjections.] They are neglected, marginalised, and left to suffer, only because they are not rich, not famous, and not privileged. [Interjections.] Most of them have lost their loved ones. We have the Sober family there, who lost their father. We have Chavonne Cupido, who lost her father, a police sergeant - murdered. We have had six other murders in the last three weeks in Heinz Park, alone.
The chairperson of the community policing forum will tell you that there are allegations of corruption and collusion - including with political parties - with drug addicts and with gangsters in the area. Lots of these people have made enquiries, and despite all the enquiries, they are enjoying no privilege and no satisfaction, whatsoever. [Interjections.]
The Constitution talks about freedom.
Mr M WATERS: Deputy Speaker ...
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: The most freedom that these people have enjoyed is the last two hours that they have been at Parliament. They don’t know what freedom is. They don’t know what safe is.
They don’t know what a secure environment is. What are we going to do to create an environment where they can live in a safe environment and be treated equally with everyone else?
Mr M WATERS: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: According to Rule 113(6), a member can only ask a follow-up question for a period of one minute. [Interjections.] I would like you to enforce that Rule, please.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, hon member, I am looking ... You have just interrupted now. The clock is in front of us. There is a clock here. I don’t control the clock here. You are disrupting the member unnecessarily here. There is a clock here and I am looking at the clock. I don’t need you to tell me what time it is. [Interjections.]
Take your seat, please, hon member. You have asked your question.
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Speaker, I think how to create safe and secure environments where we live, as ordinary
citizens, is a very crucial question. Firstly, I think the starting point of these specific issues that the member has just raised would be to bring it to our attention. I obviously appreciate it. It is the first time I hear that there have been specific sorts of incidences and grievances that need to be addressed. I would really appreciate it if those could also be brought to our attention so that we can begin to address them, at least at our level.
Secondly, we have to mobilise quite an integrated effort right across the social spectrum. First and foremost is the provision of policing infrastructure, which is quite an issue, for example, police stations, mobile, and otherwise. We are prioritising the Western Cape for about six mobile police stations in the next few months.
Something related to that is social and community work, in terms of the creation of necessary structures that have to be blended. We have to work together, collaboratively, with law enforcement agencies to look at these questions that you are raising around the creation of safe and secure environments. So, thank you very much, sir.
Ms M A MOLEBATSI: Ke go leboge Motlatsammusakgotla, ke go leboge Tona ka karabo e manontlhotlho. [Thank you, Deputy Speaker, and you, Minister, for a precise answer.] [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Give him a chance, hon member. He is handling a contraption for his ear. Go ahead.
Ms M A MOLEBATSI: Ke tswelele ka go re ... [Going forward, I am saying ...]
The new structure of the SA Police Service, SAPS, makes provision for a national management intervention division. In a case where a station or unit has a systemic trend of allegations of corruption against police officials, would the national management intervention division be deployed to address the situation? I thank you.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Minister, answer the question, especially the first part. [Laughter.]
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Speaker, the first part was just thanking me for my beauty, I suspect. [Laughter.] Seriously, on this question, the national management intervention team is largely designed to look at the question of performance at
police-station levels, and so on. In case you have issues of corruption and any other allegations, it will really largely depend on the nature and character of such allegations.
However, we would certainly know that such allegations need, rather, to be channeled largely to independent bodies that can then look into allegations of that particular nature. The national management intervention team is more about making interventions with a view to improving levels of performance at police-station level. Thank you.
MOTLATSAMMUSAKGOTLA: Motl Molebatsi, ke tshwanelo ya gago mma gore o bue ka Setswana le gore o botse potso ya gago ka Setswana. O seke wa boifa. A re seke ra boifang go bua dipuo tsa rona. Gompieno ke Letsatsi la Aforika. (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)
[The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Molebatsi, it is your right to speak and to ask your question in Setswana. Don’t be afraid. Let us not be afraid to use our languages. Today is Africa Day.]
Mr Z MBHELE: Ngiyabonga, Sekela Somlomo. [Thank you, Deputy Speaker.] I want to remind this House that policing is, in fact,
a national competency. Therefore, complaints of corruption and collusion are for the ANC-led national government to answer.
I put it to the Minister that the key reason for failure to reduce corruption and collusion in the Police Service is the weak enforcement of accountability. Last week, the suspension of the Provincial Police Commissioner of KwaZulu-Natal was more than a year overdue, since findings of alleged involvement in supply chain corruption were made against her by the Independent Police Investigative Directorate, Ipid.
In fact, Minister, you have been complicit in this culture of impunity because when the director of Ipid - who is now the subject of a political witch hunt and suspension against him - wrote to you on 13 January last year, in this letter, recommending that you intervene in that situation, you neither responded nor acted accordingly. So, my question is: Why are you so soft on enforcing accountability for corruption and collusion in the Police Service?
HON MEMBERS: Hear! Hear! [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Chair, I just think that there is a contradiction in the member’s very assertion. On the one hand,
you say that we are soft. On the other hand, you make specific examples of where we should have acted. Your gripe appears to be around the time it takes to get there. We would all know and appreciate that when it comes to issues of discipline, be it legal, administrative, and/or otherwise, there are particular processes that you need to follow. If you don’t follow those particular processes, you run the risk of conducting unfairness when it comes to dealing genuinely with the issue at hand.
The point here is that I do think that you are mistaken to think that we are not taking corrective action where it needs to be taken. We actually do and you know that for a fact, sir. Thank you very much. [Interjections.]
Mr N SINGH: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Minister, unfortunately, we do not have the benefit of this four-page answer because perhaps, it answers to the question, which is not the people of the Western Cape, but the people mainly in Lenasia and in Bayview.
My information suggests that the incidences of drug abuse in the Bayview flats area are alarming. What we want from you is an assurance that you will get your Commissioner of Police or your task team to instigate an investigation, unannounced. No police
must know about it at the local police station because what happens is that they, themselves, go and inform people in the area that there is going to be a raid and everything gets hidden. There are items, like Jelly Tots, which are being used to carry drugs. I have been informed - and I say this under parliamentary privilege - that a known dealer is a brother of a local ANC councillor in that area. So, what we want from you is an assurance that there will be these unannounced raids in the Bayview flats area. [Time expired.]
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Speaker, I thank the hon Singh for such a suggestion. We will definitely follow it up. Thank you very much.
Mr N L S KWANKWA: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: It sits very poorly with me that the Minister of Police was allowed to complete his question-and-answer session without even taking out his handkerchief to wipe his face. [Laughter.] Has he forgotten it at home by any chance? I miss it! [Laughter.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon member! Take your seat.
Effects of revised Basic Training Learning Programme for new police recruits with regard to professionalism and ethical conduct
89. Mr F Beukman (ANC) asked the Minister of Police:
Whether he has found that the revised Basic Training Learning Programme for new police recruits will strengthen professionalism and ethical conduct, as envisaged in the National Development Plan; if so, what are the relevant details? NO1618E
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Speaker, yes, the provisioning of the topics concerning professionalism and ethical conduct forms an integral part of the Basic Training Learning Programme and is offered by the trainers who were orientated before commencement of the programme.
Professional conduct is the very first module, which includes topics such as patriotism; the SA Police Service Act; the core functions of the SAPS; objectives, vision, mission, and values of the SAPS; human rights, as guided by the Bill of Rights; dress code; human resource policies, such as sexual harassment in the workplace; minimum information security standards in the
SAPS; the SAPS discipline; regulations; corruption; the Anti- Corruption Strategy; Batho Pele principles; employee health and wellness, and diversity.
Ethical conduct is an important value stressed throughout the Basic Training Learning Programme and the organisation, as a whole. The initiatives are as follows.
The Code of Ethics was developed for the SAPS and reflected in the Basic Training Learning Programme, which refers to integrity; respect for diversity; obedience to the law; service excellence; and public approval. The Code of Ethics is also supported by the Batho Pele principles, which guide public servants in values, service standards, and delivery. The Code of Ethics deals primarily with police functions that are based on the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.
The fundamental duties of the SAPS are to serve the community, safeguard lives and property, and protect all citizens against violence and intimidation, as highlighted in the National Development Plan, NDP. New recruits are trained to adhere to the SAPS Discipline Regulations, as reflected in paragraph 1(a), above. This type of training is reinforced, upholding the ethical values that are inculcated in the new recruits.
The ethical principles are also reinforced and demonstrated in specific modules in the Basic Training Learning Programme, such as dealing with victims of sexual offences, domestic violence, and vulnerable persons, as well as the use of force, in terms of section 49 of the Criminal Procedure Act. Ethical considerations play a role in the abovementioned, due to the fact that human rights need to be considered, as enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.
Work ethics and anticorruption are woven as a golden thread throughout the content of the programme, keeping the community to be served in mind and in line with the anticorruption strategy.
The SAPS Code of Ethics is also brought into the programme highlighting specific ethical principles and conduct in the workplace. This is supported by presenting the Code of Conduct for SAPS members. Thank you very much, Sir.
Mr F BEUKMAN: Deputy Speaker, I thank the hon Minister very much for the response. We welcome the fact that professionalism and the Code of Ethics form part and parcel of the New Basic Training Learning Programme. It’s a clear indication that the process to develop a new generation of police recruits is well
on its way. We believe all communities should support the process to ensure that all policemen and policewomen act professionally at all times.
The follow-up question is: Has the new, revised Basic Training Learning Programme of the SAPS been benchmarked with other international jurisdiction policing training programmes? Thank you.
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Speaker, in relation to that specific question, in addressing our training needs and the manner in which we needed to move forward, it became essential that there was a need to conduct research on an ongoing basis, but also, largely, to benchmark ourselves in accordance with international standards.
For example, we benchmarked our training programme against the United Kingdom’s, which is a two-year probation programme, and the Namibian police basic training programme, which is a six- month programme; the Los Angeles Police Department, which has a six-month programme, and New York’s Basic Course for Police Officers, which has a duration of about four months. It became necessary to ensure that, in reviewing and refining our training programmes and the duration thereof, we needed to take into
account what the international benchmark and standard is, in this regard. Thank you very much, Deputy Speaker.
INKOSI R N CEBEKHULU: Sekela Somlomo, Mhlonishwa Ngqongqoshe, sekuyinto ejwayelekile nevamile ukuthi nxa ngabe kukhona imibhikisho yokunganeliseki futhi kukhona nokunganeliseki ebantwini ngokwethulwa kwezidingo zabo, kuba khona umphumela omubi onjengokuthi abantu basweleke noma balimale baphethe sebesezibhedlela. Umbuzo wami cishe ufane nokamhlonishwa obenza umbuzo wokulandela. Umbuzo uthi: ... (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)
[Prince R N CEBEKHULU: Deputy Speaker, hon Minister, it is now a common and usual thing that if there are service delivery protests, there are negative consequences, such as the death of people, and people being injured and ending up being admitted to hospitals. My question is similar to that of the hon member who asked a follow-up question. The question is ...]
What is the comparative difference in the training process that SAPS new recruits undergo, in terms of the theoretical and practical aspects of the training in order to handle service delivery protests without fatal consequences, given the new, reduced training period? I thank you.
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Speaker, am I allowed, Sir?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, go ahead.
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Speaker, firstly, to the question that Ndabezitha referred to, for example, if you compare the current training programme as we have it and the previous one, we used to have something like two or three days of public order management and policing as part of the initial stages of a training programme for new recruits. Now, it is no longer two or three days. It’s actually three weeks – a full course on the question of crowd management, for example, precisely because the work of the police is such that we have to respond to the demands of the time. And the demands of the time are that we’ve got more regular social activities in the form of public protests, and so on. Therefore, we need to be adequately equipped to be able to deal with that.
The first stage is to deal with the mind of a police officer, for example, in approaching a crowd-management situation. The second issue that we are also focusing on - and I think, we have briefed the portfolio committee today - is the question of how we inject efforts around equipping ourselves adequately to manage a crowd situation. That is the issue that was also spoken
to by the recommendations of the Farlam Commission of Inquiry. So, we have a specific project that is advising on that particular issue. Thank you very much, Deputy Speaker.
Mr Z MBHELE: Deputy Speaker, Minister, while a revised training curriculum for police cadets is great - and we discussed this in the portfolio committee meeting this morning - it means nothing if the SAPS is actually shrinking. A recent reply from you to a DA parliamentary question revealed that almost half as many new police officers have come out from the SAPS training academy into active service in the previous financial year compared to four years ago.
Furthermore, the numbers showed that the last three financial years of graduate numbers represent a more than 50% aggregate drop in output compared to the two financial years before that. This trend spells medium- to long-term disaster for the fight against crime.
So, Minister in light of this, how will you provide strong political leadership to fix human resource management in our Police Service? Or would it not, in fact, be better for you to manage your human resources out of Cabinet?
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Deputy Speaker, I think, that point is relevant, in so far as having got to assist us in ongoing engagements, for instance, in refining the human resources development front, as an institution. In looking into the whole aspect of how we ... in case you have research that tends to point in the direction that you seem to be suggesting, indeed, we would have to engage with such facts, and so on.
However, the fact of the matter is we continue to attract young people into the SAPS. We subject them to the training programme, as designed, focusing the training programme to look at how the SAPS has to respond to the challenge of the day – but also largely, the question of policing within the democratic context.
So, for me, that question that you are raising is a question that is relevant for further discussion and debate. Thank you.
See also QUESTIONS AND REPLIES.
NOTICES OF MOTION
Dr P MAESELA: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House debates ways to expand access to primary health care services to benefit and improve the health status of our people in the urban and rural areas.
Ms N P KHUNOU: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House debates promoting good governance, democracy, human rights, justice, and the rule of law on the African continent.
Mr M P SIBANDE: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House debates building a prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:
That the House—
(1) notes the serious allegations of the close ties between the Gupta family and President Zuma; and
(2) establishes an ad hoc committee to investigate the alleged involvement of the Gupta family and the capture of state resources and undue influence over the executive, with the following terms of reference for the investigation:
(a) that during the enquiry, specific attention is paid to:
(i) the circumstances surrounding the purchase of the Optimum Coal Mine by the Gupta-owned Tegeta Exploration and the subsequent contract awarded to Tegeta Exploration by the state parastatal, Eskom;
(ii) the involvement of members of the Gupta family in the appointment processes of executive member positions, with specific reference to the following allegations:
(a) the acknowledgement of Ms Vytjie Mentor that the Gupta family offered her the position of Minister of Public Enterprises;
(b) the allegations that the Gupta family informed Mr Fikile Mbalula of his appointment to the position of Minister of Sports and Recreation prior to his actual appointment to his position;
(c) the acknowledgement of Mr Mcebisi Jonas that the position of Minister of Finance was offered to him by members of the Gupta family; and
(d) the allegations that the Gupta family was involved in the appointment of Mr David van Rooyen to the position of Minister of Finance;
(iii) the claims that two Gupta-aligned advisers, Mr Mohamed Bobat and Ian Whitley, were appointed to top-level positions alongside Mr David van Rooyen, both when he started at the National Treasury and when he subsequently moved to the Department of Co-
operative Governance and Traditional Affairs; and
(iv) the undue influence on decisions regarding government advertising, spending, and subsequent departmental decisions to channel advertisements to the Gupta-owned New Age newspaper; and
(a) that it proposes measures in line with the Assembly’s oversight function that could prevent similar incidents from occurring in future appointments; that it consists of 11 members as follows: six members from the ANC, three from the DA, one from the EFF, and one from the other parties; that it exercises the powers in Rule 138 as it may deem necessary to the performance of its task; and that it reports to the Assembly by not later than 9 September 2016.
I so move, and confirm that the documentation on substantiation is with it. [Applause.]
Ms A TUCK: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House debates accelerating the creation of opportunities in infrastructure and projects for young graduates, apprentices, and experiential learners.
Mr N L S KWANKWA: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the UDM:
That the House debates the powers of the Financial Services Board and the negative effect it has on the financial services industry.
BAROKA FOOTBALL CLUB’S PROMOTION TO PSL
(Draft Resolution)
Ms H H MALGAS: Deputy Speaker, I move without notice on behalf of the ANC:
That the House—
(1) congratulates Baroka Football Club, FC, for being promoted to the Premier Soccer League, PSL, after a 1-1 draw against Milano United FC at the Peter Mokaba Stadium on Sunday afternoon, 22 May 2016;
(2) notes that from the onset, Baroka played impressive football and have simultaneously upset big Premier Soccer League clubs in the Nedbank competition;
(3) recognises that this promotion has made the people of Ga- Mphahlele and the surrounding villages in Limpopo, where Baroka comes from, proud, knowing that they have a club in the PSL;
(4) further recognises that the promotion will also offer young people from those villages role models to emulate, and give them hope for a brighter future; and
(5) wishes Baroka FC more success in the highly-contested Premier Soccer League.
[Applause.]
Agreed to.
DRUG-MANUFACTURING LABORATORY IN CHATSWORTH, DURBAN
(Draft Resolution)
Mr S C MNCWABE: Deputy Speaker, I move without notice on behalf of the NFP:
That the House—
(1) notes that members of the SA Police Service in Durban have discovered a drug-manufacturing laboratory in Chatsworth, where a new type of drug has been manufactured;
(2) further notes that three men, aged between 27 and 39, were arrested in the Chatsworth drug bust and charged with possession of drugs;
(3) recognises that the new type of drug includes cannabis, pseudoephedrine, alcohol, gelatine, sugar, and citric acid, which are cooked together and moulded to resemble the popular sweets, Jelly Babies;
(4) congratulates the members of the SAPS in Durban for their vigilance and dedication to combating the manufacturing of and trade in drugs; and
(5) encourages all members of the SAPS, nationwide, to intensify all efforts to combat the scourge of drugs, which is destroying the social fabric of South Africa.
Agreed to.
ABSA PSL VICTORY FOR MAMELODI SUNDOWNS
(Draft Resolution)
Mr M P SIBANDE: Deputy Speaker, I move without notice on behalf of the ANC:
That the House—
(1) congratulates Mamelodi Sundowns for becoming the 2015-16 ABSA Premier Soccer League champions;
(2) notes that this is after they beat Platinum Stars 1-0 in their final league match on Saturday afternoon, 21 May 2016;
(3) further notes that Mamelodi Sundowns has also set a new ABSA Premiership record by reaching 71 points and 22 wins in 30 games;
(4) realises that they have not only broken their own record points haul, but also the previous 16-team league record of 69 points, set by Kaizer Chiefs last season; and
(5) wishes them more success in the coming season.
Agreed to.
CONSIDERATION OF REQUEST FOR APPROVAL BY PARLIAMENT OF DRAFT REGULATIONS ON LEVIES AND FEES PERTAINING TO THE COMMUNITY SCHEMES OMBUD SERVICE, MADE IN TERMS OF SECTION 29 (1)(b), (c), (d), AND (e) OF THE COMMUNITY SCHEMES OMBUD SERVICE ACT, 2011 (ACT NO 9 OF 2011)
There was no debate.
Draft Regulations on Levies and Fees pertaining to the Community Schemes Ombud Service approved.
DEBATE ON AFRICA DAY: BUILDING A BETTER AFRICA AND A BETTER WORLD
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF ENERGY: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members, guests, and fellow South Africans, the project of building a better Africa and a better world began, formally, 53 years ago, with the birth of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU. Allow me therefore to remind ourselves of this epic journey, very briefly.
On 25 May 1963, 32 independent African states gathered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to establish the OAU. As other nations gained their independence, they swelled the ranks of the OAU until they reached 53 by the time the African Union was born, in 2002.
South Sudan became the newest member of the AU at number 54, in July 2011.
The main objective of this continental body was to promote unity, solidarity, and the independence of all African states. This included co-ordinating and intensifying co-operation and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa, to
safeguard their sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to rid the continent of colonisation and apartheid.
The OAU, at that point, was the only continental body in what was called the post-colonial Third World. It made sure that Africa’s voice was heard in the international arena, and its unity was its strength.
Leaders and giants of the liberation struggle, such as Presidents Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, worked tirelessly to ensure, as far as possible, peaceful resolution of conflicts within and outside the liberation movements. Their skill and commitment were tested to the limit with the assassination of Eduardo Mondlane, the leader of Frelimo, which caused a leadership crisis.
Their wisdom and patience enabled the freedom fighters to regroup and move forward. They ensured that none of the liberation movements, irrespective of the crisis and challenges, ever lost sight of the ultimate goal - the liberation of their people. These two leaders, in particular, kept the African flag flying high and were worthy representatives of the departed African giants - Ben Bella, of Algeria; Nasser, of Egypt; Kwame
Nkrumah, of Ghana; and Sékou Touré, of Guinea, to name but a few.
It was at the same constitutive conference of the OAU that the Liberation Committee was set up, to be headquartered in Dar es Salaam, at the invitation of Mwalimu Nyerere, President of Tanzania. Its role was to mobilise financial and material resources, logistical support, arms, training, and publicity for the liberation movements that were officially recognised by the OAU. We continue to salute Cde Mwalimu, the freedom fighter, the great son of the continent.
Once we achieved our liberation, the OAU Liberation Committee was dissolved in June 1994, in Tunis. On this occasion, Mwalimu said:
The founding fathers of the Organisation of African Unity set themselves two objectives: the total liberation of Africa from colonialism and racial minority rule, on the one hand, and Africa’s unity, on the other.
The importance that they attached to the first objective can be judged from the fact that the establishment of the Liberation Committee of the OAU was decided at that inaugural meeting.
Our role, as a democratic government, led by the ANC, is to continue this proud legacy of anti-imperialism and international solidarity. South Africa has played an important role in conflict management and resolution in Lesotho; in the DRC, from the time of Mobuto Sese Seko, and at the Inter-Congolese Dialogue we hosted, as well as playing a facilitation role in the Burundi crisis.
We have taken our role in peacekeeping seriously, as evidenced by our troop presence in South Sudan, the Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, and the DRC, as well as Burundi, at different times in the recent past.
I stand here, today, as a beneficiary of international solidarity and the African progressive movement. It feels good to be African. [Applause.]
Throughout the 1990s, African leaders debated the need to amend the OAU’s structures to reflect the challenges of changing world conditions. The OAU Sirte Declaration of 1999 called for the establishment of the African Union, AU. The AU was to build on the work of the OAU and accelerate the process of Africa’s integration as it sought to support efforts to fully integrate the continent into the global economy and address the myriad
social, political, and economic challenges faced by its member states. The subsequent three summits laid the ground for the formal launch of the AU in 2002, in Durban.
The Contact Group of Frontline States was constituted in the 1990s. It comprised Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Tanzania, and Zambia, as well as Nigeria - which insisted that it wanted to participate, and was given observer status. This was at the height of the apartheid regime’s desperation for survival while it was conducting undeclared war on its neighbouring states, in violation of all international laws. Botha had declared that there would be no independence for Namibia as long as there was any danger of a South West Africa People’s Organisation, Swapo, election victory. Siyazi kwenzekani. [We know what happened.]
The conceptualisation of the Harare Declaration began in 1989, led by O R Tambo, who, because of his political astuteness and extraordinary capacity for strategic thinking and analysis, had begun to read the signs of the end of the Cold War, aptly depicted by the collapse of the Soviet Union. He had been observing and following developments on both sides of the Berlin Wall, and correctly predicted that there would a shift in international relations and focus - and that an international
consensus would emerge towards peaceful resolution of regional conflicts.
He then tasked a team of young cadres - Neo Moikangoa, Joel Netshitenzhe, Frene Ginwala, and Ngoako Ramatlhodi, to name a few - to put together a discussion document, which they did. It was then approved by the ANC ... [Applause.] ... and they went on to take this document, which was approved by the Frontline States Contact Group, who were meeting in Harare.
That is how the Harare Declaration was born. It outlined what the basic minimum tenets were for any negotiation with the racist regime. These were: the immediate release of all political prisoners; the unbanning of all political organisations and people’s organisations; the free and safe return of all those in exile; free political activity; and a commitment to the building of a united, free, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic South Africa.
The Contact Group would then take this to the OAU, which then instructed that it go to the United Nations. It was duly adopted and renamed, “On the Way Forward to a United, Non-Racist and Democratic South Africa”.
The Harare Declaration was a very critical document, as it reaffirmed the commitment of the ANC, the continent, and the world to the goal of a free, democratic, and prosperous South Africa that would take its rightful place among the community of nations. It was therefore critical that, during formal negotiations in South Africa, all efforts that sought to enshrine minority rights were defeated during the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, Codesa, negotiations. However, the ANC sought to reassure all peace-loving democrats, through the adoption of certain concessions for a limited period, as a gesture of goodwill. It is what we referred to as the “sunset clause”. We are the architects and midwives of this democracy, and we will defend it with all our might. [Applause.]
In 1957, on his return from a year’s study in Columbia, in the USA, Prof Z K Matthews came back convinced that we needed to mobilise to isolate this racist regime from the world community. This call was taken up by our late president, Albert Luthuli, who repeated this call to the international community during his acceptance speech of his Nobel Peace Prize. This also became the clarion call and an important pillar of our struggle.
President O R Tambo the tabled the resolution at the United Nations after receiving the blessing from our continental body.
It was by no means an easy feat, as there were many who tried to stop this forward march to the liberation of our people. With the support of the OAU, O R took this to the United Nations. Our secretary-general, Duma Nokwe, carried this torch forward at the UN and passed the baton to Johnny Makhathini, who played a critical and pivotal role in lobbying and mobilising the people of the USA and in pressuring the US government to adopt and enact sanctions against Pretoria. Once that was done, the others followed. That is how we got the expulsion of the racist regime, and sanctions adopted. [Applause.]
Many efforts, including those of President Kenneth Kaunda, who, on behalf of the OAU, went to the Nordic countries, resulting in the Oslo Conference against Apartheid, in 1972, had a major impact on the Europeans and ensured that the support for our liberation struggle and anti-apartheid movement grew in leaps and bounds. The liberation train was, indeed, unstoppable.
All of the above can only point us to the challenges of today and tomorrow. The AU is focused on the twin goals of peace and prosperity, through the economic integration of its member states. The world is increasingly integrating, the global economy is on a slowdown, and democracy in the emerging world is facing sustainability challenges. The question therefore is:
What does this mean for Africa; and what kind of leadership is required to navigate the challenges of the moment?
I would like to submit that Africa needs to invest more in ensuring that democracy is sustained, that Africa remains united, particularly in multilateral fora. Most of the fastest- growing economies are in Africa. Africa needs to take advantage of its natural and human resources to give effect to the notion of Africa rising.
As elected representatives of the people, all of us need to rise to the challenges. Key to our work is to ensure continued and sustainable infrastructure investment across the continent to achieve both regional and continental integration for increased intra-Africa trade. We must take advantage of bodies like Brics.
Too many people and too many nations have sacrificed too much for us to sit back in the face of the growing incidence of xenophobic violence and intimidation. We are witnessing an upsurge in overt racism. As a woman who has lived the reality of triple oppression, I am completely appalled at the total lack of sensitivity and empathy for the suffering of the vast majority of our people.
It is clear that the centuries-old yoke of colonialism and apartheid cannot be overcome in 22 years. The real legacy of the apartheid spatial construct ensures that unacceptably large numbers of black people face continued exclusion from the mainstream economy, continued marginalisation, and lack of access to opportunities, as they live far away from the centres of commerce, economic activity, and development.
The totally insensitive utterances of members here who have never had to pay any reparations but, instead, feel a sense of entitlement is actually quite hurtful. You would be well advised to listen to your former leader, Lindiwe Mazibuko.
Let us all put hands to the wheel to build a truly united South Africa. Forward to 2063! Siyaqhuba! [We are moving forward!] [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr S MOKGALAPA: Deputy Speaker, today marks the 53rd anniversary of the formation of the African Union. We salute the founding fathers and forebears of this august institution and the principles and values for what it was intended to do on the African continent.
Since the establishment of this organisation, some noticeable progress and success have been achieved, including the fact that Africa is part of the seven fastest-growing economies in the world. Most renowned Nobel laureates, great thinkers and writers, leaders, and sportsmen are in Africa.
The aspirations of Africans to access basic services of telecommunications, water, electricity, health, and education are progressively realised. Much work still needs to be done. The youth bulge, which is a source of human capital on the continent, provides hope for the future of this great continent. The right to self-determination, political and economic freedom, sovereignty, independence, and development are the key values of the founding values of the African Union.
Agenda 2063 envisages a paradigm shift to ensure, among others, inclusive growth, sustainable development, an integrated continent, good governance, democracy, human rights, justice and the rule of law, and a peaceful and secure Africa. These are noble, bold intentions. However, it will not happen on its own and it also not an overnight thing. It is work in progress that needs bold, innovative, new thinking, and visionary leadership that is not held back by old, imperial, colonial, slavery-
thinking but focused on the 22nd century and building progress for the future generation.
The African Peer Review Mechanism and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, Nepad, programmes founded 13 years ago give hope to the awakening of Africa’s potential by ensuring that African states monitor one another and learn from one another’s best practices through innovative governance assessment and promotion tools, and giving recommendations to stimulate growth. This initiative stimulates economic, social, political, and corporate governance. However, the challenge to this noble programme is member states’ reluctance to participate voluntarily in the review process. Only 17 members of the 35 have been assessed.
Nonetheless, let me highlight some of the failures and challenges facing Africa and adversely affecting the progress of its people. These include the fact that Africa still has the longest-serving dictators, who do not want to pass on power, who continue to act with impunity and oppress its people. Human rights abuses are still prevalent. It has the highest level of poverty, unemployment, inequality, disease, and sickness. Civil wars, genocide, political intolerance, and homophobia are the
order of the day in Africa. This is something which is against the spirit of the establishment of the AU.
The continued persecution, harassment, and arrest of opposition leaders are shameful acts and must be challenged. Democracy, freedom of thought and expression, and media freedom should be championed according to the principles and values espoused in the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance.
The cancer that is enraging the continent is third termism – an illegal amendment of constitutions to allow leaders to stay in power against the popular will, as we have seen in Burundi, Rwanda, and the DRC. Together with unconstitutional changes of power and the rigging of elections, this has led to political and civil violence that leaves many women and children displaced and vulnerable. And it is robbing Africa of its future.
On the trade side, Africa is lagging behind in intra-Africa trade. There is a trade deficit. Infrastructure, red tape, and protocols still remain the main obstacles to unlocking trade potential.
The AU needs to stand firm on its principles and values by ensuring that human rights abuses must not go unaccounted for
and abusers are prosecuted. The call by the AU to encourage its members to withdraw from the International Criminal Court, ICC, is ill advised. The ICC is the only institution that can offer justice for many Africans who seek justice for human rights atrocities, tortures, displacements, and killings. [Interjections.]
The African Court of Justice has been a disappointment, together with the AU Human Rights Commission, which has failed to act independently, and they are always subjected to political pressure. This is just like the disbandment of the SADC Tribunal, which was shut down because Robert Mugabe did not like it, as it ruled against him. The AU resolution to absolve the heads of state and senior officials from prosecution for human rights abuses is an indictment on the AU principles and values of equality before the law and the rule of law.
The AU has let down the people of Burundi by not approving the deployment of the 5 000-strong peacekeeping mission to Burundi, merely because the Burundian government objected. What about the UN’s Responsibility to Protect principle while innocent civilians are killed and displaced by government forces?
Allowing military and human rights observers is not enough to ensure the safety of the civilians.
The AU further let the Sudanese people down by rolling out the red carpet to a wanted war criminal and fugitive of law, Al- Bashir, to the AU meetings. Shame on the AU member state collective, who are protecting one man at the expense of
2,5 million women and children who are displaced and 300 000 killed by his government!
In conclusion, there is hope for Africa, and that hope is in its young lions, who are the majority, who are starting to reject liberation movements who have lost ideas and are trapped in colonial, imperial, and slavery mentality. We need new and fresh ideas to take the continent forward. These young lions are encouraged by the liberal principles and values of freedom, democracy, individual rights, human rights, a free market economy, the rule of law, equality before the law, and freedom of expression, belief, and association.
The Africa Liberal Network, which has grown to 47 member parties in over 30 African countries, is taking over governments in Africa, ensuring that we bring liberal governments. Above all, there is hope that Africa will rise again to its destiny of revival. I thank you. [Applause.]
Prof C T MSIMANG: Hon House Chair, today, we mark the birth of the Organisation of African Unity, born to facilitate solidarity and stability on our continent and to celebrate our shared achievements.
When we speak of building a better Africa, it is right that we also say, “and a better world”, for the African continent is neither isolated nor insulated, and what we do here has an impact in the global village. This became evident in the last century, with the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to iNkosi Albert Luthuli. He was a son of Africa, yet his ideas were recognised throughout the world.
It is fitting that Africa celebrates its own, and the OAU did so by bestowing a posthumous award on iNkosi Luthuli, through King Moshoeshoe II. Prince Buthelezi accompanied MaNokukhanya Luthuli to Lesotho, where he spoke on behalf of the entire liberation movement.
Prince Buthelezi is one of those giants who has championed the interests of Africa throughout the world, while remaining a leader on African soil. Like many of the greatest African leaders of his generation, his political ideas were forged at the University of Fort Hare.
On Africa Day 2016, the centennial celebration of Fort Hare must take centre stage. From this university, leaders emerged that would shape the African continent. Five African heads of state graduated from Fort Hare, their political conscience galvanised towards the liberation of Africa, both politically and economically.
Thus, South Africa became one of the centres of a continental liberation struggle. We should be proud of this heritage, knowing that the ideas of freedom and democracy were ignited on our soil and spread throughout our continent. It began on a university campus, and took hold across Africa.
In sharp contrast, we cannot help but acknowledge the seeds being sown on the university campuses of our country, today. These are not the seeds of revolution, but the seeds of anarchy. Social justice is not born in the destruction of property and the disruption of learning.
Tragically, we are not witnessing the beginning of a new wave of liberation. What we are seeing is a generation fighting with the wrong tools to achieve what can only be achieved through knowledge, education, and mentoring. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Hon Chairperson, I sometimes wish the Minister of Sports and Recreation would be here so that he can teach my colleagues how to play the ball, not the man. [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Order!
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Today, we celebrate the founding of the Organisation of African Unity, the frontrunner of the current African Union, on 25 May 1963. [Interjections.] On this day, leaders of 30 of the 32 countries in Africa which had gained independence gathered in Addis Ababa to sign the founding charter, giving birth to the ideal of a united Pan-Africa.
I am not surprised at the noise you are making. You have been exposed in this House for your fraud, for your corruption, and for your lack of service delivery. You have been exposed here. [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Order!
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Today, firstly, political unity will require an Africa without the artificial borders which were imposed by colonial powers during the Partition of Africa. At the heart of
political unity will be the absolute requirement of democracy, where the will of the people will be expressed within a culture of human rights.
Secondly, economic unity will also be of great importance, and the NFP believes that a single currency should be considered, in the long term, to facilitate continental trade. Africa is also rich in natural resources but these are currently exported as raw materials to other continents for refinement. In an economically united Africa, these raw materials should be transformed into commodities to boost continental trade and industrial development.
Thirdly, social unity in Africa will be found in its rich tapestry of human diversity. A better Africa will become great because of its people bound together by the ancient thread of Ubuntu, which emphasises the interdependent relationships we have as individuals. Most importantly, Africa, united socially, will unlock the caring nature of collectivism as opposed to the highly individualistic ethos currently dominating social life - and the world certainly needs more care.
For African problems, we need African solutions. We need to reach out to our fellow Africans and resolve our differences
through dialogue and co-operation, rather than through confrontation and conflict. Ours is a forgiving continent.
Let us not allow imperialists to divide and rule us, as Africans, and loot all our valuable resources. A lot of the civil unrest in many countries is caused by imperialists and other Western countries that are after our resources. [Interjections.]
Finally, a better Africa will contribute to a better world, for we have much to offer. In unity, we can steer Africa to greatness and we can use our immense wealth of natural resources to bring prosperity to the people of our continent. Through political unity, we will restore the dignity of the African which was destroyed by colonialism, and social unity will unlock the human potential of all Africans. I thank you. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Mr N L S KWANKWA: Hon member, don’t do that!
House Chair and hon members, on May 25, 1963, at the Summit Conference of Independent African States in Addis Ababa, Haile Selassie said:
We remain persuaded that in our efforts to scatter the clouds which rim the horizon of our future, success must come, if only because failure is unthinkable.
This period was characterised by a wave of enthusiasm, as the rebirth of Africa as a free continent was well under way.
Borrowing the words of Pixley ka Isaka Seme from his 1906 Regeneration of Africa speech, this was a period “when Africans set their pride in their own race and ability over and against a hostile public opinion”.
Motivated by the African humanist philosophy of Ubuntu, which according to Kenyan theologian, John Mbiti, means, I am because we are and since we are, therefore I am, Africans knew that their freedom was incomplete without the total liberation of other Africans. Nowhere is this more succinctly captured than in the words of Haile Selassie from the same speech, again, when he said:
Our political and economic liberty will be devoid of meaning for so long as the degrading spectacle of South Africa’s apartheid continues to haunt our waking hours and to trouble our sleep.
Fellow South Africans, please grant me atonement for putting you to sleep with what appears to be a succession of boring quotes. However, the underlying message here is that during our time of need, South Africa was Africa’s business. We dare not, now, turn our backs on Africa in her hour of need. Therefore, Africa and her challenges are our business.
Let me also hasten to add that much has been achieved since the establishment of the AU, in 1963. However, in a sad irony of history, the midwives of the rebirth of Africa - like crocodiles eating their young - once in power, turned on their own people and decided to be worse oppressors than their former colonial masters. Most African governments have hardened into autocracy and often go out of their way to subvert checks and balances that seek to ensure that governments are accountable and that democracy prevails. The question is: How can we get past these challenges and build a better Africa?
In line with Africa Vision 2063, we have to build an Africa of good governance, democracy, and a respect for human rights, justice, and the rule of law. We have to embark on a people- centric development that heeds the wise words of Daron Acemoglu and James A Robinson, in their book, Why Nations Fail, when they wrote:
Building inclusive institutions that will translate into meaningful change will only occur when a broad segment of society, the youth, in particular, mobilises and organises in order to effect political change, and does not do so for sectarian reasons or to take control of extractive institutions, but to transform extractive institutions into more inclusive ones for the benefit of all.
I thank you.
Dr P W A MULDER: Chairperson, the question today is: Are we building a better Africa?
We’ve achieved successes and failures. In 2015, Euromonitor found that five of the 10 fastest-growing economies in the world are in sub-Saharan Africa. The region, as a whole, achieved the second fastest growth rate behind Asia. Surely, that is success
- and positive?
However, weak infrastructure and electricity shortages, etc, etc, are some of Africa’s challenges. For example, in Ethiopia, one of Africa’s largest and most dynamic economies, only 34% of roads are paved.
Let’s stop blaming a colonial past for all these problems. [Interjections.] Most African colonies became independent more than 50 years ago. If you want to blame the past, first compare these African countries with colonies in Asia that became independent at the same time and are doing much better at the moment. Then you realise that bad decisions, unrealistic economic policies, corrupt leaders, and internal strife in Africa caused many of these problems. Take Liberia as an example. It was founded in 1847, 169 years ago, and not as a colony.
Dit was gestig deur vrygeworde Amerikaanse slawe. Hoewel hulle nooit gekoloniseer was nie, is daar vandag steeds goor armoede en is hul geteister met etniese geweld en konflik. Al Afrika se probleme kan nie net op kolonialisme en aan sogenaamde wit onderdrukking geblameer word nie. [Tussenwerpsels.]
As ek van suksesse en mislukkings in Afrika praat, is hier lede in die Raad wat sê ek, as Afrikaner, nie deel is van Afrika nie. Ek mag nie van ons suksesse en ons mislukkings praat nie. Hoe kortsigtig - asof hulle kan besluit of ek my as deel van Afrika sien! As Afrika of Suid-Afrika tot niet gaan, raak dit my en my kleinkinders net soos almal anders hier teenwoordig. Ek het nie ’n tweede adres nie en my taal word net hier gepraat. Hulle
aanvaar die Arabiere in die noorde van Afrika maar nie die Afrikaners in die suide van Afrika nie.
Tydens my besoek aan Afrika-lande as adjunk-minister destyds, was daar altyd groot waardering vir ons boere se kennis en produksievermoë.
Waar Afrika die wêreld se natuurlike kosmandjie behoort te wees, word die vasteland se landboupotensiaal tans vermors. Van die 48 lande in Afrika suid van die Sahara was 35 teen 2000 netto invoerders van kos. Afrika se aandeel in die wêrelduitvoer van kos het sedert 1970 gehalveer.
Op hierdie tydstip is daar reeds 26 Afrika-state wat amptelik vra, en ek is getuie hiervan, of daar nie landbouers of boere van Suid-Afrika is wat by hulle kan kom boer om te help nie. In Afrika word hulle en hul kennis waardeer, maar in Suid-Afrika, vir kortstondige politieke redes, word hulle beskuldig. Ek sê dis in belang van Afrika dat hierdie potensiaal benut word en dat almal wat kan, ook Afrikaner boere, toegelaat word om ’n bydrae te maak. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[It was founded by liberated American slaves. Even though they were never colonised, there is still terrible poverty there
today, and they are plagued by ethnic violence and conflict. All of Africa’s problems cannot only be blamed on colonialism and
so-called white oppression. [Interjections.]
When I speak of successes and failures in Africa, there are members in this Assembly that say that I am an Afrikaner and not part of Africa. I am not allowed to speak of our successes and failures. How shortsighted - as if they can decide whether I see myself as part of Africa! If Africa or South Africa goes under, it will affect me and my grandchildren, just like everybody else present here. I do not have a second address and my language is only spoken here. They accept the Arabs in the north of Africa, but not the Afrikaners in the south of Africa.
During my visit to African countries as Deputy Minister at the time, there was always a great appreciation for our farmers’ knowledge and production capabilities.
Whereas Africa ought to be the world’s natural breadbasket, the continent’s agricultural potential is currently being wasted. Of the 48 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, 35 were net importers of food by 2000. Africa’s share in the global export of food has halved since 1970.
At this point, there are already 26 African states that are officially asking, and I am a witness to this, if there aren’t agriculturalists or farmers from South Africa that can go and farm there to help them. In Africa, they and their knowledge are valued, but in South Africa, for short-term political reasons, they are being accused. I say that it is in the interest of Africa that this potential should be used and that everybody that can, including Afrikaner farmers, should be allowed to make a contribution.]
In that way, we can all build a better Africa, together. Thank you. [Time expired.]
Mrs C DUDLEY: Chair, with Africa Day on our minds and the topic of building a better Africa and a better world before us, three things come to my mind: extremism, political unrest, and trade.
Interestingly, according to NGOs working on the ground in Africa and across the world, there is often a connection between high restrictions on freedom of religion and belief in a society and high levels of violent conflict and military spending. Poor economic development, a low status and participation of women in social and economic matters, and poor health are also, generally, evident.
The ACDP deplores the impact of extremism across the globe and in Africa where terror groups, like Boko Haram, burn down towns and abduct and kill with no constraints. No country in the world, including those in Africa, can afford to be complacent regarding the need to diligently protect freedom of religion and belief or the need to deal decisively with violent extremists and terrorism.
It is true that migratory movements in Africa have become more complex in recent years and South Africa, which is a preferred destination for various categories of migrants and refugees, has been recorded as receiving one of the highest number of asylum seekers since 2008. This is placing a huge burden on South Africa, as asylum seekers and refugees have freedom of movement, can work and study in the country, and are, in addition, able to access a range of social services.
Large numbers of economic migrants under the guise of refugees lodge asylum applications, clogging an already over-burdened system. Irregular migration is largely impacting on the country’s economically depressed communities, which are affected by escalating rates of unemployment. Irregular migrants settle in these communities, creating real and perceived competition
for scarce resources, resulting in tension between host communities and non-nationals.
The ACDP is of the view that addressing the causes of migration remains central in the current migrant crisis at home and worldwide. In Africa, for example, underdevelopment contributes greatly to migration. The common African position on migration acknowledges that poor socioeconomic conditions, such as a lack of job opportunities, high unemployment, poverty, lack of investment in sustainable development, political instability, and armed conflict, all stimulate migration.
The ACDP believes that increased investment in Africa from countries in the North with a view to stimulating the economies of Africa could help reduce South-North migration, as significant numbers from Africa head north daily in an attempt to leave the continent. The benefit to other parts of the world and the European Union, EU, in particular, should be obvious. An amount of €1,8 billion has been budgeted by the EU to assist with migration issues in Africa, while €6 billion has been budgeted for migration issues in Turkey. South African Members of Parliament recently appealed to their EU counterparts to seriously consider the benefits of an increased budget for Africa.
I will post the rest of what I had to say. Thank you. [Time expired.]
Nksz X S TOM: Sihlalo, ngqanga nentsiba zayo. Asikwazi xa sikhumbula olu suku ukuba singajongi apho sisuka khona. Ngalo lonke ixesha ndisima phambi kwenu ndiyibona ibalulekile into yokuba, ingakumbi abantu abatsha, bayazi apho sisuka khona.
Kaloku xa ungayazi apho usuka khona, awusokuze uyazi apho uya khona. [Kwaqhwatywa.] Maze bayiqonde kakuhle into yokuba into eyenzeke izolo, ukuba ayithethwa isenokuphinda yenzeke ngomso.
Umhlaba wezwekazi i-Afrika wacandwa ngabacinezeli bewucanda ngokwentlantlu zabo, ngokuthanda kwabo, nangeelwimi zabo, sisahlulwa ngokuba silawulwa ngamaFrentshi, amaPhuthukezi, amaNgesi, njalonjalo. Oko kwenza umbhodamo kwi-Afrika ngobubanzi. Kwaqhuma iimfazwe nokruthakruthwano ngenxa yokunyoluka kongqondo-gqwirha benyolukele uqoqosho lwelizwe lethu.
Kulapho ke kwavela uMbutho weManyano yase-Afrika eye emva kwexesha yabizwa ngokuba iManyano yase-Afrika. Ngolu suku lwanamhlanje lwama-25 kuCanzibe wazalwa umbono, ophuhlileyo, wokuba mayibuye inkcubeko ye-Afrika.
Umbono we Afrika wama-2063 ingakumbi kumnqweno wesihlanu uyicacisa phandle into yokuba asinakuze sifezekise nto singakhange sigxininise kwinkcubeko yethu, kubuthina, kumagugu namafa ethu, nakwiziseko ezikhokelela kwindlela yokuziphatha nakwindlela esiphila ngayo. Yilonto ke kufuneka ukuba sazi ukuba umntu ubekwa phambili.
Kwinkcubeko yase-Afrika kubaluleke umntu ngaphezulu kwayo yonke into, ezinye izinto zilandele. Kuloo nto yokubaluleka kwakhe umntu akabi ngumth’uzimele koko uba yinxalenye yemizamo eyenziwa luluntu ngokubanzi. Asibonisile amazwe ase-Afrika le nto ngexesha lobandlululo. Amaxhoba engcinezelo oMzantsi Afrika bewela iimida ebunzimeni besiya kumanye amazwe ase-Afrika besiya kulwela inkululeko yethu sonke sikule Ndlu. Bebewela koo-Tele bridge bengena eLesotho bephantsi koxinzelelo olungumangaliso abacinezeli befutha phezu kwabo. Bewela koo Ramatlabama bengena eBotswana, umbuso womcinezeli uhleli kubo entanyeni.
I Angola, iMozambique, iTanzania, iZambia nazo zadlala indima enkulu ngokuqonda ukuba inkululeko yabo ayikapheleli ungekakhululeki uMzantsi Afrika. Isembindini kwinkcubeko yethu le nto ithi “umntu ngumntu ngabantu”. La mazwe ahlawule ixabiso eliphezulu kakhulu. Into yokuba sikhongezelwe ngala mazwe xa sisuka eMzantsi Afrika, idale umnyele kubacinezeli, baze
bahlasela baqhushumbisa kwiindawo ezihlala abantu. Loo nto yenza iziva nezivubeko zasemzimbeni nasemphefulweni, kanti noqoqosho alwasinda kula mazwe.
Ubugcisa yinto ephambili e-Afrika, ukuba umntu ongazalwanga nabo uzalelwa kubo. Mandicaphule nje indima edlalwa ngumculo empilweni yomAfrika. Thina ma-Afrika xa silusizi siyacula kuba umculo usebenza njengechiza lokunyanga izivubeko esinazo emphefumlweni. Xa sivuya siyacula kuba uvuyo lwethu sifuna ukuba sabelana ngalo nabanye abantu. Xa sisiya emfazweni okanye edabini, siyaqhwaba ngokwenza oko ke sintlantlatha amadolo kumagwala, sifaka ivuso kumakhalipha. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Ms X S TOM: Chair, all protocol observed. When we celebrate this day, we cannot forget to reflect on our past. Every time I stand in front of you, I regard it as a very important issue, especially for the youth, to know our past. Because if you do not know your past, you will certainly not know your future. [Applause.] They must know that what happened yesterday. If it is not addressed, might happen again in future.
The land of the African continent was demarcated by oppressors according to their groups, their will, and their languages. We
were divided according to the nations that ruled us, whether it was the French, the Portuguese, or the British, etc. That caused confusion on the African continent, as a whole. We waged wars and there were conflicts which were as a result of greedy capitalists who were after our economic wealth.
That is why the Organisation of African Unity was established, which was later called the African Union. On this 25th day of May, a developmental vision of an African Renaissance was introduced.
The African vision, Vision 2063, Aspiration 5, in particular, clearly explains that we cannot achieve anything if we do not take our culture, beliefs, and heritage, as well as the foundation of our conduct and lifestyle, seriously. That is why we must know that people must be treated with respect.
According to African culture, a person is more important than anything else. The rest will follow. As much as a person is important, he should not be in isolation; he should take part in the general activities and efforts of the community, in general. This was displayed by our fellow African countries during the apartheid era. The South African apartheid victims would cross borders to other African countries to fight for the freedom of
all of us in this House. They would cross places like the Telle Bridge to Lesotho under tremendous pressure while their oppressors were breathing down their necks. Others would cross Ramatlabama to Botswana while the apartheid regime was in pursuit.
Angola, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia played a big role in supporting South Africa to become liberated, because they realised that their liberation would be incomplete if South Africa was not liberated. The phrase that states “a person is a person through other people” is central in our culture. These countries have paid the ultimate price. The fact that these countries welcomed us when we left South Africa caused a lot of anger to the oppressors and they attacked and bombed their communities. That caused physical and emotional scars. Neither were the economies of these countries spared.
Art is very important in Africa. If one is not endowed with the skills, one is exposed to it at an early age. Let me highlight the important role of music in the lives of the African people. We, Africans, sing when we are sad because music is the remedy to healing the emotional scars we have. When we are happy, we sing because we want to share our happiness with other people. When we go to battle, we sing and clap our hands and by doing
so, we discourage the cowards and instil bravery into the hearts of the fearless.]
Uyibeka kakuhle le nto uSteve Biko kwincwadi yakhe ethi [Steve Biko puts it correctly in his book entitled, I write what I like]:
The major thing to note about our songs is that they never were songs of individuals. African songs are group songs. Though many have words, this is not the important thing about them. These were adapted to suit the occasion and had the wonderful effect of making everybody read the same things from the common experience.
Yiba nombono wabantu besebenza nzima, bephethe iipeki ecaleni kwendlela, oko kusile begobile. Ingoma iwuthatha iwenze ubelula loo msebenzi unzima kangaka. Sinjalo ke thina ma-Afrika.
Ubugcisa masibenze isixhobo sokumanyana kwethu ma-Afrika. [Kwaqhwatywa.]
Kwintetho yakhe yobume besizwe, umongameli ukhuthazile ukuba kuculwe umhobe weManyano yase-Afrika. Siliqhwabela izandla iSebe lobuGcisa neNkcubeko ngokunika izikolo ushicilelo lomhobe
neeflegi ngokunjalo. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Just imagine people working very hard, bending their backs, holding pick axes along the road, working very hard from sunrise. Music makes their hard work seem easy. That is how we Africans are. We must make art our weapon of unity, as Africans. [Applause.]
In his state of the nation address, the President advised that the African Union anthem must be sung. We applaud the Department of Arts and Culture for supplying schools with a clip of the anthem and flags.]
It is important that Pan-African ideals are fully embedded in all school curricula, and Pan-African cultural assets, like heritage, folklore, languages, film, music, theatre, literature, and festivals are enhanced. Culture, heritage, common identity, and destiny must be the centre of all our strategies so as to facilitate a Pan-African approach and the African Renaissance.
Xa ndigqibezela mandicaphule kumhobe weManyano yeAfrika:
Bara le baradi ba Afrika,
Nama ya letsatsi le nama ya lehodimo, Ha re bopeng Afrika sefate sa bophelo.
[In conclusion, let me quote from the anthem of the African Union:
Sons and daughters of Africa,
Flesh of the sun and flesh of the sky,
Let’s build Africa, the tree of life.]
Ndiyathanda ukuthi i-ANC ithi masihlale siyazi indima yethu njengama-Afrika kunjalo nje imbali yethu masingayeki ukuyibalisa. Kaloku kwabanye abantu kuyalumeza ukuva amasikizi abawenzileyo ebantwini bakuthi base-Afrika. I-Afrika mayiwabalise la mabali, iqulunkqe indlela eya phambili.
Ndiyabulela. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[I would like to mention that the ANC says we must know our role as Africans and we must never stop narrating our history.
Because to some it is disheartening to hear about the atrocities they perpetrated against Africans. Africa must tell these stories of our past, and chart the way forward. I thank you. [Applause.]]
Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Chairperson, this day has been given a theme of “The Year of Human Rights”, of women, in particular. So, in celebrating this day, we should remember and sympathise with the parents of the girls that were kidnapped by the notorious Boko Haram in Nigeria, the country that is number one in the economy in Africa. We still wonder why President Mohammed Buhari is still unable to fight this dangerous group so that these young women may return home safely. It is in women that we should invest. Therefore, Africa cannot allow a situation of this nature, where women are kidnapped.
As Africans, we should come together and fight the social and economic evils so that we promote the economy in our continent. It is when we are together that we can realise the vision of silencing guns by 2020 and put an end to the civil wars in our African countries because we want peace in Africa.
However, it should start with the African leaders to be exemplary and bring peace to the continent. It is time now for other leaders to step down and not to hold onto power, as if with bulldog tenacity. They should give up because once these presidents hold onto power for a long period, it is then that there will be no peace because they will be challenged. We call upon those leaders to call it a day and give others a chance.
We should fight for the economic growth of Africa so that all gains may be shared amongst all the people. The challenge of unemployment, inequality, and poverty will be fought because it is not only affecting South Africa but Africa, as a whole.
It is important therefore that Africans should support one another. We should learn, as Africans, to respect other people’s culture in their diversity and their human rights. African leaders should learn to observe the rule of law so that there should be peace on our continent. Of course, we don’t want these civil wars and destruction of property because that puts our country or continent in a very bad state of affairs.
Coming to African languages, we say charity begins at home. We cannot start by introducing languages from overseas ...
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Ms B G Boroto): Thank you, hon member.
Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Alright, 30 seconds?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Ms B G Boroto): It is 30 seconds beyond your time. That is why it is in red, Bab’uNtshayisa.
Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Is it? Alright. Thank you very much.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Ms B G Boroto): I am sorry, hon member, that you did not look at the time.
Mr L R MBINDA: Hon Chair, hon members, we are here today to commemorate Africa Day. This day speaks to the fact that there is still oppression of African people, worldwide. It is 53 years since Ghana became the first African nation to gain majority rule and replace a white-led regime with an African ruler, and more than 22 years after Azania has supposedly defeated apartheid. Despite this length of time, we find ourselves still commemorating Africa Day. Much, if not all, of what we call independent African countries is nothing but a façade- yes, only a window-dressing exercise – nothing but a scam pulled by neo- colonialists, designed to blind and fool the people.
You will remember that there was the Scramble for Africa in 1884 during the Berlin Conference. Even today, Africa is still a happy hunting ground for the imperialists.
Be that as it may, Ma-Africa, it is not doom and gloom. We have a great future ahead of us, for as long as that future is informed by and guided by the principles and values of Pan- Africanism, of course. This is the same Pan-Africanism which informed the ideology and realities of Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe,
one of the founder members of the PAC, the hon Marcus Garvey, Nkwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara, Queen Nzinga, Queen Nanny, and Patrice Lumumba, to mention a few of our heroes and heroines.
Sobukwe said that Africa can be organised only under the banner of African nationalism. He went further to say the independence of South Africa is independence to all Africans because South Africa is an integral part of the whole continent.
Politically, the PAC aims at government of the Africans, by the Africans, and for the Africans, with everybody who owes his loyalty to Africa and who is prepared to accept the democratic rule of the African majority. Economically, we stand committed to a policy guaranteeing the most equitable distribution of wealth.
Socially, we aim at the full development of the human personality and the ruthless uprooting and outlawing of all forms and manifestations of racial myth. We want to promote African values and culture and we really appreciate the drastic steps taken by the SA Broadcasting Corporation, SABC, to entrench 90% local content. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr N T GODI: Hon House Chair, comrades, and hon members, Africa Day represents the validation and triumph of Pan-Africanism over the colonial Balkanisation of Africa. It marks progress over parochial localism.
As we celebrate freedom, we honour service - the service of those who fought for Africa, for dignity, and for the right to call our souls our own. From the leaders of slave revolts in the plantations to the guerrilla fighters against colonial subjugation, we honour them - from Nat Turner, Harriet Tubman, Paul Bogle, Dedan Kimathi, and Josian Tongogara to Chris Hani, Gerald Nkondlo, and Sabelo Phama.
As we celebrate freedom, we must achieve progress - progress in giving a better life for our people. Release the potential and creativity of our youth. We need peace and security for our mothers. The poverty that is embodied in them must be banished. Children must be raised in stable, happy families with enough food and shelter for all. Let the leaders of our continent not betray our dreams. Let the flame of freedom and unity burn eternally in our hearts.
Africanism is the only progressive outlook for the development of the Africa of our dreams. William Bladen, Silvester Williams,
W E B Dubois, Marcas Garvey, Oginga Odinga, Kwame Nkrumah, Sékou Touré, Haile Selassie, Kambarage Nyerere, Gamal Nasser, Eduardo Mondlane, Patrice Lumumba, Agostinho Neto, Ahmed Ben Bella, Herbert Chitepo, Pixley ka Seme, A P Mda, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Peter Raboroko, Zeph Mothopeng, John Pokela, Amílcar Cabral, Capt Thomas Sankara, Col Muammar Gaddafi. Dr Kenneth Kaunda has been there from the beginning until now. He has seen it all.
Bob Marley sang, in Africa Unite:
How good and how pleasant it would be Before God and man, yeah
To see the unification of all Africans ...
This year, we celebrate Africa Day more meaningfully. This year, Haiti will become a full member of the African Union. The African slaves revolted and militarily defeated France to declare themselves free and a Republic about 212 years ago.
Therefore, the issue of the African Diaspora moves from theory to reality. We are one and we are uniting. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr W G JAMES: Chairperson, 20th century post-colonial Africa was a continent of pity. Foreign aid was its face; North-South charity, its painful heart. Our self-image and self-confidence were sapped in the 1950s and 1960s by the brutal persistence of a colonial legacy and the obvious inability of most post- colonial governments to break out of it.
However, deep in our hearts today, we know that there is no point in harping on the evils of colonial history. No point at all. It is over. Governments of Africa are confidently in charge now. Talking about injustice will not bring about justice. War will not become peace, and poverty will not become wealth.
Progressive African governments of today have set aside the failed, early post-colonial strategies of nationalisation, import substitution, industrialisation, and economic isolation. Set aside by most, that is, except for Zimbabwe, and now proposed perversely by the EFF who are, additionally, in the business of land seizures.
Instead, progressive African governments are rebalancing state- economy relations in favour of greater entrepreneurial and creative freedom of their citizens, underwritten by transparent, honest, and supportive democratic government. And it is
beginning to make a difference. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s African Economic Outlook for 2016 declared that growth remained resilient in 2015 amid a weak global economy, lower commodity prices, and adverse weather conditions and drought in most parts of the continent, except, that is, for South Africa.
Real gross domestic product, GDP, in Africa grew by an average of 3,6% in 2015, higher than the global average of 3,1%, and twice that of the Euro area. Africa remained the second fastest- growing economy in the world and several African countries were amongst the wor1d’s fastest-growing economies. Except, that is, for South Africa.
Recent developments in the energy and health area will give further impetus to growth. In energy, Barack Obama’s Power Africa programme will increase sub-Sahara’s electricity generation capacity by 30 000 MW, benefiting a target of
60 million households by committing R105 billion to public- private partnerships across the continent.
In health, highlighted by the Ebola outbreak, the African Union, which is a credible body today - despite being run by the very passive Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma - has signed an agreement with
the US Center for Disease Control and Prevention, CDC, to establish an African CDC with five co-ordinating centers, linked to an ever-expanding, continental-wide infrastructure of public health institutes.
With the World Health Organisation, WHO, efforts and the efforts of Bill Gates and others, billions will go into strengthening Africa’s health systems and emergency response to disease outbreaks. Staffing disease control initiatives presents a very special opportunity for Africa’s medical, health, and bioscience faculties and innovation hubs, most of which are in South Africa. However, the hon Blade Ndzimane’s policies and our stubborn, misguided attachment to Cuba blunts the expansion of our medical schools.
Promising is the phenomenal growth of the sub-Saharan pharmaceutical industry, quadrupling in size from R70 billion, in 2003, to reach R312 billion by 2013. Oxford Analytical observes:
While African economic growth is expected to slow, bullish estimates suggest the pharmaceutical sector could grow at around 9,8%, annually, to 2020, due to market reforms, corporate expansion, and rising health care expenditure.
Let me say that what has also happened is that African cities have grown and they have done so as a result of a demographic dividend. This puts pressure on African cities in an extraordinary way, so that Lagos will swell from 25 million today to reach 50 million by 2030, surpassing Cairo as Africa’s most populous city. Nairobi and, to lesser extent, Johannesburg, are not far behind.
Cities will account for 80% of global economic growth, but realising its benefits will require suitable housing, water and sanitation, electricity, public transport, sustainable urban environments, and good governance. Cities that do well on this front will succeed. That is why leaders who are concerned with successful African cities come to the Cape to see how it is done. [Interjections.] Over the last two years, the City of Cape Town has received delegations from Madagascar, Burundi, Kenya, Tanzania, Mauritius, Benin, Nigeria, Uganda, and Botswana. [Applause.]
That is why thousands more South Africans will vote for us on
3 August, because we know how to run successful governments. And that is why we say to Africa: “Goodbye, pity; hello, progress.” Let me just say they do not go to Johannesburg, Tshwane, or Nelson Mandela Bay to witness success. They go there to see what
should not be done. And as for the Zululand Municipality, run by Shaik Emam, let me say that it’s his little party that will be disappointed by 3 August. [Time expired.] [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Mr M S A MASANGO: Hon House Chairperson, hon members, and fellow South Africans, Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika. [God bless Africa.]
There is, undoubtedly, no gainsaying that by conceptualising the African Agenda 2063, the continent has set itself on an irreversible course towards achieving its socioeconomic transformation within the next 47 years, and beyond. Indeed, let us applaud the leadership of the continent for operationalising Nepad in all of its facets. What a masterly vision.
Scholars such as Steven Radelet, Robert Rotberg, and the former UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, assessed the fortunes of Africa. Kofi Annan observed that:
Africa is a continent with tremendous resources, but none more than the talent of its young people. With courage and vision, Africa can ensure a stable, prosperous, and equitable future.
The eradication of extreme poverty is a key component of the post-2015 Millennium Development Goals, MDGs, processes and the African Union’s Agenda 2063. The goal would see African states reducing extreme poverty to below 10%, by 2045, and 3%, by 2063. The interventions are amongst the following: social assistance, pro-poor economic growth, education, and job creation, etc.
However, these differ according to the ability of the economy of each country.
In 2012, at its 53rd national conference, the ANC resolved that:
Building intra-African trade is a key economic policy objective, and is in the vital interest of the people of South Africa and the entire African continent.
Foreign direct investment worth billions of rands from China, India, the USA, and the European Union, amongst others, is flowing into the continent. The continent is an investment destination of choice.
Under the Presidential Infrastructure Championing Initiative, PICI, where each head of state and government is a political champion, water and sanitation, potable water, energy, electrification, schools, clinics, hospitals, dams, bridges,
airports, harbours, and shipping lines will be expanded and constructed where they don’t exist. For instance, South Africa will be a hub for ship repairs and docking.
Step by step, brick by brick, Africa is, indeed, walking its talk. In June 2015, the Tripartite Free Trade Area Agreement was concluded by 26 countries. This involves a population of about 600 million and a combined domestic product of US$1 trillion, and it will create a single economic market of US$6 trillion.
Another advantage is that Africa is home to the world’s largest population of 15 to 24-year-olds and this is estimated to double by 2045. Cities are expanding and an estimated 60% of communities will be urbanised.
To attend to ICT research and the oceans economy, the AU has decided to establish the Pan-African University. This university aims to prioritise science, technology, and innovative research that are uniquely African, and to highlight the kind of work that is coming out of the continent.
Regional and continental integration is the foundation for Africa’s socioeconomic development. Consequently, Africa is at the centre of South Africa’s foreign policy.
Fellow compatriots, the investment and expansion of the blue economy will ensure that marine resources are used in a diversified manner.
The Brics bank has now opened its regional office here in South Africa, Johannesburg, and has begun to inject money for development. For instance, South Africa received US$180 million for renewable energy; Brazil received US$300 million for renewable energy and US$81 million for roof-top solar developments; and India received US$75 million for renewable energy.
Noteworthy is the fact that the Brics bank will fund infrastructure development to nonmember states on the continent.
The visit of President Xi Jinping to the Forum on China-Africa Co-operation, Focac, Summit 2015, culminated in the signing of
23 agreements, amounting to over R100 billion. This will be used to transfigure the continental economy and the lives of our people. Indeed, Africa is on the irreversible move, other weaknesses notwithstanding.
Volgens hierdie vordering wil ek graag die opposisie versoek om die ANC-beheerde regering te ondersteun om Afrika se ekonomie te
herstel, verwerk, en herbou. Deur samewerking sal ons in staat wees om Afrika se doeleindes te bewerkstellig en te verwesenlik. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Given this progress, I would like to request that the opposition support the ANC-led government in order to repair, rework, and rebuild Africa’s economy. Through co-operation, we will be able to establish and achieve Africa’s goals.]
Now, the leadership of the African continent has correctly and intelligently responded to the call that was made by Amílcar Cabral:
Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children.
I just want to clarify a few things. The hon Mulder of the
FF Plus says that we must not blame the colonial past. He has been joined by the hon James, and this is very disingenuous. Most of the countries that are underdeveloped today are underdeveloped because they were colonised for a long time. The
scars of colonialism and subjugation are unyielding, and they’re
deeply rooted in those countries. [Interjections.]
I thought that, as an Afrikaner, you would appreciate what happened to you at the hands of the British. But let me give an example: The FF Plus is still trapped in the past - perhaps, still trapped in the ideology of witbaasskap or white supremacy. I want to draw your attention to your own 2016 manifesto, and this is what it states ... [Interjections.]
Dr P W A MULDER: May I ask the member a question about what he
says? He’s saying things about me that I never said.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Do you want to take a question, hon Masango?
Mr M S A MASANGO: No. I just wanted to say to the House and to South Africans that if the FF Plus takes itself seriously as a nonracial, democratic party that loves all the people of South Africa and it thinks that it will have a friendly, constructive engagement with the people of the continent, then it should not say what it is saying in its own manifesto for this year’s local government election.
It states: Neem ingeligte besluite. [Make informed decisions.] Then, it states: Ondersteun regstellende aksie. [Support affirmative action.]
That’s support for affirmative action. Nee. [No.]
Ondersteun swart bemagtiging? Nee. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Support black empowerment? No. [Interjections.]]
Grondhervorming? [Land Reform?] Nee. [No.] [Interjections.]
Rassekwotasie: Wat moet die mense sê? Nee. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Race quotas: What must the people say? No. [Interjections.]]
For what must they say: “Ja”? Hulle moet die Almagtige God in hul grondwet erken. [They must acknowledge the Almighty God in their constitution.]
Now, go back to the 1910 quotation that proclaimed that South Africa shall be a Christian country - they cared nothing about other religions in this country.
The second issue that I want to clarify is what the hon James said about Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. In fact, in Agenda 2063,
before the deployment of Cde Nkosazana Zuma, Africa never had an all-African economic, social, or political blueprint. It was created after her deployment. That is the legacy she’s leaving there. So, you can’t say she has been pushed aside.
I also want to clarify what the hon Mokgalapa was saying on the issue of human rights. The ANC and the people of South Africa agree there should be no human rights violations. But the DA is conspicuous by its silence on human rights violations in Gaza, the Western Sahara, Palestine, and everywhere else. [Interjections.] They always turn a blind eye. You need to say something about that.
The other matter is the issue of third termism. For example, the people of the DRC have recently agreed with the court there.
Section 75 of the court of the DRC allows the president to continue if elections have not been held. In Burundi, the High Court there allowed the president to go for a third term. We must respect the sovereignty of other countries.
Whether a president goes for a fifth or a tenth term, it must be the decision of the people of that country. But oppressing the people in that country is also what we’re opposed to. The ANC
and South Africa say no to dictatorship. The terms of government
... [Interjections.]
Al-Bashir? There are two matters in the issue of Al-Bashir. You focus on the narrow, legalistic interpretation of this.
An HON MEMBER: It’s human rights!
Mr M S A MASANGO: You fail to look at the broad, national interests of both South Africa and the continent. [Interjections.]
Firstly, the AU took a decision that all the member states must ignore the International Criminal Court, ICC, to the extent that they have certain issues with the ICC, the perception being that it persecutes Africans. [Interjections.]
Secondly, as a disciplined member of the AU – because we have fought within the OAU and the AU for the liberation of Africa – we can’t now act outside that body until a decision is taken. [Interjections.]
Just imagine what would have happened to our 3 000 soldiers that are in the Sudan, our peace-keeping force in the DRC, our peace
efforts everywhere, the R185 billion that we get out of trading on the continent had we arrested the head of the country. We would have been the first one ... Why are other countries not arresting him? They know where to find him. [Time expired.] [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
The House adjourned at 18:42.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
Please click on the following link to access the relevant Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports for this day.
https://www.parliament.gov.za/parliamentary-papers?sorts[date]=-1
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