Hansard: NA: Mini-Plenary 3
House: National Assembly
Date of Meeting: 24 Nov 2023
Summary
No summary available.
Minutes
UNREVISED HANSARD
MINI PLENARY 3 - NATIONAL ASSEMBLY (VIRTUAL) FRIDAY, 24 NOVEMBER 2023
MINI-PLENARY SESSION - NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Watch video here: NA: Mini-Plenary 3
Members of the mini-plenary session met on the virtual platform at 10:00.
The Acting Chairperson Mr S O R Mahumapelo took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Good morning, hon members, we take this opportunity to welcome all of you who have joined this mini-plenary session. We also take this opportunity to welcome the media and all South Africans who may have made time today to join us. Parliament has provided various platforms on which you can follow the proceedings of Parliament. We do this as part of our responsibility to ensure transparency, public participation, etc. As I said to hon members, we welcome you.
Hon members, before we proceed, I would like to remind you that the virtual mini plenary is deemed to be in the precinct of Parliament and constitutes a meeting of the National Assembly for debating purposes only. In addition to the Rules of the virtual sittings, the Rules of the National Assembly, including the Rules of debate will apply. Members enjoy the same powers and privileges that apply in the sitting of the National Assembly. Members should equally note that anything said in the virtual platform is deemed to have been said in the House and may be ruled upon.
All members who had logged in shall be considered to have been present and are requested to mute their microphones and only unmute when recognised to speak. This is because the microphones are very sensitive and will pick up noise which might disturb the attention of other members in the House.
When recognised to speak, please unmute your microphone and when connectivity permits, connect to your video.
Members may make use of the icon on the bar at the bottom of their screen, which has an option that allows a member to put up his or her hand to raise points of order. The Secretariat will assist in alerting the Chairperson to members requesting to speak. When using the virtual system, members are urged to refrain or desist from unnecessary points of orders or interjections.
Lastly, I wish to remind you that we are meeting in a mini- plenary session and therefore any decision will be taken in a full plenary session of the Assembly. The first item on the Order Paper is Subject for Discussion in the name of the hon Z Majozi on “Urgent call for intervention by the SA Police Service and intelligence structures to address politically motivated killings, including the killing of amakhosi and other traditional leaders”. Over to you, hon Majozi. You have six minutes.
URGENT CALL FOR INTERVENTION BY THE SA POLICE SERVICE AND INTELLIGENCE STRUCTURES TO ADDRESS POLITICALLY MOTIVATED KILLINGS, INCLUDING THE KILLING OF AMAKHOSI AND OTHER TRADITIONAL LEADERS
Ms Z MAJOZI: Hon House Chairperson, as we gather here today, the IFP is in mourning. This very week on Monday night, Induna uMdima of Soweto, a traditional leader and a long time IFP member, was gunned down at Nancefield Hostel. We send our deepest condolences to his family and pray that his soul rest in peace. Tragically, this murder is not an isolated incident.
Last month, Inkosi Khumalo of the Amantungwa Traditional Council in Emadlangeni, as well as his wife were shot and killed in Kingsley in KwaZulu-Natal. The list goes on and on. This is why, as the IFP in Parliament, we want to echo the call of our IFP colleagues in KwaZulu-Natal, who consistently raise the issue of the murder of amakhosi and izinduna [chiefs], and the ongoing lack of protection of our traditional leaders.
According to National Treasury, the SA Police Service has budgeted R1,9 billion for VIP protection for the 2023-24 financial year, and this will increase to R2,2 billion over the next three years. The question must be asked: Why is the SA Police Service, SAPS, willing to spend billions protecting the President and other government leaders, yet no funding is allocated for the protection of our traditional leaders?
Amakhosi and izinduna work tirelessly in and for their community yet are abandoned by government and the SAPS. Further, while there is an interministerial committee on political killings in KwaZulu-Natal, it appears that their focus is only political office bearers. At a briefing in September, Minister Cele noted that 52 councillors have been gunned down since 2011 and that 103 officials working within
municipalities as political office bearers and officials in political offices were killed. No mention was made of traditional leaders. Promises were made by the KwaZulu-Natal department of community safety and liaison in January 2022 about the establishment of the Community Safety Intervention Unit to work in conjunction with law enforcement agencies to deal with the specific challenges related to the safety and security of traditional leaders and izinduna, nothing came of this. But now, with elections approaching, the same department has budgeted a once-off allocation of R11,5 million for the establishment and functioning of the community safety intervention unit on a pilot basis in their 2023-24 financial year.
This Special Investigating Unit, SIU, will be implemented for a six-month period in respect of the protection of 14 traditional leaders in response to the killing of amakhosi in KwaZulu-Natal. Considering the murder of amakhosi and izinduna serving communities in KwaZulu-Natal, and considering the billions spent on protecting government officials to protect only 14 leaders for only six months is an insult to the institution of traditional leaders.
The IFP therefore calls for an urgent commission of inquiry into the murder of amakhosi and izinduna, as well as for the SAPS to immediately divert resources from VIP protection as well as crime intelligence to tackle the terrible scourge in their communities, their traditional leaders and the VIPs. Let us therefore ensure that, like other senior leaders across South Africa, they can continue to perform their duties and serve the people without fear of their own lives.
IsiZulu:
Sihlalo, njengoba siyiNkatha siphakamisa lesi sicelo sokuthi izinkosi nezinduna azivikelwe ngayo yonke indlela ngoba nazo zingabaholi bethu kuzindawo esihlala kuzo ziyasivikela.
Ziyadinga nazo ukuthi zikuthole ukuvikelwa uHulumeni, uPhiko lwamaPhoyisa aseNingizimu Afrika khona bezokwazi nabo bawenza umsebenzi okumele bawenze, bawenze kahle, bawenze futhi ngokuzikhandla nangeqhaza abalibambile, silibheke silamukele futhi kwizindawo esihlala kuzo. Sazi ukuthi yibona abasivikelayo kuzo zonke izinto esizenzayo. Ngiyabonga, Sihlalo.
English: Thank you.
Ms G P MAREKWA: Hon House Chairperson and members on the platform, good morning and greetings to all. In an effort to ensuring for safer communities in our country the ANC government is committed to fighting all forms of crime including murder as well as assassination of people, political leaders and traditional leaders in our country even including all areas including rural areas. When we said that we want to build safer communities our intention was to ensure that everyone in our country enjoys their lives without fear of being criminally targeted or also becoming victims of these criminals. Many families have lost their loved ones in the hands of criminals. We should collectively express outrage at those criminal elements within our society that inflict pain on us by killing our oved ones.
Hon Chairperson, since 2019, we have seen our government, the ANC, developing measures to put into practical implementation, the priority of building safer communities and fighting corruption. This includes government investment in the upgrading and building of police stations as well as the purchasing and maintenance of the vehicles. There is also a move towards greater use of technology for crime prevention.
The budget allocation for the Department of Polce for recruiting over 10 000 police personnel to bolster the
capacity of the police in the fight against crime must also be applauded and acknowledged. Additionally, almost 99% of police stations have functional community police forums that ensure participation in the role of communities in the fight against crime.
The Moerane Commission of Inquiry established by the ANC government to look into the issue of political killings largely focussing in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. That’s why the government is being in the process currently to implement the recommendations of the commission to curb political killings. The Moerane Commission put to bare the complexity of the factors linked to the political killings. These ranges from the intraparty, political tensions, the interparty- political tensions as well as some business interests of private individuals that are linked to state procurement.
This means that when we deal with political killings and the killing of traditional leaders, we should move away from making presumptions that are not based on any form of evidence. In this regard the interministerial committee of the Cabinet on political killings makes observations that the causation factors for these crimes are linked to intrapolitical conflicts with a few cases linked to other motives such as taxi violence, domestic related issues, business competition and traditional leadership competition as well as family feuds.
Our democratic system and the Constitution of the republic guarantees every citizen the right to freedom of association. This is one of the fundamental rights in the Bill of Rights in our Constitution and it must be a right that is respected by all of us. Our democratic system also provides for people to exercise their rights in electing the leadership of their choice. This means that no one should impose themselves upon the will of the people. People should not kill one another for political positions.
The system of traditional leadership is our heritage and it defines our being as African people. Indeed, like any other system the system of traditional leadership has its own challenges. But what is important is that we should resort to peaceful means to resolve disputes relating to traditional leadership. We should commend royal councils elected to take the judicial route to resolve their disputes. Ordinarily, our wish is to see traditional councils resolving their disputes amicably amongst themselves. But if a solution is not found let us allow the law to take its course. We should find ways to engage with the House of Traditional leadership to find the lasting solution to challenges relating to traditional leadership. We understand that there are incidences where traditional leaders are targeted and killed by criminals for reasons that are criminal in nature. In this regard we should encourage the communities to participate in the community policing forums, CPFs, to curb these acts of criminality as well as those with evidence to assist the police to arrest those who kill our leaders.
In updating the work of the intermenstrual committee on political killings in KwaZulu-Natal, the Minister of Police spoke on behalf of the interministerial committee, IMC, that includes the SA Police Service, the National Prosecuting Authority, NPA, supported by the State Security Agency, Correctional Services, the premier and MEC for Community Safety liaison in KwaZulu-Natal has been in operation to address these political killings. The Minister further reported that since 04 July 2018, a task team has so far investigated 321 dockets. As the motion calls for an intelligence-driven operation, the Minister indicated that a task team is conducting intelligence-driven operation targeting possession of unlicensed fire which has resulted in 172 cases. Over 250 unlicensed firearms have been taken off the streets through police operations. We need to applaud those kinds of actions from the side of the police.
As a legislature in our oversight role, we should from time to time engage with the police and the law enforcement agencies in general on the progress they are making to address the political killings and the killing of traditional leaders. Let there be silencing of the guns and let us save the lives of our people including our traditional leaders and other leaders in our communities in the effort of fighting crime in South Africa and this government of the ANC continues to champion those issues in making sure that everybody in South Africa, whether you are a traditional leader or political leader, you enjoy the right of life and being able to live free not overwhelmed by fear and fearing that your family also will be targeted. Let us silence the guns that are running amok in our communities. The ANC is in government and is ensuring that there is safety and security for all. Thank you, Chairperson.
Ms D KOHLER: House Chairperson, I have watched over the years as we, the Members of Parliament, MPs, formulated plans to, for example, streamline the security cluster systems so that a victim could easily access information about their attack, the arrest of the suspect, trial dates, incarceration dates and
the parole dates. But this is the government of the ANC and it just lets us all down. Fifteen years down the line and that system just doesn’t work. Eighty-five of us are murdered every day. Need I say more?
The intelligence services, which is Crime and Defence Intelligence and the State Security Agency, do the work domestically and abroad despite the fiddling with the legislation which we have tried for years to reverse, but what they unearth is, it seems to me, ignored unless it is of particular benefit to one politician or another.
Speaking of politicians, we allegedly have yet another new Minister, the third or fourth this term, assigned to work with us but I wouldn’t recognise her if I fell over her as she’s far, far too busy being an ANC spokesperson on every subject under the sun that she simply ignores the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence. I stand to be corrected but I think she’s only attended twice since she was appointed in March.
We have some of the finest minds in the country presenting the realities of our situation both globally and domestically to the committee, but it seems their information goes absolutely
no further than the doors of the secret room we sit in hour after hour, day after day.
The fact that Police, Defence and the security agencies are not connected was never more apparent than during the July 2021 riots and you all know how catastrophic they were in terms of both lost lives and destroyed infrastructure. The ANC learned nothing from that because once again this entire cluster was caught with its pants down this year with the torching of 21 trucks in July. How did the SA Police Service not know this was about to happen? Where was the crime intelligence? Are the billions this Parliament assigns to the security cluster not sufficient for them to just do their jobs?
Well, why the system is not working can be perfectly showcased by one particular political murder. That was of the ANC Ward
101 candidate Siyaboga Mkhize in the run up to the November 2021 local government election. This happened in my central Durban constituency. A by-election was duly held, and in came Mzimuni Ngiba. In a trice he was then arrested for the murder of that 2021 candidate into whose shoes he had so swiftly stepped. The system seemed to work up until that moment, but then in came the ANC. Ngiba proceeded to receive a full ward
councilor salary for a year and a half until the persistent demands by the DA asking where he was, and finally forced the hand of the ANC Speaker. The dog-ate-my homework excuses why he hadn’t been fired ranged from, gosh we didn’t know’ to the email at the prison doesn’t work so he can’t sign the relevant form. The prison is about 12 minutes from the centre of town.
I had known for a very long time that he was in jail and watched in despair as we actually had to force the ANC to do the right thing.
On Monday night it was then revealed that at his second bail hearing the same man was allegedly accused of not only intimidating state witnesses in his case, but additionally he was choosing his very successor from his jail cell.
No matter how good our intelligence agencies are, no matter how good our police are, when faced with this, their work must feel unutterably futile.
When the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, JSCI, calls over and over and over again for the Cabinet to present the General Intelligence Laws Amendment Bill, Gilab, they ignored us. The committee in fact had started requesting this in the
previous Parliament before I joined this committee. The Cabinet has taken over five years, and it is just too much of a coincidence that the very day a totally fed up committee was ready to table a committee Bill, suddenly it emerged from nowhere leaving us to now frantically have to process it before the 01 March. Not only that but it included patently unconstitutional bits and pieces which then took weeks for the experts to clean out and it only finally arrived on Friday last week.
Political killings are the norm in KwaZulu-Natal, and the ignoring of the State Security Agency, SSA, intelligence of crime reports by SAPS as our various agencies continue to work in ego-filled silos shows such a vacuum of leadership it’s enough to make one weep.
Considering the billions spent, how do we simply not know that a riot, another assassination and another construction site invasion is about to happen? Our services are hamstrung by an impenetrable political fog, and it’s the ANC government which has brought us to this point. It is beyond time that we threw them out and take the reins and that is exactly what we aim to do in May next year. [Time expired.]
Mr V GERRICKE: Chairperson, the EFF is taking these political killings very seriously and we are not prepared to arrange them in this committee as we are in the search for solutions. South Africa has a very long history of political killings and destination of political office bearers and in particular councillors. The culture of violence and brutal killings has been with us since the old nationalist party regime prior 94. The then apartheid government employed unconventional tactics and strategies to keep them in power and as this nation we are acutely aware of how at first a low-density war and later full scale civil war took place in the 80s and 90s between the IFP and ANC. This violence escalated from the ... [Inaudible.] and to the old Transvaal and caused deaths of members of all parties. Who can forget the existence of self-defence and self-protection units of the ANC and IFP. The brutal violence and killings of more than 20 000 people during that time are recorded in pieces of history of our country. That struggle was a struggle for liberation and freedom on the ... [Inaudible.], and on the other hand, the struggle to cling on to white apartheid rule by the nationalists, who use our very own black brothers against those who fearlessly fall for the freedom of the oppressed. The resistance and brutal force were used to fight the noble idea of a democratic constitutional dispensation for all those who live in South Africa. The
current situation in parts of our country where political killings are taking place cannot be taken lightly. The same strategies and tactics are being used but this time to secure different outcome. Professor Paula Zulu has testified before the Moerane Commission that:
Some councillors wouldn’t qualify for jobs. Once they adjusted their lifestyles inclined to their jobs, ensuring that nothing would prejudice their livelihoods, even if they have to eliminate opposition.
Our country is faced with an engraved culture of violence, inculcated and deeply rooted in the political ... [Inaudible.] of those who want to use positions for power in the pursuit of corruption. The EFF calls on the SAPS and the intelligence forces to change their method of investigation and look deeper into this very serious matter. It is a fact that our country’s history has exposed the existence of third forces in the apartheid era. These forces were used to keep the political elite and politically connected in power. A mission was to kill and destroy as many as possible of those who stand in the way to enrich themselves and exploit the ignorance of the innocent. Citizens of violent infested areas are becoming increasingly fed up with the government’s lack of inaction or
intervention. Suffering immensely under these circumstances, freedom, safety and security are still evading them after 30 years of democracy. If the situation continues as is Chairperson, it may lead to some sort of interaction.
The EFF proposed urgent Crime prevention intervention by all forces available. We further demand better Commission of Inquiry be established in order to bring to book the dark and evil forces behind these senseless killings. These criminals are ruthless in the attack on survivors. Their actions require fire by fire. The police must man up and show muscle to eradicate these senseless killings. Just two days ago Inkosi Vela Shandu was brutally murdered in KZN. This follows a string of other assassinations, including the attack on Inkosi Khumalo in Utrecht, who was shot in the presence of his family. The worst part about this, Chairperson, about the murder of Inkosi khumalo instead there were a previous attempt on his life and despite this, the police did nothing to protect him. Police did nothing to protect him and to investigate the motivations for the attempt on his life.
In conclusion, children deserve a safe and secure environment in which they grow up. The time for action has arrived. The police must ... [Inaudible.] ... every corner in this country
and stop the foolish onslaught on our people. For this, we need a capable highly intelligence service with a specialised unit targeted at these political killings in KZN and in our country. We stand for freedom. We stand for liberation of our nation and we stand for ... [Inaudible.] South Africa. Thank you, Chairperson.
IsiZulu:
Mnu K P SITHOLE: Ngibonge kakhulu Sihlalo, ngithi egameni le Nkatha Yenkululeko yeSizwe ukubulawa kwabantu akusisona isixazululo ukuthi kubulawe abantu, amakhosi noma izinduna. Sithi uMntwana kaPhindangene usifundisile ukuthi njengoba siphila nje kufanele sazi ukuthi udlame akulona isixazululo. Udlame yilona olungeke lukwazi ukuphilisa umuntu futhi usifundisile ukuthi amalungelo abantu enziwa ukuthi abekhona ngenxa yokuthi kukwazi ukuvikela isithunzi somunye umuntu.
Sithi ngaleyo ndlela Inkatha izolokhu iqhubebeke njalo isho ukuthi amakhosi ayisixazululo sokuthi imindeni iphile.
Amakhosi ayisixazululo sokuthi kube khona ukuvikeleka komphakathi. Amakhosi ayisixazululo sokuthi kube khona ukuthula ezweni futhi amakhosi ayisixazululo sokuthi kube khona ukubambisana ezweni. Sithi ukubulawa kwamakhosi akusiyona into okufanele ixoxwe ngoba njengoba ngikhuluma
amakhosi asebulewe KwaZulu-Natali angaphezulu kwamashumi amabili, eLimpopo iyodwa, eMpumalanga mabili, e-Eastern Cape mahlanu. Izinduna esezibulewe zingaphezulu kwamashumi amathathu okukhombisa ukuthi kukhona okungenziwa kahle.
Ngiyethuka uma ilungu le-ANC lithi liyakwazi ukuvikela amakhosi. Phela u-ANC ophethe njengamanje, u-ANC okofanele ngabe uvikela amakhosi futhi afake imali yokuwavikela.
Kunezigidi eziyishumi [R10 million] ezafakwa KwaZulu-Natali ukuthi kuvikelwe amakhosi yafakwa kuMnyango we-Cogta. Kuze kube yimanje akwaziwa ukuthi leyo mali ikuphi. Inkosi Khumalo kube kuthiwa leyo mali yayisisebenza ngabe iNkosi uKhumalo uyaphila.
Manje njengoba eseshilo uMhlonisshwa uZandile Majozi izinduna esezibulewe eJozi asazi zingakanani, sikhuluma nje kubulewe induna uDumakude eNancefield, nenduna uNgubane eKagiso. Ngakho ke sithi thina akube nendlela kufakwe imali kuvikelwe amakhosi njengoba kuvikelwa oNgqongqoshe noNdunankulu bezifundazwe.
Akuvikelwe amakhosi njengoba kuvikelwa oMeya nabaholi abagqamileyo. Siyazi ukuthi ngonyaka ozayo siya okhethweni kufanele sibe nesiqiniseko sokuthi wonke umuntu uyavikeleka. Ngaleyo ndlela sonke siyavikeleka. Sicela amakhosi nezinduna bavikeleke. Ngiyathokoza kakhulu.
Afrikaans:
Dr P J GROENEWALD: Voorsitter, die onderwerp van bespreking is die versoek dat daar dringend deur die polisie en die intelligensiestrukture, ten opsigte van die politieke moorde, wat in Suid-Afrika plaasvind, ingegryp moet word. Ek wil dit duidelik stel dat politieke moorde nie iets nuuts is wat nou skielik na vore getree het nie. In 2013, was daar alreeds ’n verslag wat aangedui het dat meer as 450 politieke moorde, wat eintlik maar niks anders as sluipmoorde is nie, in KwaZulu- Natal plaasgevind het.
English:
If you would listen to some experts, they are also quite clear when it comes to the political assassinations. Raymond Suttner said the following: “Assassinations have become a regularised way of deciding on leadership and access to wealth within the ANC and its allies.” In 2016, the then ANC Secretary-General, Gwede Mantashe said, “the reality is that selection of candidates for council is always a life and death issue.” Now, Chair, there was a High Level Panel of investigation to the security system, and specifically, the intelligence structures, and we saw what happened in 21 with the riots in KwaZulu-Natal, there was a person named Mufamadi, who then led
this High Level Panel into the security structures, specifically, the intelligence.
I’m going to quote and mention a couple of their findings, and one is that, as I said, I quote from about 2005 with the emergence of the divisions in the ANC. “There has been a growing politicisation and factionalisation of the civilian intelligence community based on the factions in the ANC.” From around 2009, we saw a more doctrinal shift in the civilian intelligence community, away from the prescripts of the Constitution, white paper and legislation. The amalgamation of the National Intelligence Agency and the South African secret services into the State Security Agency, SSA, was a monumental blunder.
Apart from the fact that it did not take place on the basis of a formal change of policy involving parliamentary and public consultation, there is a disproportionate application of secrecy in the state security agencies shifting effective accountability and facilitating serious noncompliance with controls, including blatant criminality. Lastly, due to wide- ranging resources abuse, the SSA became in effect a cash cow for many of its members and external stakeholders.
Afrikaans:
Die intelligensiestrukture was gekaap en is nog steeds gekaap, want hierdie verslag was reeds daar in 2018, en ons sien nie dat daar enige stappe geneem is, om die situasie te verbeter nie. Ek dank u.
Ms M M GOMBA: Hon Chair, let me begin by reiterating to the four words of the integrated crime violence strategy of government when it says, crime and violence continue to be amongst the most serious and interacted impairments to development in South Africa and the global community. These impediments are the result of a multiplicity of factors related to the social economic challenges experienced by the country, which are characterised by extreme inequality, poverty, special segregation and high level of unemployment. Further, it is acknowledged that there cannot be sustainable socioeconomic development in the midst of high crime levels, and that effective measures are needed to address the underlying factors that give rise to permission of crime and violence.
In this debate, our focus will be on measures to strengthen the capacity of the law enforcement agencies to fight violent crime. We take this argument in an acknowledgement that
capacity of some of our enforcement agencies has been weakened, especially in the period that is characterised as a period of state capture. The recent statistics, by Statistics SA, show that the population in our country is now at
62 million people. This means that the ratio between the police and the population is not at the same level that it desired, to ensure safety for the citizens. We believe that the government will pay particular attention to this important information on our population from Statistics SA when it considers its budget allocations into various budget votes.
Hon Chair, we are concerned about the murders that are taking place in our country, including the political killings and the killings of traditional leaders. As far back as 2016, the South African Police Service, SAPS, established a specialised unit to deal with the political killings. This was necessitated by the then rise of ... in the in the political killings, especially in the Province of KwaZulu-Natal. We are in agreement with the progress report by the interministerial committee, IMC, that most of the regions in the affected provinces are showing signs of stability in so far as killings of political leaders are concerned.
We further welcome the suggestion in the enhancing of work of the task team. The IMC has resolved that there will be dedicated courts to speedily prosecute these matters. Hon Chair, these dedicated courts will speed up these cases and thus ensure that justice is served to the families of the political killings. The concern of government in violent crime was highlighted by the President in the state of the nation address early this year, in February, when he said, “violent crime takes a heavy toll on every South African.” The communities across our country live in fear for the safety of their families. This situation cannot continue.
As part of the intervention to the strength of the law enforcement agencies, the President said that we are strengthening the South African Police Service to prevent crime and improving the capacity of the National Prosecuting Authority, NPA, and courts, to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. Further than this intervention, includes putting more police on the streets and setting up specialised team that will focus on specific types of crimes. In addition, the President went on to commit on a further
10 000 police officers that will be recruited and trained this year, and that more funding will be made available in this
year’s budget for police, the NPA and the Specialised Investigating Unit, SIU.
In this regard, the police in its budget undertook to fight serious and organised crime, in line with the intervention identified in the national policing strategy to prevent and investigate crime that threatens the economy activities and in the Detective Service Programme, for over the medium-term and addressing and an increase in crime targets at the critical infrastructure such as local constructive projects. In addition, the teams will fight serious crimes, encompassing visible policing, crime intelligence and detective services.
In this regard, the average growth rate of the budget allocation for police visibility has grown by 4% and that of detective services has grown by 3,8%.
These figures may be marginal, but they illustrate the consistency of government policy on strengthening the capacity of law enforcement agencies aligned to budget allocations. As a practice, we should use crime indicators and stats to measure the impact of police intervention and budget allocations to the police. We note that the second quarter crime statistics realised that the police showed that the crime of murder has declined by 0,8% as compared to the same
period in 2022. Hon Chair, the Minister of Police indicated that during the event of the release of the second quarter crime stats as was the case in previous quarters, they made the majority of the people killed in South Africa and they are made during arguments, misunderstandings and the provocations that usually takes place in the social gatherings.
He further said that arguments, vigilantism and robbery remain the top of three causes or factors of murder in majority of the provinces. We understand that political killings and the killings of traditional leaders fall under the category of murder as reflected in the stats. The question that arises from these stats is for us as the society to engage on how we manage our arguments, our misunderstandings and our provocations, to ensure that these social interactions does not lead to tragic murders. Hon Chair, this calls for all of us as a society to entrench the value system that defines our being as people, the value system of Ubuntu, Botho.
We should, at all material times, encourage our young people and people in general to resolve whatever dispute or misunderstanding they have in a peaceful manner. We make a call to civil societies and community-based organisations to play their part in re-engineering and moral fibre to our
society to move from the logic resolving disputes in a valid manner to a logic of peaceful resolution to disputes.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Hon Gomba ...
Setswana:
E fedile nako.
Ms M M GOMBA: Hon Chair, I thank you so much.
Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Chairperson, let us not treat this matter very lightly and let us be honest about what is going on in KwaZulu-Natal. This has been going on during the years of apartheid and my colleague from the EFF is absolutely correct, to such an extent that the leadership in some organizations even refused to testify in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, TRC. Thousands of our black brothers and sisters were massacred in collusion with the apartheid regime of South Africa. That is basically what ... [Inaudible.] So, let us not sugarcoat what is going on.
What is going on in KwaZulu-Natal is, if we can’t beat you, we kill you, finish. We want the power. We want the control. We want it at any cost. That’s what it is all about. If you look
at our councillor, the 75-year-old, mercilessly a 75-year-old
- that’s why I say whoever killed her is not different to the state of Israel, exactly the same barbaric manner in which they killed the 75-year-old councillor.
Chairperson, why did they kill her? Before they killed, her a very own member of the NFP tried to convince our councillors not to vote for our party. Remember, this had happened just after the NFP took over the Nongoma Local Municipality, tried to convince our party, our councillor to vote with the opposition to give them back power. When that failed, they attempted to kill one councillor failed. They went and killed Mama Mchunu. That’s basically what they did.
They did not finish because you need numbers to finish. What did they do after that? They went to try and kill another councillor and this time the suspect was caught Chairperson. And after being caught, what happened, Chairperson? Who is the suspect? Linked to some senior leaders in certain political parties in KwaZulu-Natal. And what did the Minister say? He was shocked. If you looked at the legal representation, the cream of the crop that came there to come and defend this suspect, who was found guilty and arrested by the community.
Chairperson, having not finished that they went to kill another councillor of ours. When they were not able to do that and the councillor was not at home, what did they do Chairperson? They killed the husband of the of the councillor. This is all about power and control. KwaZulu-Natal will not change because it is embedded in their minds that we have to have power and control and nothing less and nothing more.
I want to all the political parties, go into your coalitions, but be prepared to have your councillors killed. Many different political party councillors have already died in KwaZulu-Natal. More of you will die if you don’t toe the line. Let me tell you this much Chairperson, the amount of money that is changing hands. That is why killing in KwaZulu-Natal is big business, because bags of cash are changing hands and that is why they are destabilising even other political parties. That is why the coalitions are not even working.
Chairperson. Monies are changing.
Take the NFP, we were in pole position to take over Zululand Chairperson. We can’t take it even though we got the numbers with the ANC and other parties, because monies are changing hands and our people are dying to such an extent, they are instilling fear into the minds of our councillors so that they
can toe the line with other parties and not with their own political parties. Now, what has happened? Absolutely nothing. Even though there’s been arrests, the same day that there was arrest, there was a motion being brought for the vote of no confidence in Nongoma. This is the state, of KwaZulu-Natal.
More and more ... [Time expired.]
Mr M NYHONTSO: Comrade Chairperson, Sobukwe taught us that we must vanquish our political opponents with facts, not with ... [Inaudible.] Also, Comrade Supra, the Azanian People's Liberation Army, Apla taught us that ...
IsiXhosa:
... ijoni elingenapolitiki liyingozi ...
English:
... because politics should ... [Inaudible] ...
The ACTING HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr Q R DYANTYI): We seem to be
losing your hon member.
Mr M NYHONTSHO: Sorry Chair, I had a network problem.
The ACTING HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr Q R DYANTYI): Okay, proceed.
Yes, we should also – So, it is not the gun, that command politics. Also, Comrade Chair, the failure of the government not to clarify clear roles between councillors ...
IsiXhosa:
... namakhosi ziyakwenza ukuxhalaba zonke ezo zinto.
English:
But as PAC we call on the Minister. of Police to deal with criminals decisively. To face them head on because this thing of a police service doesn’t work. Parliament must review this thing of having a police service. We need a police force, otherwise we’ll all die. If criminals can be able to hijack
...
IsiXhosa:
... bakhombe ngemipu uMphathiswa ehamba namapolisa ...
English:
... that means there is no law in this country. We must change and Minister Cele, if ...
IsiXhosa:
... into ayisebenzi, iyayekwa.
English:
Otherwise, we’ll all die like flies. We must consider a police force. Asante sana.
Mr A G WHITFIELD: Chair on the outset I think it is absolutely critical that we state that it cannot be the function only of the SA Police Service to deal with such a complex culture that is deeply embedded in many communities when it comes to politically motivated killings. However, I think it is also important that we correct some of the misleading information that we’ve heard in this debate from some of the hon members, who seem to intimate that SA Police Service, SAPS has an increase in budget when in fact it will have a reduced budget, but when the categories of or the divisions within SAPS increased by 3% or 4%, that is completely wiped out by inflation and inefficiencies within supply chain leakage and wastage and the list goes on.
However, Chair, when we do talk about politically motivated killings, including the amakhosi and other traditional leaders, we are in fact for the most part, talking about rural safety. Now, rural policing in South Africa is almost entirely nonexistent, with violent crime on the rise and some of the worst rape statistics located in rural areas like Lusikisiki
which has been one of the rape capitals of the country for years.
The harsh reality of community safety for these people in our country is that communities are left to defend themselves against violent criminals, due to the under resourcing and poor capacitation of the SAPS. And we know this Chair, because SAPS's budget allocation of R100 billion was only met with 65% of its targets in the last financial year. So, money is not the problem. The implementation of plans and strategies appears to be where the dysfunction resides.
In 2019, the Minister launched his rural safety plan, the SAPS Rural Safety Plan, too much fanfare, promising increased involvement of traditional leadership structures and improved rural safety outcomes. The reality is that rural areas are less safe almost five years later, with no meaningful integration with rural community safety structures.
Plans that remain on paper are about as useful as the thousands of SAPS vehicles that remain without tyres. Now I’ve met with local chiefs in places like Mount Frere who feel abandoned by government and helpless to protect the lives,
livelihoods and livestock of the people, including traditional leaders who live in the shadow of crime on a daily basis.
The resources and strategies of SAPS in areas like Bityi outside Mthatha for example, are not aligned to the requirements of that policing area. In Mqhekezweni which is near Bityi, there is a rape protection racket thriving with local chiefs feeling helpless as the criminal justice system is not working together with them to help to keep the community safe. This is exacerbated by the poor, chronically poor service delivery by local municipalities in this area, which adds to the challenges of policing.
It is a fact that SAPS’s resources are constrained due to competing priorities across the country, but the fact also remains that political killings threaten the stability of the state and attacks on traditional leaders threaten the stability of local communities and cultures, which remain integral to life in those areas.
Chairperson, political contestation in places like KwaZulu- Natal is high and requires urgent attention in the runup to the 2024 elections, where a shift in power away from the ANC appears almost certain. Traditional leadership plays an
important role in that province and the ongoing killings are an indication of the lack of political tolerance and good governance in KwaZulu-Natal. KwaZulu-Natal’s traditional leaders are living under constant threat, their ability to do their work without fear or favour is being affected, while more than 50 local government councillors having been assassinated in KwaZulu-Natal since 2018.
It really is time for SAPS to allocate appropriate resources to rural communities and to make sure that they work hand in glove with traditional leaders and local communities to secure a sustainable presence, to bring about stability and safety through stronger relationships built on trust. More than that, SAPS needs to send a strong message through increased presence in the areas in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape with the highest levels of political killings and ensure that that presence is ramped up in the months leading up to the elections, when tensions will be higher than normal.
The message must be abundantly clear and unequivocal to all criminals in South Africa, that SAPS has a zero-tolerance approach to crime and to political killings, and we ensure that they have plans to prevent these crimes and not just react. The DA remains available to help with solutions and to
work together to rescue rural communities from violent crime. We remain committed to working towards those solutions in order to end this scourge of political killings. I thank you Chairperson.
The MINISTER OF POLICE: Thank you very much, Chairperson, good morning to you and the rest of the platform. Chairperson, the discussions that are here, I’ll just maybe towards the end urge and make the Clarion call that our behaviour as from this level needs to change. Chairperson, as we dig deeper to understand the complexity of this crime of the murder of the office bearers, whether political or traditional, the motives behind this made us aligned to intra and inter-political conflicts with a few cases limited to other motives such as taxi violence, domestic related issues, business competition, traditional leadership competition, as well as family feuds.
In the case of the killing of councillors’ office bearers, police investigations have revealed that the most affected political parties are the ANC, IFP, and NFP. From the 52 murder cases of councillors 31 ANC councillors were killed while 14 were from the IFP, four from the NFP, two from the EFF and one from the ACDP. The total 55 councillors have been gunned down in KZN alone since 2011 to date. Alarmingly, one or three officials working within political office bearers and
officials in political offices were killed. It simple cannot be that those who are elected into position task to serve communities live in fear and ... [Inaudible.]. This is a very reason this administration remained resolute and it stands to urgently and vigorous tackle crimes that threaten the lives and the livelihoods of South Africans and the property.
Chairperson, for that reason, the President formed the IMC following this spate of brutal attacks and medals of political opponents in KZN province. In 2018 the President instructed that the IMC must be established, and indeed that interministerial looking at the political killing in KZN was established. The committee formed an integrated multidisciplinary task team investigating political killings in KZN, and they had clear mandate. The work of this team, consisting of highly trained detectives has been operational since 2018 to date and its work speaks for itself.
Chair, most of these cases that were investigated were closed undetected, withdrawn and some referral for the inquest. That is before the formation of the team. Basically, prior to the task team involvement in political related cases. The case is simply fell through the cracks KZN was turning into a killing field. Since the implementation of this integrated
multidisciplinary investigation approach of the task team, eight of KZN 11 regions have since stabilised. We created the stability in the regions to the comprehensive work of the task team and the consolidated security cluster interventions approved by this IMC.
There’s been a sign of progress in cases, and I wish should dispel any thought of insinuating that the government is not doing enough to tackle and stop the killing of politicians elected to serve communities and other officials here. Since July 2018 to date, the task team has investigated 326 dockets there. This includes 160 cases of murder, 51 of attempted murder, 77 in intimidation, 12 of conspiracy to commit murder with 26 other ... [Inaudible.] cases. So far, the work of the task team has resulted in the arrest of 357 suspects who have already been charged on 233 cases, 65 suspects have been convicted while 163 of them are going through the court as we speak. Seventeen arrested suspects have since died during the court process.
More than 400 firearms have been found there, but 48 firearms specifically have been used in killing people there, which seems to be the preferred kind of weapon. Chairperson, that tells you that some of these firearms killed repeatedly and
rather than that every person is killed by a single firearm. As such, for political related cases and parallel cases of murder, attempted murder and temptation, extortion, malicious damage to property, possession of unlicensed firearms and ammunition, a total of 101 accused were found guilty on 94 cases. The task team has secured 18 life sentences out of these cases, 35 accused have been sentenced between 10 and 73 years, 28 accused were handed down sentences between one to nine years, with 15 accused sentenced between three to 12 months. All the sentences combined total to 1597 years imprisonment.
While murder cases in KwaZulu-Natal are investigated by the task team, other five provinces also affected by the political related matters are being investigated by the provincial serious and violent crime units. These provinces are Mpumalanga which has had 12 political related crimes, including murder, 16 suspects have been since arrested and charged and the investigation continues. Eastern Cape has had six such cases, with seven suspects having been arrested and charged, five cases political related are being investigated in Limpopo, with five suspects have been arrested and are through the court cases.
Western Cape has five cases with four arrests, and police are investigating 11 cases in Gauteng with due arrests. The motives of this, as I’ve touched above. I have touched on some of the causative factors for these political ... [Inaudible.]. What has also emerged is that murder cases that were reported before 2016 and 2021, local government elections were mainly as a result of fighting over councillor position, where candidate councillors were eliminated. That is both intra and inter political parties and across political parties of all mentioned, especially three in KZN that we mentioned with more victims. The majority of the murder cases reported after the 2016 and 2021 local government elections were associated with infighting with structures and municipalities over position.
Violent competition between business forum over community development projects or tenders was also noted as a possible motive. Moreover, similarly, there is a ... of society where the barrel of the gun and not through negotiations decides coalition. This passion of coalitions, especially in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, some of them are not negotiated are done the through the barrel of the gun and political parties know and understand very well. So, it's a call on political parties, Chair, to deal with the matters that they understand.
I went to KwaNongoma, where I was asking why there is a problem. Chair, the hatred, the bitterness and the animosity that exist can only be dealt by the political parties themselves rather than law enforcement. So, political parties, some of them who are here, and grandstanding must make sure that they deal with their internal politics and inter political issues where they exist. Chairperson, yes, the long arm of the law will not be selective, nor will it be kind to all role-players in the whole criminal value chain. This includes those who ordered the hits or those paid to pull the trigger. Similarly, criminals targeting this time Izinduna or Amakhosi as well as other traditional leaders have also been observed in the country, and most prominent in KwaZulu-Natal.
To better understand the crimes committed against traditional leaders, we must understand what could be at the heart of the
... [Inaudible.]. In 2014, the President, at the time, declared that Izinduna and Amakhosi should be remunerated with multisalaries from the state. By 2019, the traditional leaders started receiving a salary on this. This would be escalated the threat against Amakhosi and Izinduna and has led to incidents of violence, which includes killings. The motive for these hits ranges from fighting over positions, land disputes, herdsmanship dispute, feud over the power and the problem of
the family feud. In this regard, the SAPS subsequently established the team to focus on these target killings, with the specific focus on the KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, Limpopo, and Eastern Cape provinces. Since 2020, a total of 43 murder cases and five attempted murder cases have been investigated by the SAPS involving Izinduna. Twenty-one suspects have been arrested and are going through the court processes, which are at different stages of finalisation. Ten murder cases of Amakhosi are being investigated by police and eight suspects have been arrested for the alleged responsive role in the murders.
Chairperson, the work of the task team extends beyond the KZN borders. Its work has also been exemplary in the investigation and ultimate breakthrough of the murder cases in the cases of the murder of Fort Hare. The task team is also assisting the investigation in Limpopo and Mpumalanga provinces on similar cases, including the killing of Izinduna and Amakhosi. In enhancing the work of the task team, the IMC has also set up dedicated courts to speedily prosecute political related .... This will go a long way in speedily prosecuting and resolving these matters. Indeed, we are very much aware, elections are coming, and we are enhancing our work to be able to reduce any kind of conflict. Chairperson, ...
IsiZulu:
... ngicela ukwenza inhlabamkhosi ikakhulu kuzinhlangano zepolitiki lezi ezithintekayo. Aziyeke ukuzo-grandstander ngento enje la, awasize ayoxazulula izinkinga eziningi ngaphakathi. Kunabantu engibabalile kakhulu amakhansela ashonile, kunamakhansela abulawa abantu bawo, amakhomredi awo zonke lezi nhlangano. Ngakho ke kubalulekile ukuthi bakwazi ukuyokwenza lokho. Sihlalo sizimisile ukuthi njengoba sesivumelene noNgqongqoshe weZoHulumeni waseKhaya ukuhlangana siluxoxe lolu daba, sibameme nalaba abanye ukwenzela ukuthi bathole okungaphezulu kokuqonda ukuthi yini izinkinga ezingezukuqedwa ngamaphoyisa kuphela nazo izinhlangano zepolitiki zifake igalelo ekuxazululeni lezi zinkinga.
Siyabonga.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Minister, thank you very much. We will not have the debate for the sake of it and that we will indeed, as parties, speak among ourselves on the ground, to speak to the people, so that this matter can be resolved permanently.
Ms Z MAJOZI: Thank you, hon Chairperson, allow me to say I do not want to come here and grandstand on this debate, in fact I concur with the Minister, and we cannot put the killing of
Amakhosi and Izinduna under one umbrella. ... Izinduna are appointed to represent community, regardless of political affiliation. We cannot come here and grandstand and talk about coalitions and unnecessary issues when we are all protected by the same Amakhosi.
And we’ll speak on from a privileged background because they have never resided in a rural area, knowing that they are not affected by the murders of Amakhosi and Izinduna. But are here deployed on behalf of the vote of the same people that are protected by our Amakhosi and Izinduna. Amakhozi, Izinduna and traditional leaders are the only leaders, especially in rural areas who are still curbing the increase of violence and criminal activities.
Allow me to say that once we take this debate and this crucial issue of the killing of Amakhosi and Izinduna lightly, we will face more crime and serious criminal activities in areas where Amakhosi and Izinduna are residing. We hope that our call to provide security for Amakhosi and izinduna will be adhered to. Let’s take responsibility of our failed government process to protect Amakhosi and Izinduna.
IsiZulu:
Uma ngabe bakhona ababandanyekayo kuzindaba zokuthi amakhansela abulewe izinduna zibulewe namakhosi abalulewe ababoshwe phela labo bantu. Asibone umthetho wenza into okumele uyenze ubophe ababandanyekayo kulezo zinto.ezenzakalayo.
English:
In conclusion, the existence and role of Amakhosi and Izinduna is very important within our security, Chairperson. We hope that as there is Operation Shanela, as there are other operations that are taking place. Also, the killing of Amakhosi and izinduna will be taken seriously by the government and we cannot come here and grandstand. I brought this topic because it is something we were talking about human beings. We are talking about human lives. We are not talking about animals that are killed every now and then when we rejoice. No, it is the lives of people and people that are protecting the same communities regardless of political affiliation. So let us ... not come here honestly and grandstand. And if honestly there is any process or anything that is flaw that people are implicated, then they should be arrested. Let us not come here today and speak about hey, - let us know. Let us do the correct thing. Let us do what we
are supposed to do. Protect Amakhosi that are protecting our communities. Thank you, Chairperson.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Thank you very much, hon Jozi Majozi, I became a little bit flexible in in as far as time is concerned for you to allow you to wrap up. Hon members, this concludes the debate.
Ms Z MAJOZI: Thank you, hon Chairperson.
THE RIGHT OF COMMUNITIES TO PARTICIPATE IN THE MANAGEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT OF BOTH PRIVATE AND PUBLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS AT ALL LEVELS.
(Subject for Discussion)
Dr W J BOSHOFF: Hon Chair Mahumapelo, the so-called final Constitution of 1996 was a compromise. We all know that. The previous government believed that power could be shared evenly between groups of vastly uneven numbers. The ANC insisted on the other hand, on majority rule in a unitary state. The Freedom Front, then believed the Gordian Knot could be cut by recognising self-determination, territorially and culturally. Let us turn to self-determination for a moment. It is an
internationally recognised concept, revered by the ANC when applied to Palestine or the Sahrawi Republic, but it is demonised whenever someone wants to apply it to South Africa. Yet, in 2015 South Africa ratified the United Nation’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1976.
In article 1 it states all peoples have the right of self- determination. By virtue of that right, they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Further on, the states parties to the present covenant shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that right, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
Now back to the compromise of 1996. There is no power sharing in this unitary state. Although self-determination is recognised in the Constitution, the autonomy of Orania through its representative council is still its only application. But some traces of self-determinations were included in the SA Schools Act of the same year, although never by that name.
Let us attend to education post 1996. Schools were turned from state to public schools. That means that communities, through
School Governing Bodies, gained the function to determine a school’s language and culture, while the state retained the authority to dictate learning content. At universities, historical white institutions were left untouched, while Afrikaans universities, except for Stellenbosch, were amalgamated with historical black universities or campuses, immediately altering their demographics. Historical black universities were either left intact or amalgamated with Afrikaans ones. Changes were indeed gradual. Pressure on Afrikaans schools came from both declining numbers and from departments, leading to some 10% of Afrikaans unilingual schools of 1994 still being that today. Universities tried to feed the crocodile by making concessions before they were forced to do so.
The Gerwel-recommendation that one university in the north and one in the south should remain Afrikaans, were turned down.
Each rather made its own concessions, hoping to be left alone to do their work as they saw fit afterwards. The ANC however, is intentional on transformation and will not be apologetic about it, that I learnt in meetings of the Portfolio Committee on Higher Education. Allow me to remark that the committee consists of creative, intelligent, and lively members. Getting
to know them is a highlight of the past four years. But on some issues, we just don’t find each other.
I once asked if transformation in higher education means that every class, residence, student association, department, faculty, and campus of every university should reflect the demography of the country as a whole, and the answer was affirmative. That would limit Afrikaans students to a maximum of 10% anywhere. The Bela Bill, as we learned in the Committee on Basic Education, is necessary, because when the department needs to confront SGBs on transformation, it needs the law on its side.
Charterist and Africanist approaches to South African society have one thing in common. For the nation to live, the tribe must die. The common language of learning and political participation is English, while so called vernacular languages are relegated to the private sphere. Now, if most peoples in South Africa prefer to forego their right to self- determination, it does not mean that all are obliged to do so. Afrikaans educators would normally rather die than invoke the right to self-determination. – a constructive relation with government would preclude that. And therefore, our own
teachers diligently taught ANC ideology in schools as the only and undiluted truth for the past 30 years.
Without excluding anyone on race, gender, or religion, cultural communities who prefer to do so, should have the right to develop and manage public and private educational institutions. That can best be done by a cultural authority which should be constituted under section 235 of the South African Constitution. Such a cultural authority should invite private and public schools and postschool institutions to resort under it. Institutions wishing to do so, should not be penalised by the state, financially or otherwise, as it will be in fulfilment of the commanding statement it ratified:
All peoples have the right to self-determination, and the state shall promote the realization of the right of self- determination. I thank you.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION, SCIENCE AND
INNOVATION: Hon House Chairperson, if I may be allowed to keep my video off because of network issues.
The ACTING HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): No
problem.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION, SCIENCE AND
INNOVATION: Hon Chair and members, I think when we initially read through the proposed motion, it was a little bit confusing to understand what’s the intention of the motion is. And I think listening to the hon member having articulated what the intention of the motion is, it is actually even more worrying to get that particular understanding because of the gist of his argument is the fact that we need to promote a notion of self-determination which should be based on language and culture, and that’s the compromise of our Constitution, although it provides for such a platform to be created wherein.
Institutions are created on the basis of language and culture. The hon member believes that our government has not provided the platform within which government can work with communities to help support them in creating these community institutions. think that important false lie in the argument of the hon member who raised this motion is the fact that, the notions of self-determination, the notions of language and culture, cannot be used to further segregate our communities and reinforce the basis within which the apartheid superstructure has been created.
Our Constitution was inspired by long history of struggle against the apartheid system. But not only that, it took into consideration those who were in support of and were privileged to benefit from the apartheid system. That is why it is referred to as one of the major fundamental compromises and probably one of the best Constitutions in the world. The intention of this Constitution was obviously to support as it relates to education.
One of our important calls that was led by the ANC, together with various other students, youth and worker formations, which was a campaign for people’s education for people’s power. The implication of this campaign was that in the democratic epoch, we must not allow education to become the preserve of a privileged few and must ensure that education is accessible for all members of our society. What’s important is that we need to ensure that we build an education system that is geared towards addressing the most urgent needs of society and therefore serves as a cardinal instrument for the fundamental transformation of our society.
So, if we are to pursue people’s education for people with power, it should not be on the basis of creating little Oranias throughout the country, where language, culture, of a
particular racial group is celebrated in the exclusion of the rest of society because this will mean that we’re further advocating for the polarization of our society.
Pursuant to this vision of a people’s education for people’s power, as government, we have implemented a number of key legislations in support and contrary to what the hon member is advancing. One of them, of course being the Constitution. The second, which he also mentioned is the South African Schools Act of 1996, which provides a uniform system for organisation, governance and also funding of schools. That the SA Schools Act also empowers the state to approve the establishment of public and independent schools to withdraw such approval if any school violates any of the norms and standards that relates to admission policy, language of instruction, freedom of religion or cultural expression of ... [Inaudible.] ... and standards.
I think we even went further -with regards to legislation when we introduced the Higher Education Act of 1997 - which provides for, amongst other things, the establishment of the Council on High Education, but also the registration of private higher education institutions and the appointment of an independent assessor and the promotion of quality
assurance. So principally, our Constitution and the various pieces of legislation that I’ve said to seek to ensure that we have a single integrated, coherent, non-racist and non-sexist, basic and higher education system that is free of the discriminatory practises that were a feature of our racist past.
What we have seen is that there are certain racial groups that have promoted the creation of exclusionary - both secondary and higher education institutions - with the intention or at face value, the intention is to promote a particular language and particular culture. But in the overall, we know that this is intended to create some form of local state or state institution whose intention will be for the exclusion of the race.
All over the country we have heard how suddenly individual have been praising, and groups have been placing the initiatives, for instance, that were started by solidarity AfriForum in building an institution called Sol-Tech. The institutions intention obviously, is not openly stated as being exclusionary Afrikaner, but we know that to suggest that only those who have contributed to the establishment of this institutions will be the beneficiaries of this institution.
That on its own shows the intention of wanting to create a segregationist type of private education. There are many private institutions that exists in the country and some of them, obviously charging exorbitant amounts. But any of those institutions whose genesis is to promote racialism should not in any way be allowed.
I want to emphasise that Sol-Tech itself has been created, for instance, as a result of the contributions of Afrikaner communities, which is commendable. But many of our communities out there, you can talk about Soweto, Alexandra, Khayelitsha and everywhere else do not have the private resources to be able to contribute to create, for instance, a Xhosa, Tswana or Zulu, exclusionary institution. But even then, that can never be the intention of this particular country. We know where we come from and what our history has been. We think that education has played an important role in integrating our communities in creating some form of unity within our communities and in ensuring that we build a better South Africa for all that has shared itself all the remnants of apartheid.
In conclusion, we want to emphasise that through this legislation and also through our intention to build this kind
of society, we’ve seen the growth of private schools and also the growth of private higher education, which have made an indelible impact. But what we also want to discourage is the establishment of fly-by-night institutions that have been wreaking havoc in our sector. Some of them hiding behind motions such as this, trying to promote inclusion and all of that. We are not in any way going to be encouraging a situation wherein people whose intention is to make profits only without meeting the national developmental goals of this country, are allowed to operate unregulated and so on. Thank you very much, hon House Chair.
Mr B B NODADA: House Chairperson, while the Department of Basic Education claims to have every child’s best interest at heart, surely no one will pay more for a child than their own parents. The department has introduced the own education style, basic education laws amendment Bill, which goes out of its way to disempower parents and community.
No longer will school governing bodies determine admissions and language policies. This will be left in the hands of heads of provincial education departments. And tough luck if they inevitably, decide to abuse it and put political ideology above the needs of the local community. Because the department
is both player and referee. If you don’t like it, homeschool your children.
But the department insists on having a finger in this pie too. They NC was wilfully “f” when parents of home-schooling sector engaged on the issue before the Billabong was import to Parliament. And this trend continued during the public participation process. Thousands of submissions rejecting the Billabong were ignored in favour of the ANC’s agenda to capture schools.
This only makes the public participation process nothing more than an expensive box sticking exercise, but also contravenes the constitutional judgment on the Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Act, which made it very clear that:
A reasonable opportunity to participate in legislative affairs, must be an opportunity capable of influencing the decision to be taken.
Parents and communities will be stripped of their reasonable opportunity to influence the outcome of their children’s future. The Billabong is very far from being transformational. In fact, the opposite is true. It seeks to disempower parents
and ultimately rob learners of quality education, while failing to address the real issue that plagues the education system.
The ANC would rather go to 1200 functional schools with active parents for their failure to fix the 20,000 public schools they have broken.
The real issues they should be focusing on are the fact that 81% of grade fours can’t read for meaning in any language and 56% of grade four, cannot read at grade four level, despite the Deputy Minister making a shocking excuse that learners don’t know octopuses. I mean, in rural areas they haven’t seen tigers either, but they are taught about those at school.
Therefore, they need to be able to read for meaning in their own mother tongue.
Seventy percent of schools don’t have libraries to even help with this reading crisis. Grades four and eight struggle with basic maths and science. Yet 82% of schools don’t have laboratories, labs, and two third of schools don’t have computer centres.
How can the department prepare children for economically viable futures when they can’t teach them the skills, they need that they would need to participate.
Teachers can’t read either by the way, and they fail exams for the very same subjects that they teach. When tested on regional tests in the continent, only 64% had critical reading skills, at grade six level, only three in every ten teachers had concrete problem-solving skill when tested at grade six level and only 35% had abstract problem-solving skills.
Thousands of children are subjected to overcrowded classrooms and dangerous infrastructure because the ANC has failed to build quality, indigenous language schools in the last 30 years. In fact, projects are delayed by an average of 27 months, so cadres can eat while children suffer.
Three thousand nine hundred and thirty-two schools still have pit toilets and 728 of them, have pit toilets only which 506 are in the Eastern Cape, the province where Langalam Viki, dived in the pit toilet, because the ANC does not care about poor children. Schools are graveyards not only to bury children in pit toilets but also sinking their futures to a life of poverty and unemployment.
South Africa’s basic education sector struggles with a dropout rate as well. Does the Bantu education style available address this? Absolutely not, 337,000 learners meant to complete metric last year, probably ended up joining the 3,3 million youth, not in employment, education, or skills training, forming part of the same the ... [Inaudible.] ... young people that are unemployed.
They say the proof is in the pudding. The pudding taste of an inept, uncaring ANC-led government that seeks to punish successful schools for its own failures by breaking them and then preventing parents and communities from intervening.
But the DA, on the other hand, cares about quality education for all children. That’s why the Western Cape has invested 1,2 billion in its contract program, 1433 schools are receiving extra support at the foundation phase level, 2600 foundation phase teachers and 2900 grade fours, seven, eight and 12 teachers have received training and additional support from the Department of Education in the Western Cape to improve literacy and numeracy.
And the further two hours per week was allocated to reading, which is why double the ... [Inaudible.] ... children in the Western Cape can read for meaning.
Western Cape build schools in 65 days, quality teaching is monitored, and we focus on keeping learners in schools to achieve quality outcomes rather than quantity, meaning they have a better chance of participating in the economy.
Fellow South Africans, if you want parental choice in education, mother tongue education, quality teaching, proper school infrastructure, well-resourced schools, your children being able to read for meaning, quality education that leads to quality outcomes, then vote for the DA in 2024, out this uncaring ANC-led government that wants to bury our children in a life of poverty and unemployment. I thank you, House Chairperson.
Mr M SHIKWAMBANA: House Chair, in the realm of education, the debate over who holds the reins in the management and development of educational institution has been ongoing.
Traditionally, the control and decision-making powers have been centralized, often in the hands of government bodies or private entities.
However, a growing chorus of voices advocating for a change, or a shift is going on, arguing that communities should play a pivotal role in shaping the educational landscape.
These chorus of voices should, however, not be allowed to sing a tune that will result in the exclusion of a certain group of people in the society or in the name of a community.
Therefore, as much as it may be ordinarily acceptable without any protest that the community must be involved in development of educational institution the motive and intentions of any policies must be closely scrutinized.
Indeed, communities are the bedrock of societal values and cultural identity, allowing them a central role in educational institution ensures that the curriculum methodologies and policies aligned with the cultural fabric of the region.
If educational institutions are to serve us, they should be pertinent to our history surrounding, political and social economic circumstances and influences.
Local communities possess a better understanding of their unique needs and challenges, ensuring that education is not a one-size-fits-all model but tailored to the local content.
The aim of the reconstruction of the curriculum should be to give an indigenous African language system they are rightful place as equal valid ways of knowledge among the area of knowledge system in the world, so as to solve the global and the local problem more effective.
Higher education institutions have contributed to the marginalization and exclusion of traditional knowledges and ways of knowing in this discourse and practice of African development.
The pattern therefore lies again with the higher education institution to reverse this. Higher education, should examine the extent to which the idea of development promoted by the development agencies and government, is informed by the wishes and thoughts of local communities.
It ought to examine the source of the knowledge that informs what is imposed on or prescribed for South Africans, and how scholars are implicated in the universalization of the
European experience. It should ask which way of knowing scholars validate and promote, and which ones they ignore, invalidate, and why?
What should not be done in development of educational institution is a discussed process such; as enrolment, curriculum change and language changes all because of one minority community which its casual end is to exclude the majority.
In fact, the starting point should be to define who is the community and the community can never be a small minority group that seeks to impose its political policies through the use educational institution. In a democratic state, the community must be the majority.
It cannot be disputed that empowering communities fosters a sense of ownership and accountability. Society won’t look around wondering when and why young people lacking in critical learnings that relate to our societies, as they would have contributed to what they see and listen to in classroom, the whole day.
When individuals within a community are actively involved in the development and management processes, this is a natural inclination to ensure the success of educational institutions. No one wants task that they are contributing towards the field.
This involvement promotes transparency as decisions are made within the collective interest in mind, reducing the chances of corruption and mismanagement. Be it as it may, there need to be an oversight over policies that are proposed by the community and the custodian of that oversight should remain with the government.
In what ways our education curricula, whether in private or public institutions solving societal problem and meeting societal needs? That is a question that should be asked at all times when developing educational institutions.
A policy or a Bill that seeks to exclude certain learners or students from enrolling in certain parts of the country, depending on whether they will have access to, does not solve societal problem. It amplifies them if the community is to influence educational institution, they must seek to unify and
eliminate any policies that slightly resemble policies that are discriminatory based on race and socioeconomic status.
Private institution may also not be allowed to do as they please, having policies and processes that are tailored to exclude.
The involvement of communities should ensure uniformity across public and private youth institutions. The issues of the communities should be accounted for, whether a student sit in private college or public school. Granting communities their right to manage and develop educational institutions. Allow for the customization of programs to meet specific requirements. This flexibility ensures that students receive an education that is not only academically rigorous, but also
... [Interjection.] [Time expired.]
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Hon S S Zondo. We assume that hon S S Zondo will not participate in the debate. Our next speaker is hon F J Mulder, four minutes FF Plus ... [Interjections.] ...
Ms Z MAJOZI: Hon Chairperson, my apologies. This is hon Majozi, hon Zondo is having a problem with his connection. I
just wanted to alert the Chairperson but I will revert back to him because he has the speech.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Are you taking over, Jozi Majozi?
Ms Z MAJOZI: No, I am not taking over. I was just alerting because he just sent me now that he has a problem with connecting.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Okay. He will then alert the Table staff when he comes back. Thanks, hon Jozi Majozi.
Mr F J MULDER: Hon House Chair, ...
Afrikaans:
In die lig van die staatskaping, korrupsie en swak regering wat Suid-Afrika in die afgelope 30 jaar onder ANC-bewind beleef het, vertrou toenemend meer ouers, met verskeie tale en kultuurgroepe, nie die staat met hulle kinders nie en vertrou hulle ook nie die staat met die skool se geld nie.
English:
We can’t blame them. Can we?
Afrikaans:
Die Bela-wet plaas die staat, eerder as die ouers van die gemeenskap, in beheer van hul kinders se skoolgeld en skoolopvoeding.
Luidens ’n verslag van die Solidariteit Navorsingsinstituut, glo 99% van die respodente dat die gehalte van onderrig negatief deur die wetgewing geraak gaan word, en dat moedertaalonderrig, en veral dan Afrikaans, deur die Bela-wet bedreig word. Afrikaanse skole presteer oor die algemeen goed en die meeste van die land se Afrikaanse skole word tans deur beheerliggame bestuur.
Skole waar beheerliggame nie by skole betrokke is nie, omdat die staat in beheer van die skole staan, vaar oor die algemeen swakker. Hierdie skole het al ’n reputasie van verval en swak dissipline opgedoen, wat meebring dat minder leerders aansoek doen om toelating tot hierdie skole.
Die leerders en ouers wat dan vervreemd word, doen dan by hierdie presterende skole aansoek, vanweë die gehalte onderrig en dissipline wat by die skole gehandhaaf word.
Sedert ek tussen 2004 en 2014 as lid van die Gauteng Wetgewer gedien het, het die aanslag op selfbestuur van ouergemeenskappe en moedertaalonderrig toegeneem. Die agb Minister van Basiese Onderwys, Angie Motshekga, was toe die LUR vir Onderwys in Gauteng. Die ANC-regering het met hierdie wet nie die beste besluit in belang van gehalte onderwys geneem nie, maarr ’n klap na gemeenskappe en gehalte onderrig uitgedeel. Dankie.
Ms Z MAJOZI: Chair, hon Zondo is back.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Okay, I will come back to hon Zondo.
Mr S S ZONDO: The definition of the word education has been widely debated. However, at its most basic form it can be defined as, an act or a process of impacting or acquiring general knowledge, developing the power of reasoning and judgment and generally for the preparing of oneself for other
... [Inaudible.] ... for mature life. With this understanding it becomes evident that education is not a responsibility that only instructors, teachers and lecturers carry, rather it is shared amongst parental figures, immediate extended families, friends and educational figures.
At a basic education level communities have always been involved in the development of our minds, hence, the circumstance we see in our immediate surrounding often informed our perspectives. This is also a reason behind the importance of school governing bodies as members of the community have the unique ability to inform teachers and principals of the particular challenge the children and youth are facing in their areas where they reside. As we have all come to know this is not just about academia it is also about fostering a sense of community and engagement. It is about creating supportive and inclusive environment that natures connections and sense of belonging which is crucial for enhancing the student experience.
It is also communities engaging with the institutions such as the Technical and Vocational Education and Training, TVET, and the Sector Education and Training Authority, SETA, to inform this institution of the way on which they can make an education and training programmes relevant for student that will enable students to contribute to their development of communities. Therefore, the IFP is in full support of the community persuasion and engagement in the development of both public and private educational institution. After all, this is not a foreign or a new concept to the IFP. Our late founder
and the president emeritus, the hon Prince of KwaPhindangene, established the rand-for-rand community corporation programme through which he built schools and allowed committees to own schools.
Giving communities a stake in the ownership of the schools meant that there were no burglars or vandalism or theft on the school property which has certainly become the order of the day nowadays. His Excellency, the Prince of KwaPhindangene, has already provided us with the framework to realise the topic we are debating today. He has shown us that education be it at basic or high level it is the responsibility we all share. I thank you, Chair.
Ms N T MKHATSHWA: Hon House Chairperson, hon members, citizens of South Africa, good morning. Hon members, reading this motion I worry that many ordinary citizens could be confused. So, one must begin by clearly outlining that the Bill of Rights under the SA Constitution clearly stipulates that everyone has the right to establish and maintain at their own expense independent educational institutions that do not discriminate on the basis of race, are registered with the state and maintain standards that are not inferior to standards at comparable public educational institutions.
On top of that, subsection (3) does not preclude state subsidies for independent educational institutions, meaning, independent educational institutions can be subsidised by the state. We must also outline that the Higher Education Act also clearly stipulates the regulations for the registration of private Higher Education institutions as outlined by the Deputy Minister earlier on. Hon members, education is a social good, it is a public good, hence, the Freedom Charter was deliberate in declaring that the doors of learning and culture shall be open to all.
This was because the apartheid government believed that for black people the great doors of learning and culture should not be opened. It believed that the great doors to Stellis; Tukies; Witwatersrand; Rand Afrikaans Universiteit, RAU; and Kosis were not meant to be open to black people. Only the doors to doom and gloom should have been opened to black people. Today, this ANC government has opened those doors and now you, yet again, want to create other doors, alternative doors, instead of acting like patriotic citizens who support government in ensuring that the doors to education are strengthened and supported to achieve equal access to decolonised, inclusive, futuristic and quality education for all citizens.
You are so averse to equality and want South Africa for all its people to enjoy. You are so comfortable with inequality and segregationist behavior. You are so obsessed with white supremacy or Afrikaner nationalism that you manipulate the enrollment processes at some institutions like Stellenbosch University. Hon members, the legacies of racist apartheid South Africa linger in our institutions like a sour odor. We all know this as we continuously witness racially induced acts unfold at institutions like Stellenbosch in years.
The Portfolio Committee on Higher Education has thus deliberately monitored transformation at various institutions in our sector. When we visited Stellenbosch University last year, we were shocked by the manipulation of student enrollment. We say it is manipulation because it makes no sense how you could have high enrollment registrations of white first year students when they outstanding majority of the applicants were black. It means the institution was deliberately nitpicking the type of students they want to admit at the university. At what point will the minority in this country except that the majority in this country is black and, therefore, all microcosms of the broader South African community will have black people in majority? Thus, it would
translate to demographic representation in all spheres of this country.
At what point will conservative thinking white people in this country genuinely hop onto the train towards an inclusive and socially cohesive South Africa? At what point will you join project make our democracy work? At what point will you join the agenda to truly bring to life our Constitution? If you truly believe in this democracy you would appreciate the challenges this government was bound to face in trying to create equal access to education. It was Verwoerd who said, we, the black people who are in majority in this country must have inferior education. It was Verwoerd that left us with unequally resourced institutions.
So, we have spent the last 29 years, almost 30 years, almost my age building schools in all corners of this country where the apartheid regime believed there was no need to have schools, expanding universities with the apartheid regime wanted to be accessible to only a select few, a select few that they themselves nitpicked. In the last 20 years we have worked towards ensuring that we include mathematics, science and all other subjects that the apartheid government believed
we didn’t need because all we were meant to be were domestic workers, gardeners and skilled labourers.
If you are truly concerned by the quality of education in this country as true believers of this democracy you would take all these resources and time you are using on building independent institutions and invest it incapacitating our public education system for all our children and youth to enjoy. However, it is not solely a resource issue, right, it is a matter of not having a shared national identity. It is the resistance to the transformation and developmental goals we are trying to achieve through the broader education system which we cannot and will not deter from because we are very intentional and deliberate about what we seek to achieve through our education system.
This government invests the greater portion of its budget, R460 billion approximately towards education and learning because it acknowledges that education is a critical tool in addressing the triple challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment. Education can assist us in ensuring that our citizens are active participants in the economy who can thus aim to shape the livelihoods of their families and communities towards greener pastures. The greener postures that Verwoerd
did not want us to have. Education as the Freedom Charter states, must teach the youth to love their people and their culture, to honour human brotherhood and sisterhood, liberty and peace.
This is why it is not possible that government will not intervene when we see crisis in the education sector. These institutions are public institutions, thus, they must shape and be shaped by the communities they exist within. Yet, when we want to address matters in institutions that are against our Constitution or we want to address matters in our institutions that are against our Constitution which has in itself been shaped by the Freedom Charter, we are told about institutional autonomy and academic freedom. Well, through the Nazi Germany in apartheid South Africa, we know very well how governments must not encroach on the institutional autonomy and academic freedom of institutions of learning.
Nevertheless, we will not allow institutions to become enclaves of racism, sexism and all sorts of race regressive behaviour. As such, we must embrace the motion of co-operative governance of all institutions of learning. We must embrace the views of all in shaping the outcomes of our public institutions of learning. My fear, hon members, is but the
behaviour of some private institutions or independent institutions that there are sometimes bogus. They are sometimes capitalist in nature. When a learner or a student has not paid their fees, they kick them out and infringe on their rights to education.
They subject our children to treatment that are against the values embedded in our Constitution. I mean; children’s hair, their culture and language, something clearly stipulated in the Constitution and clearly stipulated in the Freedom Charter. It is policed in some of these schools. You want to create your own institutions because you do not appreciate the need for government, which is the people. The government is the people to question the ivory tower posturing of educational institutions, in particular, universities.
Hon members, education is a social good I say it again. Motives to establish independent schools to preserve Africana cultural white supremacy due to resistance to integration is reactionary and counter progressive. Institution autonomy should also not be used to preserve Africana institutional culture as in the case we have seen at times at Stellenbosch University. Institutional cultures and all our educational institutions should be embedded in the promotion of cultural
diversity of our country and its people. Moving forward as the Portfolio Committee on Higher Education and Training, we might have to zoom into independent educational institutions which are developed for narrow ethnic interests.
As Parliament we should ensure that these independent institutions do not discriminate on the basis of race, culture, class or gender. I must agree with hon Boshoff that, indeed, we appreciate often the times his views on the committee and at times we really do agree. However, on this one, hon Boshoff, I don’t think you are even surprised I think
... [Inaudible.] ... better than your remarks. We do not agree. What we should be investing our energy on is ensuring that we have social cohesion in this country. You cannot run away and you cannot continue to build enclaves where you are. No, it is not going to happen.
The reality is that you are existing within a democratic South Africa and let us all put all our energies together to make sure that our education system is accessible to all, equal for all, is of quality and that of which we will take this country collectively forward. I thank you, hon House Chairperson.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Thank you very much, hon Mkhatshwa. Once more, my apologies for saying that you are from the AIC whereas you are from the African National Congress. Thank you very much, hon Nomkidoski. You saved a minute, so, we will add it to the ANC later on.
Mr M NYHONTSO: Comrade commissar, you must get it from me that we are not participating. Don’t assume. Thank you, Chair.
Ms C V KING: Chairperson, my camera will be off because we are experiencing loadshedding.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): No problem.
Ms C V KING: To break the cycle of poverty, inequality, and unemployment in South ... [Inaudible.] ...
The higher education sector is a microcosm of society striving
to ensure societal and economic enhancement through the knowledge generation and skills development of human capital.
Higher education is intended to empower graduates to address various challenges and to be ... [Inaudible] ... governance and management of institutions of higher learning encapsulates
the need to impart knowledge, endeavour in research and development and skills development to address the critical skills shortage in evolving labour markets.
But a number of institutions are facing challenges: Unisa’s
... [Inaudible.] ... maladministration, ICT challenges,
nepotism and internal fights between council executive,
workers, and students; UCT experienced governance challenges and internal strife between council executive members,
workers, and students; and University of Fort Hare
...[Inaudible.] ... has been marred by worker dissatisfaction
with the direction council executives are taking and revelations of political infiltration.
Independent assessor investigative reports in the sector, continuous placement of institutions under administration for
poor governance, no policy direction, outdated or inconsistent approach to human resource procedures, changing the
operational and administrative functions at will, blatantly ignoring the code of conduct and deliberately excluding workers and students from participating in council, these all have been making headlines on the news.
University councils can ... [Inaudible.] ... institution by involving all stakeholders within the community.
Colloquiums on governance within the post school education and
training sector has not fully comprehended the involvement of all stakeholders, nor did it factor in the importance of
autonomy when faced with massification at institutions of
higher learning, the ... [Inaudible.] ... curriculum and developmental needs to the changing nature of the job market
we are in.
There is one drawback; the Department of Higher Education and Training and Council on Higher Education, CHE, is only
focusing on public institutions when consulting on governance
and the national plan to achieve its goals, forgetting the ... [Inaudible.] ... absorption against a background of financial
limitations, serving as a conduit to meet skills shortages in the workplace.
To ensure meaningful participation in private higher education institutions, legislative change is needed to institutionalise governance structures inclusive of workers ... [Inaudible.]
... academic output, collaboration between public and private higher education institutions is vital to ensure the success
of institutions to address the challenges still prevalent in our societies.
The us and them approach and the over-regulation of ...
[Inaudible.] ... The draft policy on higher educational types almost came close to addressing the outlook on public and
private education, but still faltered at the last step by the
usurping powers of the Minister to downgrade these institutions.
If the 41% expanded definition unemployment rate and the 3,3
million people aged between 15 and 24 not in employment, education and training is anything to go by, we can draw the
... [Inaudible.] ...
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Hon King?
AN HON MEMBER: Chairperson, she is not saying anything substantial.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Hon King, we have lost you now. You kept on breaking.
Ms C V KING: ... [Inaudible.] ... reimagined to deliberately move towards getting people out of the unemployment queues ...
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Hon King?
Ms C V KING: Yes.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Sorry to disrupt you, my sister. You kept on cutting. We kept on losing. I am going to request you that you go back about three sentences back and then we will also give you an extra one minute. The sad thing is that if you can submit your inputs to Parliament so that the most correct text of what you said here today can be printed because the recording would not produce the most correct text because you kept on cutting. So, I am going to use my discretion to give you an extra minute or so. Hon King? I think she is trying to reconnect. What we will do, hon members, we will go back to hon member. Hon King, are you back?
Ms C V KING: Can you hear me, Chairperson.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Yes. Hon King, did you hear me?
Ms C V KING: I couldn’t hear you at all. The loadshedding is so bad here in Port Elizabeth.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): I sympathised with you, hon King. I said three things. The first thing is that I will give you through my discretion extra one minute 30 seconds because you kept on cutting. Secondly, I will request that you submit the input of today to Parliament so that the correct version of your perspective can be recorded in Parliament because the recording service will not be able to detect other things that could not be covered during your presentation. Thirdly, I said to the members that we will give you an opportunity to go back about five sentences back. I think is about a paragraph or so, so that you can at least cover some ground.
Ms C V KING: Okay Chair, I will continue. This is an opportunity for the business sector, through their investment into research and development and their levy contribution towards skills development, to actively form part of university councils and Service Sector Education and Training Authority, Seta, boards to address the mismatch of supply and demand in the labour market.
Through a whole-of-society approach, in which government, business and civil society work together, the education system can be rescued from government’s incoherent policies, corruption endemic in the sector, and political interference.
This ANC-led government is not even capable of reimagining
themselves; how can we allow them to reimagine the education
sector?
Students and academic staff, don’t be political fodder to the ANC. You mold and shape the future generation of our country,
use your leverage to bring change to our country in 2024. We are the alternative to rescue South Africa. Thank you, Chair.
Mr B S YABO: Hon Chair, I greet you. The debate presented by hon Boshoff demonstrates a racist and blatant defence of our historical status quo. And a disregard for the conciliatory and united development of our common future. It is presented by the ANC-led government and must be rejected in its entirety.
As always, the DA, like the proverbial parrot, repeat the tautology of an unfounded fight against the Basic Education Laws Amendment, BELA, Bill while casting a blind eye to the
staggering backlog created by a system which focused on the development of the minority and the underdevelopment of the majority of this country. A system designed and perpetuated by the forebears of the very same DA.
Hon Nodada, pit latrines are the legacy of the DA and its forebears. Lest we forget, because according to the DA, black people didn’t deserve dignified sanitation. The ANC-led government is all hands on deck to resolve that historical monstrosity. Our education system has a particular history of segregation and the advancement of colonial interest to subjugate the oppressed and for the production of cheap labour for industries.
Education is a transformative and liberating tool which our democratic South Africa should harness to realise the vision. As set out in the Freedom Charter and the Constitution, creating equal opportunities for all South Africans to realise their potential should orientate all educational institutions to serve the diversity of our nation. Embedded in our education system are the advancements of the cultural dominance of firstly British culture through language and literature and that of Afrikaaner culture, which also
entrenched language and culture in many of our schools, which were designated for the minority.
Lest we forget, the struggles of the 1976 generation, who in the main were rejecting cultural dominance and the inferior Bantu Education. Since 1994, the ANC-led government has advanced the creation of a single education system which advances our national objectives and the pursuit of knowledge. This national objective has faced various distortions and resistance within cultural communities that see a single system as a threat to their cultural dominance. It is a concern for the ANC that 29 years into our constitutional democracy, sections in our society resist transformation with the sole intention of advancing racial segregation and cultural dominance.
Chapter 1, Section 1-6 of our Constitution is instructive as follows and I quote:
Recognising the historically diminished use and status of the indigenous languages of our people. The state must take practical and positive measures to elevate the status and advance the use of these indigenous languages.
It therefore cannot be that the continued elevation of the status of Afrikaans and English and the maintenance of a separatist development ‘degrado’ camouflaged as the right to the preservation and development of specific cultures is left to continue unabated in our education sector.
In the basic education system, we do have schools with parents who request their children to be segregated based on race and culture. We also still have schools which practise initiation practices which violate other students. Through the BELA Bill, the government seeks to introduce measures which promote diversity and negate communities that seek to advance narrow social interests using admission and language policies. This is so due to a majority of school governing bodies in areas which are especially segregated due to race and class, weaponised admission and language policies.
The BELA Bill confers on the head of department, HOD, the power to approve admission and language rules which experience has shown can be misused for exclusions. This does not undermine the power of communities to develop language policies through School Governing Bodies, SGBs.
Other sections of our society have called for the development of independent schools to maintain narrow cultural reservations and to entrench segregation in philosophy and practice. As the ANC, we are not against independent schools, but we take exception when this is done for narrow interests aimed at negating social cohesion and nation-building.
The phenomenon of white flight continues in the university landscape. “White flight” refers to the exodus of whites from neighbourhoods or schools traditionally inhabited by minorities. At the University of Free State, for example, there were 6 057 white undergraduate students in 2010; in 2020, there were 3 603. The same pattern is mirrored at Northwest University, and other formerly white institutions have also seen a steep decline in the number of white students, related to the threat of cultural dominance. What has this led to? It has resulted in Stellenbosch University attracting many white African students. This has jeopardised the equity of the admissions policy as the university received applications from blacks who formed the majority.
However, the admission is still skewed to white students. This is so to preserve the university as a final bastion of African agriculture. The University of Cape Town has also benefited
from this white flight phenomenon and continues to have a strong racially biased undercurrent in its policies. This is just an iota of the patterns in higher education. This reality requires the nation to ask itself fundamental questions about the trajectory of our nation and the advancement of a united nation in its diversity.
The most recent Census of 2022, also shows a decline in the white population, especially among young people. In recent times, the Solidarity Movement, which is made up of several institutions and independent partners, has about 500 000 families as members and is the largest mainstream African organisation and one of the largest organisations in the country. This movement has established a Solidarity Technikon that mainly supports African learners and academics. It is a higher education institution that explicitly supports the African language community. These institutions, hon Boshoff, seek to continue to clone a people who reject the ideas of our democratic dispensation. We all have the constitutional duty to uphold the spirit and intention of our Constitution.
Hon Chair, I am surprised that sectors and certain members of this august House still think that South Africa only started to exist in 1994. And there is no attached history to its
development and its underdevelopment, which was engineered by those who wanted to establish a separatist development model that undermined the indigenous peoples of this country.
The continued polarisation of the country will only breed conflict and disintegration. Which will impact future generations. Let us raise our children in schools which promote diversity. It is our considered view that we would like to acknowledge those who sit across from ourselves in the august House, that it is in all our interests to develop a single nation, a sovereign nation, united in its diversity.
Let us join hands and help create a better future for generations to come. The vestiges of apartheid and colonialism should be buried by our actions and the way we shape the future. As a nation with a polarised history, we should not promote the proliferation of independent schools to divide and stratify our society by race and class. United we stand, divided we fall. I thank you.
Dr W J BOSHOFF: Thank you, Hon Chair. Due to load-shedding I also don’t have a good image. But I want to appreciate the opinions of hon Zondo and also hon Shikwambana, who recognised the fundamental role being played by communities. Even hon
Shikwambana proceeds to agree with the ANC members in only seeing the majority as the legitimate nation of South Africa.
I read from the International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in 2015, which says that and I quote:
All peoples and that means sub-national peoples, peoples within a state have the right to self-determination, to freely determine their political status and to freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.
That is what is being done in educational institutions. Therefore, it is wrong to say that all institutions should reflect the demographics of the whole of South Africa. If we reach that stage, then we are not busy facilitating social cohesion, we are busy with the deterrent of the majority. That is what is going on. You don’t build social cohesion in that way. You break it in that.
To refer to what the Deputy Minister and hon Yabo said, I want to know if all TVET colleges in South Africa exclude training in Africans and if the African community built one with its own money. How on Earth is that exclusionary? How could that
be contemplated as being exclusionary? It is indeed to include a marginalised community in post-school training.
Hon Mkhatshwa, with all the esteem I have for you as a person, I must say that the words you attribute to Dr Verwoerd, he never said. I even challenged an American journalist to prove that to me. And he has promised that he can’t. There was no such presumption to say that blacks should not receive an education and should be relegated to an inferior education.
And I would like to discuss that at another time.
Hon Chair, I think it is important that we preserve social cohesion in South Africa by facilitating and recognising variety and cultural variety, not denying it, because that will have the exact opposite effect. Thank you very much.
The ACTING CHAIRPERSON (Mr S O R Mahumapelo): Thanks very much, hon Boshoff. I would like to take this opportunity to thank all members for their participation in this debate. You will all agree with me that it has been worthy, orderly, perceptive, determined and instructive. I trust that you, hon Boshoff, and other members, including hon Mkhatshwa, will address at your committee level the question of how you understand what Mr Verwoerd would have done or said. That is
part of improving the debates in this House. Hon members, this concludes the debate and the business of the virtual mini- plenary.
The debate concluded.
The mini plenary rose at 12:21.
Audio
No related