Hansard: NA: Unrevised Hansard

House: National Assembly

Date of Meeting: 30 May 2017

Summary

No summary available.

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Minutes

TUESDAY, 30 MAY 2017


PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

The House met at 14:01.


The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation.


APPROPRIATION BILL



Debate on Vote No 2 – Parliament:


The SPEAKER: Deputy Speaker, hon members, distinguished guests in the gallery, ladies and gentlemen, I wish to single out guests from Lesotho, Morena Lerotholi Seeiso and Mofumahadi Mamohato Seeiso. [Applause.] Indeed, I recognise Nehawu in the gallery. [Applause.] Good afternoon to all of you. The 2017-18 theme of Budget Vote No 2: Parliament is, Celebrating 20 Years of the Constitution and 20 Years since the Establishment of the NCOP.

A measure of society’s advancement is how it treats its women and children. The recent incidents of violence against women and children require serious and sustained attention from all of us in this House in terms of its root causes and what we, as citizens, are called upon to do. I have invited to the House today the families of some of those women and children who have suffered greatly from recent tragedy and unspeakable pain. I would like to invite them to stand and be recognised. [Applause.]


IsiXhosa:

Namkelekile. [You are welcome.]


English:

Please know that this Parliament shares your pain and your grief. We extend our condolences to you, your families and loved ones, and we are angry that you have suffered such a loss.


I have engaged the Multiparty Women’s Caucus and the Portfolio Committee on Women in The Presidency to begin urgently developing a parliamentary process aimed at enhancing our country’s response to violence against women and children. It

is time for us, both men and women, to take a stand together with our community-based structures and all Members of Parliament in the constituencies in which we are deployed. Let us all be part of the activities to say no to this scourge. In the oversight functions of various portfolio committees, we will, as Parliament, keep a keen eye on this matter.


At the dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994, South Africa was faced with a divided populace reeling from years of racial discrimination, political discord and poverty in the black communities. The inequalities that persist today can in large part be attributed to colonial and apartheid policies that created structural impediments for our people to access quality education and formal labour market participation. The legacy of our past continues to keep many of our people trapped in poverty.


The recent reports released by Statistics SA point to the fact that, whilst we have made progress in some areas, much still remains to be done to address the challenges of poverty, inequality and participation of the marginalised in the mainstream economy. To address these challenges, as Parliament, we have remained resolute in our determination to do our part

to liberate the people of South Africa. We have been consistent in our drive to see a united, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa fully achieved.


The impetus to see our vision realised draws its inspiration not only from the Freedom Charter and the Constitution of the Republic but also finds its inspiration in the lives and sacrifices of the heroes and heroines of the past who guided us in our darkest moments.


An HON MEMBER: What’s happened now?


The SPEAKER: One such hero is the late president Oliver Reginald Tambo ... [Interjections.] ... a great South African and internationalist, who in many ways can be regarded as a founder of our Constitution – a Constitution whose 20th anniversary we are celebrating this year. In 1984, when we were polarised as a nation, at war with each other, Oliver Tambo envisaged the opposite when he said that the —


... future belongs to the majority of the people of South Africa, black and white, who, in struggle, are today laying the foundations of a united, nonracial, democratic South

Africa in what will then, but only then, become a peaceful and rapidly advancing region of Africa.


It is through his vision and influence that the Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa appropriately proclaims:


We, the people of South Africa, Recognise the injustices of the past;
Honour those who suffered for justice and freedom in our land;
Respect those who have worked to build and develop our country; and
Believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.


It is this vision that must continue to act as a foundation of the work we conduct as parliamentarians who seek to see a better future for our people. We should remain resolute and committed to building a South African nation that is diverse and truly represents our ideals. As a Parliament, we have taken steps to remove systematically all forms of legislative and institutionalised discrimination on the basis of race, gender,

religion, culture and sexual orientation. We are called upon to work together to foster social cohesion and build a common nationhood.


Guided by the principle of constitutional supremacy, our Constitution seeks to incorporate the separation of powers doctrine by devoting three separate chapters and vesting specific authority and functions in Parliament in Chapter 4, the President and national executive in Chapter 5, and the courts and administration of justice in Chapter 8. It gives the power to legislate to the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces, NCOP, in section 43, the power to develop and implement policy and legislation to the executive in section 85, and the power to adjudicate matters to the courts in section 165.


The principle of separation of powers recognises the functional independence of branches of government. On the other hand, the principle of checks and balances focuses on the importance of ensuring that the constitutional order prevents the branches of government from usurping power from one another. In this sense, it anticipates and seeks to prevent the intrusion of one branch of government on the terrain of another.

In the 2006 case Doctors for Life International v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others, the Constitutional Court stated the following:


The constitutional principle of separation of powers requires that other branches of government refrain from interfering in parliamentary proceedings. This principle is not simply an abstract notion; it is reflected in the very structure of our government. The structure of the provisions entrusting and separating powers between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government reflects the concept of separation of powers.


A similar sentiment was expressed recently by retired Deputy Chief Justice Moseneke who stated:


A properly functioning democracy should eschew lumbering its courts with so much that properly belong at other democratic sites or the streets. We will over time over- politicise the courts and thereby tarnish their standing and effectiveness.

That was the former Deputy Chief Justice. [Interjections.] [Applause.]


As parliamentarians, we have a responsibility to find solutions to the challenges facing our people, but we have to do so in a manner that acts as an example to the people we represent.


An HON MEMBER: Exactly! [Interjections.]


The SPEAKER: With structures such as the National Assembly Rules Committee, Chief Whips’ Forum, and the Committee of Chairpersons, we are well placed to meaningfully resolve disagreements and effectively execute our mandate without inviting the courts to encroach on our constitutionally protected terrain. [Interjections.] [Applause.]


Thus far in 2017, we have seen a number of contentious debates about key issues that resonate with the people of South Africa. Among these, our Parliament has been seized with ensuring the National Development Plan, NDP, is implemented. Notably, in the Fifth Parliament, the National Assembly has held 50 debates on matters of national importance. One of the most important of them was the issue of land reform and the stripping away of the

dignity of African people who trace their current suffering and deprivation back to the stealing of our land.


According to the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform, the ANC-led government has restored nearly 8 million hectare of land, which is 9,8% of the 82 million hectare of arable land in South Africa. Our people have long alerted us to their frustration on the matter of land reform, and it is time that we listen to their voices. The most pressing of frustrations raised by our people is the slow pace of land reform and meeting targets for land redistribution. [Applause.] [Interjections.]


Twenty-one years after the Constitution was adopted, we must do more to ensure that we have a law that provides direction and gives teeth to the promise of equitable access to land.
Crucially, we must also repeal the 1975 law that prohibits subdivision of agricultural land. Section 25(9) of the Constitution requires Parliament to introduce a law that secures the tenure of those whose current insecurity arises from past racial discrimination. Passing a law that adequately defends the tenure rights of rural people who became victims of

deals between greedy mining houses and some unscrupulous traditional leaders thus becomes pressing.


Our most urgent task is to stop these processes of dispossession by reviewing the laws and practices that enable them. Let’s shine a light on the financial deals that underpin them. Let’s also urgently enact the Extension
of Security of Tenure Act required by section 25. To clarify and correct these and other weaknesses, as Parliament, we intend to embark on a major oversight process, called a land inquiry by some, on land to help accelerate the land reform process. Whilst awaiting the final report of the high-level panel formed by the Speakers’ Forum, I wish to urge parliamentary committees to liaise with their respective departments regarding the concerns raised by citizens during the public engagements.


One of the key prerequisites for ensuring implementation of the National Development Plan is strengthening the capacity and co- ordination of the South African legislative sector. As such, Parliament has worked collectively with the provincial legislatures under the auspices of the Speakers’ Forum to accelerate the drafting of the legislative sector Bill for

formalisation of the South African legislative sector. The draft legislation will provide for, amongst others, the governance structure and values that the legislative sector will subscribe to, the legislative sector service, the establishment of the institution responsible for legislative sector training, and an interlegislature co-operative mechanism. In addition, the legislation will lay the foundation for the development of the sector oversight model and the sector public participation framework.


The 13 political parties represented in this Parliament share R150 million between them. However, the private funding of political parties is unregulated, and public disclosure of parties’ private income and expenditure is discretionary.


As such, the presiding officers support the view that an ad hoc committee be established to work towards finalising how best political parties can be afforded more funding by the fiscus.
The other issue that needs more accountability and regulation is the source of private funding from political parties.


Mr M WATERS: And Chancellor House!

The SPEAKER: In addition, the ad hoc committee should develop a framework that will result in the development of legislation to enhance transparency in the funding of political parties, to give clarity to the electorate, and enhance our democracy. This legislation must be passed before the end of the Fifth Parliament.


Parliaments have crucial responsibilities and roles to play in national and local development policies. Whilst government has to ensure service delivery to the people, Parliament has to oversee this process to ensure that the strategic outcomes, and the promises we make to our people as envisaged in the NDP, are achieved.


The overarching mission of the Fifth Parliament is to provide the people of South Africa with ―a vibrant people’s assembly that intervenes and transforms society and addresses the development challenges of our people.‖ In this regard, it is essential that Parliament conducts effective oversight over the executive by deepening its scrutiny of government activity to ensure the needs of South Africans are met in keeping with our constitutional mandate. Parliament should also seek to enhance the participation of South Africans in the decision-making

processes that have a direct bearing on their wellbeing. We have to maintain healthy working relationships between the three arms of state, promote efficient and co-operative governance, and ensure appropriate links with our region, Africa, and the world.


Finally, Parliament must ensure that it has an innovative, transformative, effective and efficient administration that enables Members of Parliament to fulfil their constitutional responsibilities. We again acknowledge that the level of support given to Members of Parliament is, to put it mildly, grossly inadequate. [Applause.] The budget of Parliament reflects numerous engagements undertaken with National Treasury to ensure that allocations are geared towards effective realisation of the constitutional mandate of the institution.
As you are aware, the budget of Parliament is divided into five areas of focus, which are strategic leadership and governance, administration, core business, support services, and associated services.


In addition, allocation is made in terms of Members’ Remuneration, which brings the total allocation for Parliament to R2,2 billion. We asked for R2,9 billion. It would be remiss

of me to not underscore that Parliament’s budget is unacceptably low. Parliament’s needs far exceed this funding allocation to the point where the institution finds it very difficult to fulfil its obligations. As we speak, the administration of Parliament and Nehawu are in talks regarding annual salary increments.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: They got a letter saying they are getting nothing!


The SPEAKER: We do not desire a situation where the institution’s staff is not to be paid increases. This is not our policy. [Applause.]


All political parties are in agreement that the support provided to parliamentary committees to do their oversight work is inadequate. In addition, the support provided to individual members and to party caucuses is far below what is required.
Pursuant to the provisions of the Financial Management of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act, we will continue to engage National Treasury. The Minister of Finance is here. I am so glad to see you, sir. [Interjections.] We will continue to engage National Treasury with the view of ensuring that

Parliament and provincial legislatures are well funded and fully capacitated to discharge their constitutional responsibilities.


Resourcing parliamentary business and party caucuses is indispensable if we are to ensure that the legislature maintains its unique identity as an independent arm of the state that equally contributes to deepening our democracy. There is therefore a need to review the current practice of how Parliament is funded, as it remains disadvantaged by the current funding model. The budget of Parliament, which is a distinct arm of state, cannot be decided in the same way as that of government departments. This call is in line with the NDP that requires a developmental state to have strong, capacitated, and well-resourced institutions. Ultimately, a desirable outcome would be for the ring-fencing of Parliament’s budget to ensure that Parliament is able to achieve its mandate more effectively.


An HON MEMBER: First grow the economy!


The SPEAKER: Undoubtedly, strong parliaments bode well for democratic consolidation. There can be no strong democracy

without a strong parliament. So, this underscores the need to enhance the value addition of Parliament to our democracy. [Interjections.]


This is particularly relevant when one considers that year in and year out, the Auditor-General reports on increasing levels of irregular and wasteful expenditure by government departments. In 2016, the Auditor-General revealed that irregular expenditure was costing South Africa R46,3 billion. If Parliament was well resourced and capacitated, it would be in a better position to detect the challenges and impact the country’s audit outcomes positively.


To enhance the ability of Parliament to address any gaps that manifest as it conducts its business, we have strengthened mechanisms to monitor the financial management of Parliament. Specifically, section 4 of the Financial Management of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act provides for the establishment of an oversight mechanism to maintain oversight of the financial management of Parliament. As such, the Joint Standing Committee on the Financial Management of Parliament was established in terms of the Joint Rules of Parliament.

In this committee, under the chairpersonship of the hon Mohai and the hon Smith, financial management of Parliament is closely scrutinised to ensure that it is well placed to achieve its mandate. In addition, the Office of the Secretary to Parliament is routinely called before this committee to report on all aspects of administration.


Mr M WATERS: You report that!


The SPEAKER: I commend this committee ...


Mr M WATERS: No, you don’t. [Interjections.]


The SPEAKER: ... its members and the management of Parliament for maintaining healthy interaction that facilitates the operational effectiveness of the institution.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: They were supposed to be held accountable there!


The SPEAKER: The responsibility we bear as parliamentarians was so eloquently expressed by the late Nelson Mandela in his first Budget Vote debate when he said:

The people want real change for the better, and they are prepared to work for it. They expect of representatives in community structures and in Parliament and government, leadership that meets the requirements of the times we live in. They have elected us into office because they trust that we will meet their aspirations.


To this end, in October 2016, we approved the business case for the oversight and accountability programme, comprising of three projects. The hon Frolick will elaborate on this.


In addition to enhancing oversight, the amount of time members spend in communities with their constituents must be extended. Two important questions frequently asked by Members are the following: Are constituency offices really working or serving our people as they should? What can be done to ensure that constituency offices realise their full potential?


We use 25 May every year not only to celebrate but to formulate and act on concrete measures to take our continent forward. The global environment is now characterised by a shift both in global economic relations and social dynamics, which has a significant impact on Africa. To this end, our Parliament has

enhanced its international participation to include a broader set of platforms to discuss a wide array of challenges facing the globe. The establishment of a SADC-wide regional parliament is long overdue and cannot be delayed any further. More so, given that South Africa will host the SADC Summit in August this year, we urge that this be an opportunity that we do not miss to make sure the SADC Parliamentary Forum is turned into a SADC regional parliament.


We must look closely at our country’s responsibilities in terms of the host-country agreement where the Pan-African Parliament is concerned. We should look at instances of criminal attacks and robberies especially against African female members of parliament when they arrive in our country.


To ensure that Parliament’s international participation continues to be strategic and meaningful, it is critical that the Parliamentary Group on International Relations is strengthened. Nelson Mandela once stated in this House that —


... the time for the healing of the wounds has come. The moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come. The time to build is upon us.

The budget of Parliament should be seen in the context of the dreams of our forbearers, a dream to see a united South Africa that fully embraces prosperity as a desired outcome.


As I close, let me return to the words of Oliver Tambo, who reminded us that —


... the fight for freedom must go on until it is won; until our country is free and happy and peaceful ... we cannot rest.


Indeed, we continue to fight ... [Interjections.] I hope you wish me well. [Interjections.] We continue to wage a struggle, but whilst we were able to unshackle ourselves from the chains of apartheid, we must forge ahead in our struggle against poverty and inequality. Our Parliament has a big role to play in this regard.


At this point, I wish to take the opportunity to thank my counterpart, the hon Thandi Modise the Chairperson of the NCOP, the Presidency, the Office of the Leader of Government Business
... [Interjections.] ...
 

 

IsiXhosa:

Niyandithakatha kusini na? [Are you bewitching me?]


English:

I wish to thank the Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly and the Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, the House Chairpersons, the Speakers of provincial legislatures, the leaders of political parties, as well as the Chief Whips and Whippery in general for working with us in order to provide the political leadership and stewardship of this institution and this arm of the state.


I also wish to thank the Secretary to Parliament and the parliamentary service broadly, for providing the administrative support required to realise our political vision and leadership.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Then pay them properly!


The SPEAKER: Hon members, I thank you for your hard work and commitment under difficult circumstances. [Interjections.] [Applause.] I extend a very big word of appreciation to my staff and to the staff in the gallery. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
 

 

Finally, I wish to thank my family that continues to serve as a source of inspiration, supporting me unconditionally. I urge this House to support this Budget Vote and its annexures. I thank you. [Applause.]


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Deputy Speaker, hon Speaker, hon members, particularly those who come from the ranks of the revolutionary glorious movement, the ANC, distinguished guests in the gallery, particularly to the eight family members of my late political advisor and Chief of staff, Comrade Tumisang Bojabotsheha who are with us in the gallery at my invitation, I would also like to particularly acknowledge the presence of Comrade Tumi’s wife Thozama and his father, Mr Bongo, his daughter and a number of his brothers and uncles, thank you for coming. [Applause.] We are truly honoured that you could make it to this debate.


I am truly honoured to participate in this very important debate on the budget of Parliament; and I dedicate this speech to Comrade Tumi Bojabotsheha, who past on last month after a short illness. [Applause.]
 

 

Comrade Tumisang was a humanist, a public servant par excellence whose love for his family, his people and his work cannot be questioned. He was also a distinguished cadre of our glorious movement, a political commissar and a Marxist Leninist who dedicated his entire life to better the lives of all our people.


Even during the most difficult time of his life when doctors had ordered him to take an indefinite leave from work, owing to his sickness, he came to work and continued to be a pillar of the office of the Chief Whip in the broader Caucus of the ANC here in Parliament. We will miss you Comrade Tumi. We will miss your dedication to the national democratic revolution, robala ka kgotso. [Applause.]


Hon Deputy Speaker and Speak, as you have correctly pointed out in your Budget Speech right now; we owe this democracy to a gallant revolutionary leader and an astute internationalist, O R Tambo.


Just like the biblical Moses, President Tambo did not live to see us into the Promised Land and us attainting our democracy but through his decades of selfless sacrifice, he held the ANC
 

 

together in exile whilst it was banned from our country by the apartheid regime. In the mid-80s, he criss-crossed the entire world, mobilising all governments to support then an ANC’s vision for a democratic South Africa.


He also criss-crossed the world mobilising the entire world community to support the ANC’s stance on what needed to happen in apartheid South Africa for the creation of conditions conducive for negotiations of a democratic future.


The document that that ANC crafted on these matters under the guidance and leadership of President O R came to be known as the Harare Declaration. It is this criss-crossing of the entire world on this important mission that took a heavy tall on his life, but the world community supported President O R Tambo and the ANC’s Harare Declaration. The rest is history, that’s why we are here.


He would have been 100 years old this year, and as we all know his legacy, the South African Democratic Constitution is 20 years old this year. As the ANC we have begun to celebrate the life and times of O R Tambo at our 105th birthday at the Limpopo province this year, where we decided to dedicate this
 

 

year as ―The Year of O R Tambo - Unity in Action in Advancing Human Rights‖.


As the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa we have dedicated this year, as you have correctly pointed out Speaker, to celebrating achievements which are dividends of our democratic Constitutions and dispensation over the past 20 years.


Hon Deputy Speaker our democratic Constitution has created a state that is constituted by three independent and inter- related complementary arms of the state; namely, the executive, legislature and judiciary. These arms of the state are the legacies of our esteemed President O R Tambo.


Today we debate and indeed we commend to this House that we pass the budget of our Parliament as an important, independent and inter-related arm of the state. We non-the less want to propose to you, hon Speaker and the Chair of the NCOP, in your capacities as the executive authority of Parliament, that as we pass this budget we must earnestly and honestly interrogate whether the framework of resourcing our parliamentary work, and
 

 

indeed any other arm of state, is in keeping with the spirit of our constitution.


Deputy Speaker it is our long-held view that the allocation of resources to Parliament should not follow the same pattern and framework of allocating resources to the 38 executive portfolios and departments. We are an arm of state and not a portfolio of the executive.


We are expected to hold the executive arm of state accountable through oversight, law-making, public participation, constituency work and oversight visits to determine the extent to which the executive and the programmes at their disposal has changed the lives of our people for the better.


Without an adequately resourced arm of state called Parliament, the injunction of our Constitution to hold the executive arm of state accountable will remain a pipedream. Our failure to hold the executive to account on their programmes to change the lives of our people for the better, on account of human and financial resources, is an omission that needs urgent attention from all of us.
 

 

Hon Deputy Speaker, to drive this point of inadequate framework of resourcing Parliament home, let us for example take a look at the number of people, their levels and the skills they have in the public service within the executive arm and contrast that with the number of public servants in Parliament, their levels and their skills profiles.


We all know that there are thousands and thousands of public servants who are adequately skilled in each portfolio of the executive arm of the state. These public servants in the various executive portfolios range from directors-general, deputy directors-general, chief director, directors, and so on.


At times, outsourced technical skills are attained by the executive to enhance its work. In the portfolio committees here in Parliament, first of all, you only have five people per portfolio committee – five. And they are expected to assist Members of Parliament to deal with complex matters emanating from departments and Ministries.


None of the five are at the level of the Director-General, Deputy Director-General, and Chief Director, but are expected to match the skills profiles and expertise of departments in
 

 

order to assist Parliament to hold the executive accountable. This is a misnomer and miscarriage of the functions that Parliament needs to perform as per our Constitution. The absence of specialised research capacity, as you have said hon Speaker, to support to Members of Parliament further bedevils the capacity of Parliament to do its work.


Hon Deputy Speaker and Speaker, we are therefore proposing that the executive authority of Parliament represented by you, hon Speaker and the Chair of the NCOP, approach the state President of the Republic, in his capacity as the head of state, with an aim of addressing the inadequate resourcing framework for Parliament as an arm of state.


Hon Deputy Speaker, the central role of political parties in our democratic dispensation cannot be over emphasised, without political parties we don’t have a political democracy. Arising from this narrative, our Constitution in section 236 states that:


To enhance multiparty democracy, national legislation must provide for the funding of political parties participating
 

 

in National and Provincial legislatures on an equitable and proportional basis.


As we all know, such legislation was enacted by this Parliament in 1997 and it is called: The Public Funding of Represented Political Parties’ Act of 1997. This Act created the represented political parties fund, which is administered by the Independent Electoral Commission, IEC.


Currently, approximately R140 million is allocated by the fund to political parties. You have already said hon Speaker, that the funding thus far is very inadequate to political parties. My movement the ANC has in numerous occasions at its conferences called for increased public funding for political parties within the ambit of the Constitution of the Republic. The ANC’s 53rd National Conference resolved that:

Public funding should be expanded in order to promote and support democracy. Such funding will be accompanied by full financial accountability and transparency by political parties, including regulation of private financing of political parties.
 

 

Flowing from this resolution, the ANC has called for Parliament to regulate private funding of political parties in our country; such regulation would also include disclosure of any donations that parties receive from any private donors. Deputy Speaker, we are happy to pronounce that the majority of parties represented in this Parliament have agreed that a parliamentary process be started forthwith regarding enhanced funding of political parties from the public purse and the regulating of private party funding.


In this regard, we will in due course, bring a motion to this assembly for the establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee to be seized with the question of regulating party political funding.


Deputy Speaker, we who are hon members of this Parliament came to this Parliament through a proportional party political system that conforms to section 46 and 47 of our Constitution and is regulated by section 27 of the electoral Act that states that:


A registered party intending to contest an election must nominate candidates and submit a list or lists of those
 

 

candidates for that election to the Chief Electoral Officer of the IEC.


It’s those candidate lists that were submitted by parties to the IEC that made all of us to be sworn in as Members of Parliament representing those parties. None of us came here to this House through any other formula. As we all know, we do our work here in Parliament yes, in the public interest but informed by our political consciousness that dictates to us to abide by policies, values, principles, prescripts and decision of our political organisations.


No one of us, including all of you here, is a free agent. We are deriving our mandate from our parties who sent us here. It is for this purpose that all parties have their caucuses here in Parliament so that the work we do as collectives derives from directives of our parties. In this regard, the DA has expressly and in writing in its policies directed all its Members of Parliament that:


Members must at all times adhere to and support decisions of the relevant caucus and must not differ publicly from any decision once it has been taken except when it has
 

 

been decided by the caucus that a member may on a question of conscience exercise a free vote. [Applause.]


In addition, the DA in its constitution states under section 2(5)(4) ―Any member including a public representative is guilty of misconduct if he or she; firstly, publicly opposes the party’s principles or repeatedly opposes published party policies; secondly, deliberately acts in a way which impacts negatively on the image or performance of the party‖.


We all know that the DA did not hesitate to invoke provisions of these constitutional imperatives to deal with its public representatives, particularly at local government level, who failed to adhere to these constitutional provisions.


For example, the actions taken by the DA on its Cape Town Kraaifontein Sub council, 2 members who voted for another DA member as opposed to the instruction of the party to vote for somebody else. They were suspended immediately. [Interjections. You suspended them! Please!


The EFF in its constitution states that every member of the EFF shall have the duty; to be loyal to the EFF; to observe and
 

 

resort to the policies, resolutions, decisions of the central command team and the rules and regulations of the EFF.


In keeping with the provisions of their constitution, the EFF has ejected a number of Members of Parliament from this Parliament, including Mr Andile Mgxithama who has now founded something called, Black First Land First, BLF.


The ANC’s constitution, of which I am a proud member, under member’s duties, has this to say: members must ―Take all necessary steps to understand and carry out the aims, policy and programme of the ANC,‖ it further says an ANC member’s duty is ―to observe [Interjections.]


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, what is your point of order, hon member?


Ms H O HLOPHE: But Andile Mgxithama is your member, Chief. He is not our member. 14:58


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, that is not a point of order, you are wasting time.
 

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: She has just messed up my time. To discipline, behave honestly and carry out loyally decisions of the majority and decisions of higher bodies‖. It further states that ―The duties of an ANC member are to defend the policy, aims and programmes of the ANC‖.


Giving direction to Members of Parliament, Members of Provincial Legislature and Councillors, the ANC constitution has this to say ―ANC members who hold elective office in any sphere of government at National, Provincial or Local level are required to be members of the appropriate caucus, to function within its rules and to abide by its decisions under the general provisions of this constitution and the constitutional structure of the ANC‖.


Deputy Speaker, it is very surprising that ANC Members of Parliament are expected to vote against its own decisions and resolutions and party line whilst all other parties are expected to vote following their party mandates when it comes to the vote of no confidence on the its President and the President of the Republic.
 

 

This is not only disingenuous and double standards on the part of the parties that make such calls to ANC Members of Parliament, but it makes a mockery of the political party electoral system that regulates our democracy in South Africa. Why must we turn our party political system on its head by expecting ANC Members of Parliament to vote its President out of office and by so doing vote its own government out of office.


It’s only a bewitched party that can do so to its government. ANC Members of Parliament are deployees of the ANC and have no authority to then redeploy one another. The redeployment of any ANC member out of Parliament is a responsibility and authority that resides with the ANC.


Here in Parliament, I am guided by my political consciousness that says I am here as a deployee of the ANC, I will therefore vote in accordance with the standing decisions and principles of the ANC. I will not vote with any dictates of any other party under the disguise of the so-called conscience vote. [Applause.]
 

 

By the way, when the ANC proposed the election of Hon J G Zuma, as president of the Republic on the 21st of May 2014, at the start of the 5th parliament; the DA through its hon James Self here, who is my friend, objected to President Zuma being elected as the President of the Republic.


The Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng, who was presiding at the time eloquently, dismissed the objection – dismissed it! And indeed, it is history that President Zuma became the President. [Interjections.]


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, what are you rising on?


Ms H O HLOPHE: Deputy Speaker, I am rising on a point of order, in terms of Rule 68, irrelevance or repetition, we are not debating the vote of no confidence. We are debating Vote 2. So, the speaker is very much irrelevant, Rule 68; can you just rule on that? 15:01


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, this is a political statement, go ahead, hon member.
 

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: These two parties; the EFF and the DA have such hatred of President Jacob Zuma from the time he became President. Now, they are calling members of the ANC to come and remove our President. No party in the world has ever done so. We won’t do so. [Interjections.]


Whilst we have had a very rowdy ... [Time expired.]


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Chief Whip, your time has expired sir.


Kodvwa bayangimosha labantfu. (But these people are wasting me away.) [Interjections.]


We commend the budget of Parliament to be adopted by this House. Thank you.
Mr M S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, can you just restrain him there.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What are you rising on, hon member?


Mr M S MATIASE: I am rising on a point of order, it would have been appropriate that you restrain Jackson Mthembu there so that I could put the question to him.
 

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No.


Mr M S MATIASE: He is entirely out of order, and he is misleading the public!


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Take your seat, hon member.


Mr M S MATIASE: He is misleading the public by alleging that the EFF opposed the nomination of Zuma in 2009 when he became the President ... [Interjections.] ... the EFF did not exist at that time. He is misleading the public!


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Take your seat hon member; you have responded to it, that is not a point of order. What are you rising on, hon member?


Mr H P CHAUKE: Deputy Speaker, in 1999 the EFF was not here.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, that is not a point of order, please take you seat.


Mr M WATERS: Deputy Speaker, first of all I would like to welcome all the staff in the gallery. Thank you very much for
 

 

being here today and we appreciate all the hard work you do under very trying circumstances. Thank you very much.


The Speaker and the Chief Whip talked about the ad hoc committee to deal with funding of political parties. They talked about the public sector funding, private sector funding, but the one issue they didn’t mention was Chancellor House funding which is the investment arm funding.


The ANC funds itself by having investment by getting tenders from the state and from the profits of those tenders they fund the ANC by millions and millions of rand every year and that too needs to be looked at as well if we are going to honest and have a levelled playing field.


The other point that they made is that we need more funding from the state. They don’t work under presumption that maybe we should actually reduce the funding from the state. Why should the taxpayer keep forking out millions and millions of rand for the ANC in particular when we have desperate needs for education, health and housing in our country? Why should they?
 

 

The Chief Whip of the ANC talks about the vote of no confidence and he quotes selectively from the DA’s Constitution and I may add by the way though it is disingenuous, but the fact of the matter is that a vote of no confidence is one of conscience and every MP should be able to apply their mind to that vote. So, he asked us why should we vote against President Zuma and that is because we took an oath to protect this Constitution. That is exactly why you should vote for the vote of no confidence.


And we don’t hate President Zuma, we don’t. We love our constitution. That is why we want to get rid of him. We love our Constitution and that is why he should go.


And another thing, you said no country in the world has ever had a vote of no confidence, just a few months ago Brazil got rid of their President. Brazil did it. They have led by example and we should follow suit if we have courage of our convictions.


The establishment of the Joint Standing Committee on the Financial Management of Parliament was a welcome development...


IsiZulu:
 

 

Phansi! mani. Phansi!


English:

As it allowed, for the first time, not only scrutiny over the Budget of Parliament but also the Secretary to Parliament and the Executive, namely the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Chairperson of the NCOP


It is therefore unfortunate that the first time the Speaker was summoned to appear before this committee, on 12 May 2017, the Speaker arrived one and half hours late, delaying the start of the meeting. Then adding insult to injury, you informed the committee that you had to catch a flight to Gauteng, because you were doubled booked. You simply, and rudely I may add, got up and left the meeting without dealing with the issues you were instructed to address in the email to you.


Your actions clearly indicate a total disdain you have for the committee and your unwillingness to accept accountability, much like many of the Cabinet Members and is quite ironic that you stood here today saying that we have to hold the executive to account when you yourself will not be held to account.
 

 

A copy of the letter sent to you on 4 April, notifying you of the meeting, clearly indicated what was expected of you and what issues you were to address. One of these was the late signing of the performance contract of the Secretary to Parliament for the year 2016/17. In addition, the letter to you stated you had until 16:00 on 28 April to submit documents regarding this issue. You failed again to provide any documentation.


For the benefit of members, let me recap the issue. The Secretary of Parliament was appointed on 1 December 2014 and, if you all recall, received a R71 000 ex-gratia payment despite barley warming his seat. Do you remember that?


We stated in last year’s budget debate that we believed this to be in contravention of Section 7(e) of the Financial Management of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act, and we still believe that today. Yet Speaker you did absolutely nothing to rectify this abuse of state funds.


Section 8 of the same Act stipulates and I want to read it out that; the Executive Authority and the Accounting Officer must conclude a written performance agreement for the Accounting
 

 

Officer annually. The performance agreement referred to must; be concluded within a reasonable time after the Accounting Officer is employed and thereafter within one week after the start of each financial year; specify performance standards linked to the objectives and targets of Parliament's performance plan for the financial year; provide for an annual assessment of the Accounting Officer's performance by the Executive Authority; and specify the consequences of sub- standard performance.


Now, it remains unclear if, for the duration of the period starting 1 December 2014 to 31 March 2015, or preceding financial year, any performance contract was indeed concluded by the Secretary to Parliament and by the Executive Officers.


What we do know, however is that the performance contract for the 2016/17 financial year was never signed. It was never signed in the first week of the financial year, nor the second week, nor the third week nor the tenth week, or the twentieth, thirtieth or the fortieth week. In fact in the meeting where it was a 49th week of that financial year, the Secretary confirmed to us that his contract had still not been signed by the
 

 

Speaker. This Speaker is a disgrace, Speaker and you should be ashamed of yourself.


I cannot inform the House as to whether the performance contract was ever signed before the end of that financial year or whether there is a performance contract in place for this financial year, but as the Speaker refuses to be held accountable by the committee that has been put in place to hold her accountable.


Needless to say we have never received a report even from the Executive Authority assessing the Secretary’s performance for previous years or what action has been taken with regards to any sub-standard performance, none whatsoever. No accountability on your part.


Given the unhappiness of the staff in Parliament, the past industrial action and the pending industrial action, and the failure of this institution to meet key objectives, we are not surprised that the Speaker has not provided an assessment report. It is just probably embarrassed to do so.
 

 

And I reiterate, it is ironic that the very institution that is supposed to hold the executive to account fails to adhere to the law and to evades being held accountable themselves.


Speaking here you spoke of the separation of power between the executive, Parliament and the judiciary or why don’t you apply that principle of separation between the ANC, you are the Chairperson there and sit as Speaker of Parliament. There should be a clear separation of power between the two institutions.


Yesterday and today you raised the issue of judicial overreach and that you were concerned of the number of cases against Parliament brought by the DA and other opposition parties.
Well, if Parliament did its job in upholding the Constitution there would be no need for parties such as the DA to seek justice from our courts.


If the ANC members on this side of the House actually read this document and defended it against all odds, we wouldn’t have to go to courts.
 

 

Your continued insistence on remaining the Chairperson of the ANC and the Speaker of Parliament is the actual problem here and I see the Speaker now left. I don’t know where she ... oh okay that is very good. It has resulted in Parliament becoming a surrogate for Luthuli House. We witness MP’s freedom of speech being restricted to such an extent that we have more freedom of speech outside Parliament than we do inside at times.


The blurring of the lines continued when you allowed armed military personnel onto the Parliamentary precinct during the opening of Parliament and this happened despite giving assurances that this would not happen. You assured all the parties in a meeting and assured the nation in the press.


The Constitution and the Powers and Privileges Act have been violated and four Constitutional principles I want to talk to in particular: Firstly, that Parliament is independent and determines what happens on its precinct.


Secondly, that the executive interference in Parliament is a serious risk to democracy.
 

 

Thirdly, that the threat of force undermines the privileges of freedom of speech right now and the freedom arrest, and


Lastly, that the Presiding Officers have a Constitutional duty to protect the independence and integrity of Parliament.


If you did not give permission, Madam Speaker, then the military was here illegally on the precinct. And if you did give permission, then Parliament has been lied too. You need to explain yourself today, Madam Speaker here at the end of this debate what exactly happened.


Another committee that has been captured is the Joint Committee on Ethics and Members Interests. When an opposition MP is fingered, the committee handles the case with exceptional efficiency, however, when an ANC MP is implicated the committee drags its heels to such an extent that it stops meeting altogether.


The co-chairpersons of the committee need to be reminded that this committee is supposed to be neutral and that there to ensure that all MPs, irrespective of party affiliation, are dealt with in the same manner. Failure to do so undermines its
 

 

legitimacy. We look forward to the committee meeting and starting to deal with the long list of matters before it.


It is quite clear that the next phase of the ANC state capture strategy is to take control of Parliament, not only by shutting down debate but by deploying ANC cadres to key positions. So, while top officials are employed at huge expense and drain the Parliamentary budget, the rest of the staff many of them in the gallery here had been informed that they will not be getting an increase this year, shame on you Madam Speaker. I put it to you, Speaker, that Parliament is being reduced to an employment agency of Luthuli House.


And while on the subject of staff, your office has 42 staff members, while Member Support Services has only 19.
But what is more astonishing is the amount of money people is being paid. The head of your office earns over R1,6 million per annum and on top of that you have three special advisors, not one, not two but three. Each one of them earns just under
R1,6 million each. You have five Communications Managers, each earning just over R1 million each.


The question that begs asking is what do they do all day?
 

 

The total cost of your office is a staggering and I want the ANC members to listen carefully now. It is R37 983 153 per annum.
That is your office alone. It is no wonder that you can’t afford to pay the rank and file staff increases this year.


And another thing if you want to ask the Treasury for money, one way of getting more money into the Treasury would be by reducing the size of this Cabinet which is the second biggest in the world.


Another division that needs scrutiny is that of the Parliamentary Communication Services division which has, according to the organisational structure, 84 staff members. One other division being that of the Parliamentary Millennium Programme, which was closed in 2013 division but they still exist. We need to look at that.


The DA will not allow Parliament to become another statistic in the ANC state capture campaign. We swore an oath to uphold this Constitution and we will never again this institution to be turned down as a political football. I thank you very much
 

 

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: House Chair, the Chief Whip of the Majority Party stands up here and says that it is only a bewitched political party that can vote against its President. Then he makes a proclamation that the ruling party, the ANC is not bewitched. I think that the ANC is bewitched because it is only a bewitched political party that outsources its executive functions to a Gupta family. [Interjections.] A corrupt family that runs the show here in South Africa and it is beyond any reasonable doubt that all power has been outsourced to a family, they are in charge of the parastatals. They are in charge of appointments of key Ministries. It is a bewitched political party that trains an individual for seven days and seven nights on corruption ... [Interjections.] ... takes that person on induction on how to corrupt and still resources of the state and appoints that person as a Minister for just one weekend. That is witchcraft. [Interjections.]


Mr H P CHAUKE: I want to bring to your attention Rule 68 that we are debating Parliament Budget Vote. [Interjections.] Hon Shivambu is addressing the political party of the Chief Whip rather than focusing on the budget vote.
 

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon member, thank you very much, but ....Order! The budget debates by their very nature are political statements. So, I would allow the member to proceed. [Interjections.]


Mr N F SHIVAMBU: So, the Chief Whip of the Majority Party speaks about witchcraft. Witchcraft is when your official, the Top Six contradicts publicly – a President says this, the Deputy President says, a secretary-general says this and the treasurer-general says that. That is a bewitched political party. [Laughter.]


A bewitched political party is a political party that has got as a standing item on its agenda a motion of no confidence against its own President. [Laughter.] That is a bewitched political party. It’s a political party that takes decisions that ... a Brian Molefe must be removed as an Eskom chief executive officer, CEO, but he comes here in Parliament to present the strategic framework and explanations of Eskom. Just afresh from your highest decision-making body. Now that is witchcraft. So, you must not tell us about witchcraft of organisations because you come from one. But, we are here to officially reject the proposed Budget of Parliament as
 

 

presented by the Speaker of the National Assembly for primarily three reasons:


Firstly, we do not think that Parliament in a current design has got a necessary legislative capacity as is mandated by the Constitution;


Secondly, Parliament does not have the necessary intrinsic oversight mechanisms and systems that are required by the Constitution as well; and


Thirdly, we do not trust the politicians and the officials, and processes that are in place to hold Parliament accountable in terms of how the finances of Parliament are managed.


Before we go deeper into that as the EFF, we stand to condemn all forms of gender-based violence that are on going in South Africa. As we said before, such kind of gender-based violence against women is unafrican, it’s inhumane and it’s a sign of cowardice. We call on all our communities to reject all forms of gender-based violence.
 

 

Now, coming back to the reasons why we reject the Budget of Parliament. We are saying that Parliament doesn’t have adequate legislative capacity because the Constitution section 42, 43 and 44 gives the legislative mandate to the National Assembly, but what happens in the current set up is that the Executive is the one that drafts legislation. Then Parliament is given to comment of legislations, of course, we have got the power to could change there and there. However, in terms of initiating legislation from the beginning although there are some permissible laws that can give you to pass Private Member’s Bills and so on and so forth, but Parliament doesn’t have intrinsic capacity even in term of staffing that can draft legislation and guide it until conclusion.


So, there should be a legislative office here in Parliament that is well capacitated of well-paid individuals. When we say that, we want to propose a law on illicit flows. We must be able to go to that office and say let us draft this legislation
- these are the politics and these are the technicalities that they must then deal with.


Secondly, the oversight capacity of Parliament must go to the extent of being forensic. We must not just superficially assess
 

 

departments and expenses of so many public institutions. The state has got possibly more than 70 if not more than 100 state- owned companies in all the departments, the Department of Public Enterprises and all government departments which we must intrinsically oversee in terms of what happens to the movement of finances. Parliament doesn’t have that capacity, we just give superficial assessment – that no, this budget is not proper. Only to discover from the media later on that money has been utilised for wrong purposes. Money has been siphoned off in rich family; money has been misused there and there. More that R40 billion of money that is supposed to impact on people’s lives is being misused as is said by the Auditor- General. These are the things that Parliament should have detected far much earlier. We are calling for an establishment of proper forensic capacity of Parliament to deal with oversight of all the institutions that account to this particular institution.


Thirdly, we are the only ones as the EFF who rejected the appointment of Mgidlana as a Secretary to Parliament. [Interjections.] We could see from far that this guy is corrupt. [Interjections.] We can tell you today that we said here that Mgidlana is not a proper candidate to become the
 

 

Secretary of Parliament. He is law unto himself; he does things as he pleases. Why? It is because the institutions, the nonpartisan institutions that are supposed to oversee the monies of Parliament are not properly sitting on constant basis
– the parliamentary oversight authority and other institutions.

Even the manner in which it is designed, it’s problematic, because it says that if we disagree in the parliamentary oversight authority, POA, the Speaker can have a final decision on everything that we disagreed upon there.


The Speaker is law unto herself in terms of oversight and the proper financial management system. That is why Mgidlana who is protected by the Speaker behaves in the manner in which he is doing. He disrespects workers. He goes to international trips that are not properly approved. He gives himself bursaries and all sorts of things. So, part of the solution in terms of what is needed here is that Mgidla ... Mgidlana whatever he is ... [Laughter.] ... must step down. He must resign! He is currently undergoing the investigation by the Public Protector. Why is Parliament not charging him for the same allegations that the Public Protector is investigating, subject him to a disciplinary process and take him out of office, because he is not going to help this Parliament? It’s not good that everyday
 

 

we come to Parliament workers of Parliament are striking against one individual. Everyday!


Ms H O HLOPHE: One man!


IsiZulu:

Ms S M KHAWULA: Ihlazo.


Mr N F SHIVAMBU: We are held at ransom by one individual. However, the principles upon which we are rejecting this budget is because we do not think that the legislative and oversight strength of Parliament is adequate and the politicians, the officials and the processes that are put in place to oversee the functions of Parliament are adequate. We therefore stand to reject the Budget as proposed. Thank you very much. [Applause.] [Time expired.]


Mr N SINGH: Chairperson, the Joint Standing Committee on Financial Management of Parliament, which was constituted in 2016 in terms of the Financial Management of Parliament and Provincial legislatures Act, has, since its formation, allowed intensive interrogation of all aspects related to Vote 2. As hon Waters said, this is a positive step indeed, and one would
 

 

wish, hon Speaker, that, as part of our oversight responsibility that you mentioned earlier — Parliament has an oversight responsibility — we would establish a committee that would oversee Vote 1 — The Presidency.


Now I know that you said that there is no need to go to court to resolve some of these issues. I agree with you. But let me remind you of what the former Chief Whip ... and I’m glad the current Chief Whip of the ANC ... well, I don’t know if he’s paying attention ... but his colleague, the former Chief Whip
... when I raised this matter in the Rules Committee and in the Programming Committee over the establishment of a committee to oversee Vote 1 — The Presidency, which we are debating tomorrow, he said, and I quote, ―over my dead body.‖


Now, hon Speaker, if we are serious about oversight of the executive in terms of section 55(2)(a) of the Constitution, we have to posthaste ensure that we have this oversight committee. I’m leaving this with the Chief Whip of the Majority Party.


Turning to Vote 2 and the utilisation of resources, we have discovered some genuine concerns in spending patterns. Firstly, the Secretary to Parliament must engage more with staff as
 

 

there have been too many impasses and communication breakdowns with staff since his taking of office. Sound parliamentary administration and institutional good governance must be continually striven for if this institution is provide its MPs with the necessary forum from which to hold the executive to account and enact legislation.


Unhealthy staff relations abound with concomitant low staff morale. I think I raised this with you, hon Speaker. Although some members of the committee have said to us, we should not become the shop stewards of the workers here, my answer to that is that we cannot be oblivious to the environment that we work in every day. And we also have to listen to what they say. Our appeal is that longstanding, outstanding disciplinary cases, the question of danger pay for the so-called parliamentary bouncers ... these need to be addressed.


If anybody is at risk in this House from whatever missiles are thrown at them, it is my honourable leader and me. You have seen it before, when we were even asked to move when certain things were happening.
 

 

I think we really have to look at Marks Building and the wifi there.


The flavour of the month is email hacking. That’s the flavour of the month and we are reading about it every day. We don’t know to what extent the email system that we use and the information that we send using the parliamentary email system is free from bugs. The hon Minister and his team there ... the Minister of Intelligence ... So this is something that we really need to look at.


As far as supporting this budget ... Hon Speaker, we will support this budget. We know that there is need for more funds, but when we say we need more funds from Treasury, we need to ensure that we sharpen our own pencils. We need to show that we prioritise the items within this budget. Then only can Parliament go to Treasury and say, we are cost-cutting ourselves. We are not having a top-heavy executive structure paid exorbitant amounts of salary. We are doing our best, and now you have to support us in that regard. Until we do that, Treasury is going to show us the door. [Time expired.]
 

 

Mr A M SHAIK-EMAM: Chairperson, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, Members of this honourable House, let me acknowledge the presence of our very dedicated and committed parliamentary staff, the students from Ocean View Secondary School, and distinguished guests in the gallery.


Before I start, allow me to extend the NFP’s condolences to the family and friends of Hannah Cornelius who was murdered by some unscrupulous human being the other day. Over and above that, we have just received news that the body of another woman has been found in Langa. Please allow me to condemn these horrific acts of violence against women and children in our country.


The NFP supports the Budget Vote tabled here today. [Interjections.]


That might sound like a joke to my colleagues on the other hand

...


Mr M S MALATSI: You are a joke!


Mr A M SHAIK-EMAM: ... but, in order for this parliament to function the way it has to ... and I must again commend the
 

 

staff for the effort you put in to make sure that we are able to conduct our affairs successfully and the services especially that are provided to Members of Parliament ... it is as a result of that, we believe, that staff must be well taken care of. We call on the department to take the necessary steps to ensure that all parliamentary staff get the increase that they are due and entitled to every year, like most other people in the country do. We call on the department to negotiate with Treasury to find the necessary resources.


Having said that, we also believe that there is a lot of wasteful expenditure. Let me start off ... First of all, we have monies that are appropriated for constituency offices. I have brought this up before. There are no mechanisms in place to ensure that these offices exist, whether the staff exists, whether the furniture exists! There is absolutely no mechanism. So maybe that is one of the things that we need to address.


Regarding travel, what is happening is this. While we have a state-owned entity in SA Airways, most of the members choose to fly British Airways because they get business class seats at very short notice. So, where a ticket can cost R800 it can now
 

 

cost R4000. So we are also saying a mechanism of that sort ... Something needs to be put in place there.


Regarding accommodation and hotels ... One ideal example was when I was in Sweden, where our dinner at the hotel would cost R800, but at the restaurant across the road it was R150, and we had to buy the food there, bring the receipt, give it through to the hotel, and they were still claiming R800.


So I think these are some of the measures we need to put in place so that we can reduce our wasteful expenditure.


Even our catering services for that matter ... we are catering

... There is no mechanism in order to see and check whether what was ordered has been delivered, what has been left, are we paying ... [Inaudible.]


So these are some of the measures that I think we need to put in place.


Let me also add ... the oversight mechanisms that we have in place ... we’re not sure whether they are really bearing fruit, because all that is happening is this: we are going onto these
 

 

premises, we are going on oversight mechanisms, we are watching what is going on, we come back and report and very little or nothing is happening in terms of that.


We are also saying in terms of cutting down expenditure, instead of all the departments flying down every week to come here and deliberate and to be interrogated by the standing committees and the portfolio committees, maybe it might make sense to have a standing committee go to Pretoria to for three days and address all the different departments that we need to. That’s another way that we believe we will be able to cut down on some of the costs.


Let me also add ...


The CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order, hon member, your time has expired.


Mr A M SHAIK-EMAM: ... that what the NFP believes is this, that in order to ensure that we have a good working relationship ...


The CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon member, your time is up.
 

 

Mr A M SHAIK-EMAM: Oh! Thank you very much. The NFP supports the Budget Vote tabled here today.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon Speaker, members of the executive, hon members, ladies and gentlemen.


As we celebrate the 20 years of the Constitution and formation of the National Council of Provinces, we must remind ourselves that Parliament’s vision is to build an effective people’s Parliament that is responsive to the needs of the people, and that is driven by the ideal of realizing a better quality of life for all the people of South Africa. Its mission is to represent and act as a voice of the people in fulfilling Parliament’s constitutional functions of passing laws and overseeing executive action.


Based on this and the constitutional requirements, Parliament developed mechanisms to guide its work on oversight in the form of the oversight and accountability model that was adopted in 2009 by the third Parliament. Oversight is a constitutionally mandated function of legislative organs of state to scrutinize and oversee executive action and any organ of state.
 

 

The oversight and accountability model from the outset, emphasize the need to increase the capacity of committees and Members of Parliament.


Parliamentary committees fulfil a crucial oversight role and must be adequately supported by the institution to execute their mandates. Parliamentary committees, hon Speaker, are correctly referred to as the epicentre or engine room of oversight and the lawmaking process.


In a study to determine the best practices in Parliaments around the world, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, found that MPs are allocated a dedicated secretary and researcher, in addition to that which is offered to the committees to which they belong. Committees in these Parliaments also have dedicated rooms and they meet as often and as long as possible, which relates and translate into better performance in the execution of their mandates.


Achieving this standard is much depended on the availability of space and the expansion of existing infrastructure or – as we’ve previously discussed - the relocation and construction of a new Parliamentary complex. The lack of adequate facilities
 

 

has led to soaring costs in securing committee meeting venues outside Parliament.


Hon members, currently, there are 38 committees in the NA, three joint committees with the NCOP and four other internal committees, that gives us a total of 45 committees. In the last financial year, an addition of four ad hoc committees were constituted to do very important work.


The current situation under which we function is becoming more and more challenging; the support and resources at the disposal of committees is highly inadequate and this impact negatively on the effective execution of its constitutional mandate.


The austerity measures introduced by the National Treasury resulted in budget cuts that have exacerbated the situation. The Budget allocation has decreased over the last three years: 2015/16 it was R45 million, 2016/17 R38.6 million and is projected for this financial year to R42 million. So, in effect, we must not think that the R2.2 billion budget of Parliament is for the Committee Section, it’s for all the operations of Parliament.
 

 

In total, the NA together with the NCOP have 56 committees and we must fund all these activities out of a budget of
R42 million.


There are number of vacancies in the Committee Section, where there’s a shortage of staff, researchers and content advisers. In total, as we have calculated up to today there are 47 vacancies and the pressure on the existing staff is getting so great that a lot of them can’t cope with the additional work that is loaded on to them.


On top of it, Madam Speaker, it’s important for the Office of the Speaker to be supported by an efficient and highly effective NA Table. Also here, hon Speaker, the number of vacancies, eight vacancies in total at this table, is impacting negatively on the support that they’re giving to Parliament.


The cost-cutting measures announced in the Committee Section last year resulted in savings. For instance, in the last financial year, catering for committees has been reduced by R1.9 million; newspaper adverts have been reduced by almost R3 million [interjection.]
 

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order hon member, can we converse little quietly so that we don’t drown the speaker.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): However, we want to emphasize, hon Chairperson, that the cutting of cost for newspaper adverts, which predominantly deal with the advertisements for legislation, have not impacted adversely on this foothold that we have of increasing the footprint for Parliament to get its message out and to get comment from the public. What we’ve simply done was to cut down to one national newspaper per language, and in the past it was predominantly English and Afrikaans that were used in about four or five national newspapers; and we have succeeded now in publishing these adverts in all the official languages, making use of regional and community newspapers as well.


This is supplemented with advertisements in the electronic media and on community radio stations. The measures that we are currently looking at, and that we’re implementing to further reduce costs, is that of minimising travel and accommodation changes for oversight visits, and thereby reducing cancelation costs and finance charges. After this, hon Speaker, there’s no more space in the Committee Section to further reduce costs.
 

 

Notwithstanding the above, hon member, it’s important that we ensure that Parliament remains accessible to all our people; and in this regard, the Committee Section has paid for the costs for certain community representatives who cannot afford to travel but have an important input to make in the law-making process. A number of committees are making use of this facility and it’s important to ensure that it’s not only those who reside in close proximity to Parliament, lobby groups and those who can afford, to come and bring their message to us.


Hon members, new political challenges have emerged, as far as committees are concerned, this impacts directly on the oversight role of Members of Parliament. Late last year extra security measures had to be put in place to ensure the safety of MPs who conducted public hearings by the Portfolio Committee on Higher Education.


In March this year, the Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration received death threats while they were doing oversight in a certain province.


Ms H O HLOPHE: It’s your faction.
 

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): In April this year, a Joint Committee meeting of the Select Committee on Finance and the Portfolio Committee on Trade & Industry were disrupted by certain attendees who refused to obey the rulings of the Chairpersons and clearly had intent to disrupt the proceeding s of that joint committee.


The latter incident occurred on the precincts of Parliament – and of course - security the Chief Whips of parties in the Chief Whips Forum and the Programming Committee raised serious concerns about this, and there was a call for more stringent measures to be put in place.


We, however, have to remind ourselves that this Parliament has established a proud tradition and reputation as a people’s Parliament where citizens from all walks of life can freely participate, raise divergent views robustly and contribute in decision-making processes that impact on their lives. A balance must thus be struck between access, openness and transparency and effective security measures on the precinct. We must thus ensure that existing rules and regulations are implemented before contemplating new measures.
 

 

A very good working relationship exists with the Office of the Auditor-General; and continuously we are being appraised by the Auditor-General on what is happening and the measures that this office is taking to deal with transgressions and financial malpractices.


The hon speaker has referred to the issue of irregular expenditure, and just to highlight the problem, hon members, for the past three years alone, unauthorised expenditure is up to more than R4 billion, fruitless and wasteful expenditure is more than R3.6 billion and irregular expenditure stands at R105 billion.


The above necessitates a change in approach and closer collaboration between the Finance Committees, Standing Committee on Public Accounts, SCOPA, Public Service & Administration, as well as working with the Department of Performance, Monitoring and Evaluation.


It remains the ultimate responsibility of all portfolio committees to scrutinize and to zoom-in on irregular expenditure, fruitless and wasteful expenditure and unauthorised expenditure.
 

 

The question we must ask, hon members, who are these individuals or entities who are disposing of public funds without value? That is, they pay money out, but they know there’s no value that is going to come back to the citizens and to the state. Who benefits from this?


Deputy Speaker every year there is huge excitement and interest when the Minister of Finance tables the Budget. However, when the Auditor-General releases the audited outcomes of how these funds were spent or misspent, there’s no fanfare. Very few Members of Parliament are around and it’s usually happening at some press conference in Pretoria. Parliament must elevate the results of these annual audited outcomes to the same level to that of the budget. As MPs we must all be seized and interested as to how these funds were spent and what happened to the deliverables that were expected.


Last year in this debate, hon Speaker, I informed the House on the progress and consultation processes that we were to embark upon to finalize the Public Participation Model. The Political Task Team completed the work in July 2016. Unfortunately, when a meeting of the Joint Rules Committee were called in November last year, political parties were found wanting, all political
 

 

parties. Because it simply referred the decision to adopt this Public Participation Model, they had to respond to a number of issues that members have raised here on oversight. The sooner, hon Chief Whips, we adopt the Public Participation Model, we’ll know that we are able to respond.


In the last few seconds at my disposal hon Speaker, we also announced a phase roll-out, last year, of the My Parliament App (Application) which started on a trial basis.


The application, which is a Member-Centric App, has now been rolled-out to about 20 committees and we expect all the committee secretaries to be trained by the end of June. The App is installed on the devices of 203 Members of Parliament. We need to ensure, however, that we don’t only give the App and make the technology available, but encourage and train the members to utilise the technology. It is one thing to have the App but it means absolutely nothing in moving towards a paperless environment if we don’t use that App.


In conclusion, hon Chairperson, the Parliamentary Budget Office prove to be a centre of excellence, and ably support the work of the Finance and Appropriations Committees of both Houses.
 

 

They provide independent analysis of key areas and needs to be further supported [Time Expired.]


Mr N L S KWANKWA: Hon House Chair and hon members, Deputy President it is so good to see you here. It will be interesting to know how you voted yesterday in that motion of no confidence. [Interjections.] I hope you did not mantashe on it. Arguably, the most important matter to discuss under this budget vote is the overall strategic orientation of Parliament. More specifically, the question to ask in line with the strategic objectives of Parliament is whether Parliament has done enough to ensure consensus oriented approach to decision making; strengthen oversight and accountability, in that whether it endeavours to comply with the rule of law.


Admittedly, much has been achieved in attempting to arrive at decisions in a consensus oriented approach in forum such as Chief Whips. Nowhere is this more evident than in the improvement in the political corporation that it exists between political parties represented here.


However, this approach has yet to be extended to the more substantive work of Parliament. For example, the ANC continues
 

 

to steamroll legislation in Parliament, using its majority. With respect to oversight and accountability, it is under your leadership, Speaker that the Constitutional Court last year pointed to Parliament’s neglect of its oversight function on the Nkandla matter.


As we speak, you are likely to, once again, be found on the wrong side of history on the secret ballot matter that is before the Constitutional Court. Regrettably, even on this matter your default position is as was the case with the Nkandla matter on the side of the Executive rather than Members of Parliament.


In other words, under your leadership, hon Speaker, this Parliament chooses to side with the executive that has gone rogue than with the people it purportedly represents. How long will it take before we act to correct this anomalous situation? As the danger of letting the status quo remains is that South Africans will soon unhappily postulate that, in reality except as a compliance measure with the constitutional provision that provides for the establishment of Parliament as one of our arms of government, Parliament does not exist.
 

 

Speaker, it is regrettable that relations between the management and the employees of Parliament had been allowed to deteriorate. As we speak, our workers are up in arms fighting against the possibility of going through this financial year without an annual increase or even worse, the possibility of facing retrenchments.


Without involving ourselves in labour disputes, we call on you to intervene on our behalf and to look at possible reprioritisation measures that can assure that our workers receive an annual increase this year. If all fails, approach the Treasury for assistance. Parliament needs a well cared for and well functioning support staff members in order to be able to discharge its constitutional duties.


Fellow South Africans, as we have said in many times before that this is our people’s boardroom we should therefore be ashamed of ourselves when we look back and consider that there were many times that we did not treat this august House with the dignity and respect it deserves. Nowhere is this succinctly captured than in the amount of unpalatable and unsavoury words that we have allowed to slip into Parliament’s lexicon.
 

 

As a result, unparliamentary behaviour has sadly been the new normal in the Fifth Democratic Parliament. We have to change course before we completely destroy the image and the reputation of this institution. This issue may sound trivial to some but it has a special pertinence to the functioning of Parliament and issues that have to do parliamentary decorum.


Speaker, last year we wrote to you many times as the young people that are represented in Parliament asking that you consider the establishment of the Parliamentary Youth Caucus. To date, we are still waiting for you to respond to us.


IsiXhosa:

Awufumaneki mama, wogqitha noThixo.


English:

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order, hon member, your time is up.


Mr N L S KWANKWA: The UDM grudgingly supports the Budget Vote 2.


IsiXhosa:
 

 

Khawubonakale mama, kudala sikukhangela awufumaneki. Sifuna ukulungisa iingxaki zabantu abatsha.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order hon Kwankwa, I know you are the advocate of youth caucus so as the women I think you will have to join forces together and argue for the caucuses of both women and youth at this. Thank you very much hon Kwankwa.


Mrs J D KILIAN: Hon Chairperson, hon Deputy President, hon Speaker, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Speaker if he is around, colleagues, guests in the gallery, fellow South Africans, it is a privilege for me to participate in this Budget Vote debate and, at the outset, let me stress that the ANC will support Budget Vote 2.


The ANC regards this as a critical arm of government – to support the following values, as enshrined in the Constitution and specifically in section 1: to provide for a multiparty system of democratic government to ensure accountability, responsiveness and openness.
 

 

The National Assembly is the most representative arm of government and, in terms of section 42(3) is ―... elected to represent the people and to ensure government by the people under the Constitution. It does this by choosing the President, by providing a national forum for public consideration of issues, by passing legislation and by scrutinising and overseeing executive action‖.


This is the House where we need to debate matters of national importance and engage the very many challenges facing our nation. This is where we should discuss how to overcome the legacies of colonial and apartheid rule; the scourge of the brutal assault on and the murder of our women and children that we have seen recently; and how to solve the inequalities and intergenerational poverty that is facing our nation: large portions of the fabric of our society suffers under that.


As representatives of the nation, we should know where the deficiencies in the delivery of services are and we should hold those accountable for those specific governance failures. This is the House where we should assess performance against set targets of all delivery arms of government and where we should
 

 

expose mismanagement and corruption wherever they occur and by whoever is involved.


This is also the House where we should encourage not only sound governance practices, but also where we should insist on consequence management for all those in the Public Service who fail our nation. The PFMA is applicable and we only need to follow the provisions to know what to do. But this is also where we should give credit to leaders and individuals in the public sector who are committed to service delivery excellence in the public sector.


Our mandate includes the duty to ensure that we have value-for- money government, a role that Scopa performs well. And, in this regard, the hon Frolick has referred to that. We, as members serving in portfolio committees, have a critical role to fulfil
– to follow up on Auditor-General reports and Scopa findings.

However, we have to admit that we have capacity constraints, and we do need to really resolve this issue.


Ultimately, this House must ensure that all organs of state comply with section 217 of the Constitution, which reads as follows:
 

 

When an organ of state in the national, provincial or local sphere of government, or any other institution identified in national legislation, contracts for goods and services, it must do so in accordance with a system which is fair, equitable, transparent, competitive and cost-effective.


We need to follow through on that, and we don’t do that often enough because we don’t have the capacity. We should not hesitate to expose and follow through and lay criminal charges against any person who shows contempt for Parliament – from public officials who mislead Parliament to members of the public who disrupt meetings. The Powers, Privileges and Immunities of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act is applicable in this respect. We must charge those with perjury if they mislead the House and those who disrupt Parliament, as indicated before.


Before Members of Parliament perform their functions, before they actually assume their seats in this House, section 48 determines that they must affirm and swear faithfulness to the country and obedience to the Constitution. This is a very important clause in the Constitution.
 

 

By pledging to uphold the Constitution, it follows logically that we also pledge to respect the different democratic institutions and democratic procedures and practices created in the Constitution. It also follows logically then that the National Assembly Rules derive their authority from section 57 of the Constitution – that we must comply with the constitutional values and principles enshrined in the Constitution and encapsulated in our National Assembly Rules.


The 9th edition of the National Assembly Rules was adopted last year, a little more than a year ago – in fact, three years – and the new Rules were adopted after a fully inclusive process was followed. In fact, the rules review committee had already completed, to a large extent, a revision of the Rules when the new Parliament started. We had to go through Rule 1 to Rule 367 to ensure alignment of all parties to the Rules.


Despite the participation of most parties, the practical application of the new National Assembly Rules, however, has only been partially successful. This is because opposition members, largely, have refused to accept the role of the Speaker and other presiding officers, or perhaps there has been
 

 

another reason. Has it been perhaps because they wanted to create drama and excitement on this platform? [Interjections.]


Rather than respecting this institution as a cornerstone of democracy, the 5th Parliament has seen several deliberate disruptions by some opposition parties, which point to a complete disrespect for the Constitution and constitutional democracy. Some, unfortunately, shun parliamentary practices and orders and repeatedly challenge rulings by presiding officers without following procedures laid down in the Rules. They are there. They must just follow them. They continue to disrupt meetings and sittings of the House – the hon Buthelezi is there: he has been at the receiving end of physical violence
even to the extent of assaulting the parliamentary protection services and vandalising the buildings of Parliament. Hon Chairperson, that is completely unacceptable.


We believe the time has come for MPs to be charged – to pay for repairs to parliamentary buildings. These are public buildings paid for by the public state. [Applause.] Students are charged if they do the same. Why should MPs get off scot-free?
 

 

The disruptive conduct in the public gallery flows from what happens here on the floor. We are now also encountering problems in the public hearings. We need to take firm action before this matter gets completely out of hand.


I would just like to refer to some very odd contradictions. We would have expected the DA leadership to play a more mature role as the Official Opposition in this House. After all, the party boasts that it was founded from the old Liberal Party of South Africa and, as such, has a long association with parliamentary traditions. In fact, the DA indeed modelled its own operations on Westminster parliamentary traditions. The DA calls their spokespersons for different portfolios ―shadow Ministers‖. That is a typical tradition that flows from Westminster. There is nothing wrong with that, but it means that they understand certain practices that have been long established. [Interjections.]


Despite a convention and practice in the parliaments of well- established democracies, those members specifically of the DA refuse to rise when the Speaker, other presiding officers or the President enter the Chamber. Lately, the DA also sits down
 

 

and they started this as a specific action against the Speaker. Why? Because they dislike the individuals.


This shows how immature our Official Opposition is. [Interjections.] They cannot differentiate between the Constitution-created officers ... Through the Constitution we create officers. You don’t establish individuals in positions. They assume responsibilities. Therefore, it is very odd that we don’t see a bigger role for the hon Leader of the Opposition.
But we should perhaps understand that his time is limited with the new role that he has now assumed as opposition leader in the SADC countries, specifically recently in Zambia. Perhaps his time is a little limited. [Interjections.]


This shows that, unfortunately, the DA has lost institutional memory. It appears that there is nobody left in the DA to point out what the impacts of their actions are.


An HON MEMBER: ... [Inaudible.] ... National Party.


Mrs J D KILIAN: By the way, on that score, I think the time has come that we also now deal with that matter decisively. The hon Chief Whip of the Opposition is always referring to the
 

 

National Party. Now, could I please remind him - if he doesn’t know and perhaps he should google the history of the DA because he is very young – that the DA was established as an alliance between the Democratic Party and the National Party. [Interjections.] [Applause.]


That is why you had Sheila Camerer cross the floor during the crossing-of-the-floor legislation period. That is why you still have two former councillors of the National Party – hon Van der Walt and hon Schmidt – on the side of the DA. There is nothing wrong with that. People choose where they want to belong. [Interjections.] Currently serving in the Western Cape legislature is Ms Anroux Marais who came from the National Party. She is MEC for cultural affairs and sport. There is also Mr Dan Plato, the MEC for community safety, who came from the National Party. Then there is Mr Anton Bredell who is MEC for local government and chair of the DA in the Western Cape. There is also Mark Wiley who is DA chief whip in the Western Cape legislature. [Interjections.] I could go on. I have a long list. I could go on. I don’t want to waste my own time. What is the moral of the story? Know your history.
 

 

The DA was a merger between the Democratic Party and the National Party. Don’t point fingers at members on this side of the House. What is more: if you tell all your former National Party supporters to go away, you will soon no longer be the Official Opposition. I just wanted to deal with that matter. [Interjections.]


What we need to know is that we have a bit of confusion of late. The DA cannot decide if it still wants to continue to be based on sound liberal values, because what we hear in this House is everything but sound liberal values. Open-opportunity society: that is what you read in their policy documents.
However, here they have adopted a social democrat attitude - in fact, by copying and pasting ANC policies and dishing them up as their own. [Interjections.]


The time has come for them to come out of the closet and tell us that they cannot transform South Africa through their liberal policies. They actually want to adopt social democrat policies. Be honest about it. Don’t try to be all things for all parties.
 

 

We also understand that you have difficulties in your own ranks, let alone with your opposition parties. [Interjections.] Coalition partners: what we find is that we have different caucuses in the DA. You have the old liberals who perform to support Ms Helen Zille and her procolonial tweets. They are very concerned about the action of the Leader of the Opposition.


The Leader of the Opposition is backed by the black caucus in the DA. They want to see decisive action, but we have two other components as well. We have the old hard-core conservatives.
They threaten that they will leave the DA if any action is taken against the hon Zille. So, the hon Leader of the Opposition is between a rock and a hard place, because he also has to make sure that the EFF does not feel uncomfortable by being associated with the DA. So, he is really battling to know what to do. And then they have challenges in the Nelson Mandela Metro. They have had conflict-resolution there. So all is now well in paradise.


In conclusion, I would like to say that we have a lot to do as Members of Parliament to enforce ... [Interjections.]
 

 

Mr M L W FILTANE: Point of order, Chair.


The CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon member, could you take your seat. What is the point of order?


Mr M L W FILTANE: The point is that this is the parliamentary Budget Vote not the Nelson Mandela Metro. All is well there. [Interjections.]


The CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Order! Hon member, this is a debate. It is a political debate. Let’s be patient with each other. Continue, hon member.


Mrs J D KILIAN: Thank you. He gave me an opportunity to take a sip of water. That was most kind.


I would like to say that we are far from perfect. We have a lot to do as Parliament. We are compelled to keep the executive accountable. That is how our Constitution has been negotiated. That is why it is hailed as one of the best constitutions in the world. We have not executed our duties in all respects. We should do that, and the hon members of the executive must know that this Parliament is resolute, that it will – through its
 

 

committees, through different structures – hold departments and executive members accountable. That is our duty.


But we have to do so within the National Assembly Rules. We have to respect the Rules. We cannot do that in any other way because we also have to develop our own culture, our own South African debating culture. It’s no good importing a Westminster debating culture in this House. We must develop that across all parties. We need to strengthen this body, because this is the institution that, going forward, will ensure that our democratic structures will, in fact, stand the test of time and will serve generations to come. I thank you. [Applause.]


BUSINESS SUSPENDED AT ... AND RESUMED AT ...


The DEPUTY SPEAKER (Mr S L Tsenoli): Thank you House Chairperson, Madam Speaker, and other presiding officers present here today — Ministers, Deputy Ministers and hon members. Thank you for the opportunity to talk to you today.


We must be responsive. We appeal to you that all male members of the House sign the Inter—parliamentary Union endorsed, United Nations Women campaign called He for She both of us in
 

 

the NA and in the NCOP, and this is its practical commitment, which is required of us to commit to:


I believe equality of women is a basic human right that benefits all I commit to taking action against gender discrimination and violence in order to build a more just world order.


For staff this commitment will be ready from tomorrow onwards. It is an important practical step we must take in solidarity with a programme of creating gender equality in our society.
It’s our responsibility as well.


We are also co—ordinating the implementation of the Gender Self—Assessment tool Kit of the Inter- Parliamentary Union, IPU, to develop a baseline information that potentially can lead to radical gender relations in Parliament and in society in general.


We come here as elected by the voting public to act on their behalf on the basis of what we said we would do. Problems we encounter in the course of doing that are not our problems but
 

 

that of the people. So we must tell them the truth about what stands in the way of meeting their mandate.


Twenty years down the line the life of the Constitution, our overall guiding mandate, we are faced with doing just that, telling the truth about the problems we are confronting in carrying out its provisions. The truth liberates they say but, at first, it makes you mad, absolutely angry.


In its wisdom the Speakers Forum chose to commission an independent research report to evaluate the laws we passed since 1994 to understand why we have not made the impact we sought to make, and thereby meet the people’s wishes, to complement the work that committees are doing.


As the Speaker said in her opening remarks we have already received a progress report of this committee e in one of those programmes they have divided their work into three: land restitution and security of tenure. The first working group is actually poverty, inequality, unemployment and growth as they say it, and the last one is social cohesion and nation— building.
 

 

This work is important because it will help us seek truth in facts they will bring to our attention. The second broad source of information we receive is from the work of the Auditor General, Public Protector, Commission for
Gender Equality, Human Rights Commission, Public Service Commission, Commission on Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Rights, Independent Electoral Commission, Financial and Fiscal Commission and the Pan-South African Language Board, Independent Communication Authority of South Africa.


The Inspector General has not been part of these discussions and we hope to engage him following his recent appointment; these bodies report to Parliament following their engagement with the people in general - and having researched, debated and produced these findings for them to be followed up and implemented.


In a series of discussions with them collectively and individually, they expressed strong views on what they thought could improve their state of health as institutions supporting democracy. We must be responsive.
 

 

They raised issues about their systems of governance, how and by whom they are appointed, for what term of office in other words how long, how much they are allocated to carry out their functions, the responsiveness of the executive to their queries, that they wish to be linked directly to Parliament and be involved in the budgeting process about the work they do — that their reports be engaged more fully by committees of Parliament. These issues are general — there are specifics as they relate to some of them individually which might differ.


We must be responsive. Historically the institutions that support democracy have related to the NA - we have suggested they initiate discussions with the leadership of the NCOP to consider ways of collaborating so that together, in carrying out our oversight and accountability tasks, we can improve responsiveness to their findings and recommendations and the speed with which they are implemented.


Valuable insights emerged from our discussions that will certainly improve our institutions and their commitment to the people’s agenda - creating a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous and hopefully egalitarian society in which the
 

 

people themselves when it is ended will say we have done it ourselves. To take some words from what a Zimbabwean said.


The third source of information and observations comes out of civil society — business organizations, universities, religious organizations, advice offices, other political structures outside Parliament, trade unions and civic organizations - the issues they raise and debate about our work is crucial. We have to respond to those issues.


As we told them when we received the memoranda as people come here to protest and so on — that this place is where those issues they debating about and making demands is and constitute the agenda of the work that we are doing.


The fourth important element is what we do in Parliament and outside as part of the engagement with departments and their entities. The more robust these engagements are the better for seeking truth in facts, to return to constitutional and legislative paths from which we shouldn’t under any circumstances depart knowingly. Our integrity depends on it.
 

 

Engagement with the media is also an important factor in the oversight and accountability that Parliament has to undertake to ensure transformation of society therein as well; relationships with individual Members of Parliament and Committees in the Legislative Sector is crucial including for public education.


We share a common desire for the public and citizenry as is required in the NDP to be well informed to be able to participate effectively in decisions that affect their lives, which we would like to see. And the media plays a crucial role in that respect.


Finally, the leadership and management of the entire parliamentary service must be exemplary of a premier oversight and governance institution in our country supported by all of us presiding officers and members.


For all of the above reasons it is critical that a sensitive allocation to Parliament is done. The quality of work that is demanded of the Money Bills Amendment and
Related Matters Act is not possible to achieve successfully with the limited resources that we have.
 

 

In addition it is the time lines that must also be addressed. So that we are in a position confidently to undertake tasks ahead of time to produce quality responses to what we must present for budgeting and of course government’s response to what we have gotten from all of these sources that I have mentioned.


Without such undertaking, the ability, as my colleagues have already articulated this problem, for committees to undertake effective oversight work, follow it through and provide ability of Parliament to act on those is absolutely limited and at best our ability to respond to those issues is not what it ought to be, as it was intended in the Constitution.


After all, we are the executive's principal ally in ensuring that every rand of the R1, 56 trillion budget does what it was intended for, without what we often call euphemistically — leakage and wasteful expenditure.


We must be responsive and tell the people what stands in the way of meeting their expectations, we must not waver.
It is absolutely our responsibility to act as Parliament, both the NCOP as well as the NA, through our committees in a way
 

 

that produces evidence that the things that we have placed before us is been responded to and we are acting on it to produce the results for which we were requested to do up here. Otherwise we undermine the integrity of the institution.


Our conduct as Members of Parliament, MPs, individually and collectively, has a major impact on the impression which people have of the kind of work we do. Whatever the substance of the work we do if in the form and how we approach issues undermines how we appear, and the example we give for conflict resolution is absolutely problematic.


We live in a country and have a responsibility to lead a country that comes from a highly conflictual past and that appropriate methods of resolving conflict is absolutely necessary.


Parliament is an institution that is placed ideally to give an example in how we do that. We hope that the consideration of the issues that we have raised in the debate that are going to follow across will have a helpful impact in stamping responsiveness as the manner in which Parliament is known and
 

 

our relationship with the institutions that support democracy as we have mentioned.


They have given us insights, which they are going to follow which they hope they are going to improve the ability of what they have seen, want their recommendations to be implemented and bring about the expectation of the people. Thank you very much House Chairperson. [Applause.]


Dr C P MULDER: Hon Chairperson, the hon Deputy Speaker refers to the integrity of Parliament. The integrity of Parliament has been destroyed. I don’t know if the hon Deputy Speaker is aware of that. He also refers to the fact that Parliament can play a cardinal role in terms of setting an example on how to handle conflict. No, Parliament is the last place that can set that kind of example.


I must honestly say that the level of debates in the fifth Parliament has been the lowest that I have seen since 1994. There are no real debates; there are insults being hurled across the floor. People don’t take any debate whatsoever seriously.
 

 

Hon Speaker, you refer to the separation of powers and you make the point that the judiciary and the courts should not overreach in terms of the role that they should play, but it is the task of the courts to uphold the Constitution. If Parliament, as the legislative branch and the executive do what they are supposed to do to also respect and uphold the Constitution, it will never be necessary for the courts to intervene in any way whatsoever. However, that is not what is happening.


The hon Kilian also referred to that, when she referred to section 1 of the Constitution that deals with the founding provisions, which put up certain values. One of those basic and most important values is the question of accountability. The problem is that section 55 of the Constitution deals with the powers of the National Assembly. It says in section 55(1) that in exercising our legislative power, the National Assembly may do certain things. May. Then in section 55(2), it says that we must, not may, do certain other things. We must provide for mechanisms to ensure that all executive organs of state in the national sphere of government are accountable to it.
 

 

It is exactly here where this Parliament failed. We failed miserably. We did not set the example and we all know what we are talking about. We are talking about the events that happened with the whole Nkandla saga. It is no use to try and shy away from that. We have been trying to tell the majority in this House what should have been done. It is no use to say that we should keep the executive to account. Parliament and the majority in Parliament failed miserably in that respect.
Parliament has some serious thinking to do in the wake of the Constitutional Court judgement on the Nkandla affair. For two years, the ANC in this House has been accused of protecting the President in the Nkandla situation. I serve on all three those committees and that is exactly what happened.


The Public Protector was sharply criticised by ANC MPs for overreaching committee procedures and then late in 2015, the National Assembly adopted a resolution, absolving President Zuma from repayment, in line with the former Minister of Police’s report that was instituted at the behest of President Zuma, and that has been used to frame the terms of reference of the third and final report.
 

 

Then the Constitutional Court said, while the National Assembly has the discretion to determine its own mechanisms as to hold the executive to account, it said that Parliament flouted these constitutional obligations. I quote what the court said in its judgment:


There was everything wrong with the National Assembly stepping into the shoes of the Public Protector, by passing a resolution that purported effectively to nullify the findings made and remedial action taken by the Public Protector and replacing them with its own findings and remedial action.


That is where Parliament went completely wrong. Now, we come around and say that we need accountability and we need to do oversight. We set the wrong example.


Lastly, I hear colleagues from all sides say that we need to find more resources. You don’t realise it.


Afrikaans:

Die geld is op. Daar is nie nog geld nie. U gaan binnekort uitvind dat daar eenvoudig nie meer fondse is wat uitgegee kan
 

 

word op alles wat nodig is nie. Hoekom nie? Die Tesourier sal dit vir u verduidelik. Omdat die ekonomie nie groei nie, kom daar nie meer belasting in nie. Die geld is op.


English:

The chickens have come home to roost. [Applause.] [Time expired.]


Ms D CARTER: Hon Chair, the doctrine of the separation of powers in a democracy is premised on the need to ensure that the powers of the state are divided – as Madison puts it - in order, to prevent tyranny, the accumulation of power, in same hands, whether of one, a few, or many.


As the extent of the treasonous actions of a gang of thieves - a mafia - with Mr Zuma and the Guptas at its apex, becomes brighter than the day is light, it confirms that, under the majoritarian tyranny of the ANC, Parliament has failed in its cardinal duty of ensuring that power is not abused, and by not exercising oversight and holding the executive accountable.


So virulent, heinous and treasonous is our strain of state capture, committed so brazenly and with such impunity that it
 

 

is evident that, first and foremost, it is the ANC itself that was captured. Your National Executive Committee, NEC, confirmed that.


Joel Netshitenzhe describes this situation by using the tongue- eating isopod as an example. The parasite severs the veins of fish’s tongue until the tongue falls off. It then attaches itself to stub operating, as if it was the fish’s tongue and it survives by feeding on the fish’s blood or mucus. Unlike other parasites, the isopod does not kill its host and similarly, it would not be in the fish’s interest for the isopod to leave or to die, as the fish no longer has its natural tongue. This is organ and organism capture.


Its corruption that’s the glue that binds you together. Corruption permeates every organ of state, from the most rural municipality to the Presidency. Every organ of state in the clutches of the ANC is a site for ANC sanctioned theft and looting.


By not exercising oversight and holding the executive accountable, by defending dishonourable, dishonest, delinquent, illicit, felonious, lawless, unjust, unlawful, unethical,
 

 

immoral, criminal, wicked and treasonous acts, you have broken this Fifth Parliament of our democratic South Africa.


Under the tyranny, Parliament has lost its, credibility, integrity and legitimacy. As a consequence, South Africans now live under a tyranny in mafia state.


You have betrayed Parliament. You have our Constitutional order. You have betrayed the people of South Africa. You have our country. Treason has been committed. The traitor-in-chief must fall and the ANC Must Fall.


South Africa needs a new political, ethical and moral centre other than the ANC. South Africa must save. Thank you.


Mr M S BOOI: Malibongwe! Madam Speaker, Deputy Speaker, Members of Parliament, sometimes what we say should be really amazing but I have decided that I’ll definitely use a quote that was used by Oliver Tambo because I have done a lot of good service with him. I respect him for who he is and for his contribution; and that is the contribution I’ll take to my grave.


He said people ...
 

 

... should extricate themselves from the shifting sands of illusion ... and that we shouldn’t be fooled by the notion that success should be the natural reward for hard work, initiative and moral uprightness.


On the contrary, he further said:


Democracy has taken root in our country and in our region, and with it have come peace and political stability. But all this will be little more than the shifting sands of illusion. If we do not take decisive measures to strengthen the moral fibre of our nation, this thing will collapse.


That is what Oliver Tambo has repeatedly said, quoting from what Mandela said. The illusion is - after all what we have been able to put together for the past 23 years, and those who have made their contribution even before and put up their sacrifices and lives – that we do feel that even if we understood the political system, we should continuously emphasise that the ANC in its own making, and after what the Chief Whip have explained that it must be the one to solely take the full responsibility for all the problems that are
 

 

happening in South Africa. The lesson that has to be learned and that we have learned under the leadership of hon Mdakane when we were dealing with the rules is, what is the contribution of South Africans and how do we find one another to be able to come up with better rules.


Under your leadership, Speaker, the last time you spoke in the last debate, you said it was important that Parliament must become the centre of debate. That is the contribution we should all be able to make possible. All South Africans must be able to look up to Parliament. We must make it possible that the views and issues we share inside this House influence society and give direction to society. That is where the weakness is because you would have expected the opposition to do what hon Muller did by reflecting on the challenges of the Constitution; and the weaknesses of how the system operates. For me, that is a positive step. That is what is needed, how to build a collective effort together.


There is a lot we do not do. I’ll just give you an example. We sat with Eskom today and went through the processes. Back in Springs where Eskom operates, a woman was killed. For 10 days nobody knew that a woman had died in the offices. What type of
 

 

society are we? How can we talk to each other? Nobody knew that there was a body lying in the offices of Eskom for 10 days. No family member was informed; no policeman was doing a good thing; and the woman is dead today. What type of society are we talking about if such incidents happen under our own noses and all of us don’t talk to these issues?


We seem to think that the society that we all govern is just about the ANC. The responsibility and consciousness must be amongst us, first and foremost. As you sit as a Member of Parliament, take a particular responsibility and oath, what do you do beyond that? Do you walk away when a woman is raped?
What do you think and what does your conscious say? If it is your own daughter, what will happen tomorrow? These are the questions that we must always pose and this is what the Speaker has tried to bring to this particular debate. The sensitivities and how the society looks up to us should make us a little bit responsive.


Part of what we try to do in the rules is to find out where the authority lies. It is very much important that, as we work with one another, we should be able to say, at the end of the day, where that authority lies. Being quite aware of the types of
 

 

structures that we create like the Chief Whips Forum and Parliamentary Oversight Authority, POA, we said the authority must always rest with the Office of the Speaker so that it can be able to take full responsibility for the activities of Parliament.


As regards the direction that we take from here, as different opposition leaders and politicians, we must feel that the responsibility of guiding the House lies with a particular person. From where we sit in the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, Scopa, we must say that with regard to the tremendous work that we have been able to do and the way we interrogate, never for one moment Madam Speaker, have you stretched your hand and said we are not doing our job. We must be thankful to you. That type of leadership is what is needed because, if we are not able, as a collective, to go to the root of the problem of how corruption is beginning to engulf our society, we should be very careful and sensitive.


From where we are seated as Scopa, we want to say that we do feel your support. Not even for one moment have you raised your finger and said we should not touch a specific department or we should talk to a particular department differently. You have
 

 

never guided us in that way. All the time that you have engaged us, you have said the type of things that needed to be done to improve the work that we do.


We are very thankful for the little resources that we have. It is not that you should always be there but we are thankful for the type of support that you have given us over this period that we have been trying to get to the root of the problem.
When the Auditor-General says R48 billion has been an irregular expenditure, it is that moral judgement that we are thankful for, as the institution. It helps us to have the courage to pick up where there are particular weaknesses. We think that the way we have put together the rules shows the type of expected leadership you have provided us.


I do hope, where I am sitting, that different Members of Parliament would appreciate the efforts and would make a few minutes to come and share the views and experiences with you in different offices. As Scopa, we, together with our chairperson, appreciate your support. We don’t doubt that, if we walk this way and carry the spirit that we are South Africans who have a particular responsibility, we will be able to improve what society is confronted with.
 

 

Madam Speaker, we say the words of Pratibha Patil that:


Corruption is the enemy of development, and of good governance. It must be got rid of. Both the government and the people at large must come together to achieve this national objective.


This is where we are learning and drawing our strength. As the leader and Presiding Officer here, if we didn’t listen to you, we wouldn’t have been able to move forward.


One of the issues that always pose a challenge is the issue of co-governance. There are issues where, as the ruling party, we make decisions. When we do the sequence of proceedings, we are not delusional because we understand what the system says, that the ruling party must govern. I know that you always mitigate and allow parties to have opportunities. To me, that is leadership. If you had stuck to the sequence in a manner that we had put it together, the lessons that we would have had today would be that of an opposition party not having extra minutes. There is no choice as we have won the elections. That is where I am standing. [Interjections.] I am just saying that, that sequence is what is very much important.
 

 

Madam Speaker, we are saying that, let us continue with the spirit that you have promoted. The spirit of finding consensus has always been a very good spirit. It is the tradition of the ANC. We are not afraid of that. We have made sure that whenever there were some challenges, we were able to ensure that there was consensus. Continue with that type of spirit, Madam Speaker. Sometimes you give respect to the rules but at times you go out of the rules to reach out to different parties and leaders to find consensus on the House is run.


All I am saying is that there are rules and we were never mistaken when we gave that authority to you. That is what the Constitution says. We want to encourage you to continue with that particular spirit. That is the spirit of the ANC, and the spirit that we had during the negotiations. We are saying, keep to that spirit but also give some respect to the rules in the manner we have crafted them.


We still want to say that we have been trying to make it possible for every Member of Parliament to feel that there is a particular role in how the issues of order are handled. That is why you have never instructed us to restrict points of order.
That was good leadership. If we had restricted and tried to
 

 

write out in detail how to deal with that particular matter, it would have stifled the reliability of discussions and debates in the House. But because you had an open mind and allowed us to keep it open within the rules so that Members of Parliament are allowed to continue exercising and reflecting on issues.


From where we are sitting, you said it would always be nice, and that was your desire to ensure that parliamentarians find enough time to share their views. Also, parliamentarians should have enough time for issues of freedom of speech because they can’t be relevant within the rules. You have given us particular guidance to follow rules.


On the length of questions and how the executive accounts to the House, you gave them six questions to answer. Those developments speak a lot to the desire of the House and those who have worked hard on the rules. They know how to conduct themselves so that their accountability is not outside the rules. You cannot run society in an anarchist manner where people think they can just stand up and do as they like. The rules must remain the guide to resolve issues and give respect to one another in the House.
 

 

When dealing with Rule 53(A) and how security is used, I have been very clear that there is no intention to use the security to suppress the debate in the House. We, as different Members of Parliament, have always said that there is a challenge.
While you listen to and recognise those who want to be heard louder than others, those who are silent on the other side, who can’t stand up regularly and raise point of order, must be given the opportunity to exercise their right.


We were equally voted for into the House by the voters and the numbers in here were not donated by institutions. We have worked very hard for what we are and must continue to test ourselves in 2019 that the mandate which has been given to us by our people will never stop. We are clear where we come from; what we have been able to tell; what we have done for our people; and we are going to express that in 2019.


Power is not going to be usurped when we arrive in the institution through mechanisms. That is why we put up the rules and those rules are supposed to facilitate the relationships.
If you do want to adhere to what the rules are saying, we have introduced security arrangements. From where I am sitting, this
 

 

is not delusional but a correct path to find the voice of those who are quiet.


If Parliament is going to be run through people shouting and hurling insults, then we must know that there is wrong with the institution. We must know that we do not have the opposition that will rise to the moment and provide leadership to society. We are very clear about that and expect to share views with one another. We all have political responsibility.


As members of the ANC, we will not waiver our responsibility. As members of the ANC, we are not going to be shifted by the illusion that, because the opposition is persuading us to take a different route, we’ll listen to them. We’ll consistently use our vote because we fought for that vote. Nobody donated this power to us and nobody is going to tell us to behave in a particular way. [Applause.]


We are very firm and clear that, after we had gone to the elections and defeated people, we are not going to shift from that responsibility. As members of the ANC, we say that we are alive to our own decisions. As members of the ANC, we say that we are committed to what we have been promising our people. It
 

 

is correct that the economy might not be performing in the manner we have expected but we do know that we have the necessary leadership that will be able to manage and meet the needs of our people.


Our people must never give up on the ANC. We will definitely be back again after 2019, continuously promoting what we are saying. [Applause.] We have no fear. We have the determination because, when we went into this revolution, we never begged anybody. We never asked anybody what to do. We went in as volunteers.


Where the society is today, is because of our commitment and hard work. Fear no one and be determined members of the ANC. We will continue to sustain the power that we are in. With all the shouts that they are making, we will continue with our own struggle. Thank you, Chairperson.


Ms C DUDLEY: Hon Chair and Madam Speaker, the ACDP acknowledges Parliament’s commitment to complying with government’s fiscal objective of reducing the deficit and stabilising debt. We recognise however that this is going to place tremendous strain on this institution which must deliver on its priorities. Since
 

 

its introduction in 2012, the expenditure ceiling in each financial year has never been breached - no small achievement but Members of Parliament and staff have felt the constraints and frustration of this discipline.


Possibly the most concerning aspect of the stringent measures is the impact it is having on staff and the resulting dissatisfaction leading to both disruptive union action and the loss of valued and experienced members of staff. This sort of climate also leaves people vulnerable to being used in the agendas of those who would like to see Parliament fail.


Budget limits on compensation of employees introduced in 2016 have been carried over to 2017 and departments will be compelled to manage personnel numbers and employee earnings in line with these budget allocations. This is proving disastrous as the work of Parliament depends to a large degree on a dedicated hardworking core of staff members.


To make just one example, we have five lawyers and two seniors in our State Law Department apart from unprecedented numbers of indictments to handle – their presence is critically important in committees especially when legislation is dealt with. If our
 

 

committees are feeling the strain sharing five law advisors and two seniors, and they are, I can only imagine what those state law advisors are actually experiencing. These are men and women of excellence who do an incredible job and we must not allow intensified efforts to improve efficiency and expenditure to so negatively impact on them or the committees and members they serve.


There is also the added pressure of reduced overseas funding of important parliamentary programmes. For example, the European Union, EU, funding, and the trend as they are we cannot expect any significance change for the better and lose direction. The ACDP is of the strong opinion that the Treasury must urgently reassess the budget with these and other important issues in mind and amendments must be made or Parliament will count the cost in so many other ways.


Lastly, while the ACDP appreciates our vibrant democracy and the freedom political parties have to engage, challenge, and vie for power - and we recognise the importance of a strong and relevant opposition - we caution Members of Parliament not to let these freedoms translate into destabilising our Parliament or our democracy. We must not allow our freedom to impact
 

 

negatively on already constrained budgets and must ensure that the people of South Africa are not deprived of services needed to ensure present and future generations have every opportunity for personal and collective growth and prosperity. Thank you.


Xitsonga:

Man A T DIDIZA: Mutshamaxitulu, vahlonipheki, vaswirhundzu na vamatlhari ... [Va phokotela.] ...


English:

... ―We are someone’s daughter, we are somebody’s sister, and we are someone’s child‖. These are the words of Tapiwa, a gender activist, a member of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender, LGBT, community in South Africa during an interview on the death of her friend. The interview happened on the same day of the memorial service of Karabo Mokoena and in the midst of many women and girls who have been maimed during the month of April and May in South Africa. In remembering our beloved sisters and children of our country, we dare not forget women and girls in sister countries in our continent of Africa, in particular the Chibok girls of Nigeria, and many other women and girls living in areas of conflict.
 

 

Even though we continue to experience these ongoing challenges, we have made tremendous gains. We have legislation and programmes to protect women, girls and children. We will continue to struggle for an equal society envisioned by our forebears as reflected in the preamble of the 1954 Women’s Charter of the Federation of South African Women in which they said, I quote:


We, the women of South Africa, wives and mothers, working women and housewives, Africans, Indians, Europeans and Coloureds, hereby declare our aims of striving for the removal of all legislation, regulations, conventions and customs that discriminate against us as women, and that deprive us in any way our inherent right to the advantages, responsibilities and opportunities that society offers to any one section of the population.


To you, our sisters, mothers, fathers and brothers seated in the gallery and at home, we share your loss. May you take solace from the words of Dr Rev Schuler that says: ―Tough times never last, but tough people do.‖
 

 

Madam Speaker and hon members, while we may not bring back our beloved ones back, we can create a future that will make their generations to be proud of being South Africans. Almost three years ago, we adopted a roadmap towards the future in the adoption of the National Development plan. Yes, it may not be perfect, but it represents the aspirations that almost all of us as South Africans wish to realise. This envisioned future is enunciated in the following words, I quote:


Now in 2030 we live in a country which we have remade. We have created a home where everybody feels free yet, bounded to others; where everyone embraces their full potential. We are proud to be a community that cares. We have felt our way towards a new sense of ourselves; trying, succeeding and making mistakes; eager to live together, yet finding it difficult to recognise our shared burdens; and learning to recognise and acknowledge shared successes. Our new story is open ended with temporary destinations, only for new paths to open up once more. It is a story of unfolding learning, even when we flounder, we remain hopeful. In this story we always arrive and depart. We have come some way.
 

 

This vision gives us a milestone towards the full realisation of the Freedom Charter. It holds a promise for the future. As we reflect and celebrate our Constitution, may I remind hon members seated here of the distinct contribution that the women of South Africa made through ensuring that the equality clause is included in our Constitution. May I also remind ourselves of the Women’s Charter for Effective Equality, a product of the Women’s National Coalition whose brainchild was the ANC Women’s League.


In honour of our pioneers and many women in our country who participated in making this history, I wish to examine this budget on how far we have gone as the legislature to give expression to what women wanted in the new South Africa, albeit in a limited way because of time.


South Africa is a democracy in which the people elect leaders and public representatives to represent their interests in Parliament. These representatives ought to reflect the demographics of our country in terms of gender, race, age and people with disabilities. We appreciate that a number of political parties managed to ensure women’s representation in their party lists for Parliament in 2014, which ensured that we
 

 

have 164 women members in the National Assembly. It is however a matter of concern that when parties replenish their lists every year, the gender lens gets blurred.


Today, we have only 166 members, while we may applaud the increase by two, a number of parties did not consider the zebra mechanism as a tool for ensuring gender equity in order to improve representation of women in this legislature. I do not want to name and shame - which I can actually do because I have got figures - which party has done what. That is for the next time.


As members of the Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians whose mission is increasing women’s representation in parliaments and legislatures, we wish to encourage all political parties without exception in this House and those who will be the wannabes in coming to Parliament in 2019, to ensure that we strive towards gender parity, 50-50. Therefore, in your campaign I will take a role of being a Common Wealth Women Parliamentarian Chairperson in the Africa region and meet with all your secretary-generals to understand what you will be doing to increase the numbers of women in your party lists. [Applause.]
 

 

The Constitution also enjoins the Assembly to facilitate public involvement in all its affairs and conduct its business in an open and transparent manner. In accordance with the Constitution, the Assembly and its committees are open to the public and Parliament. Proceedings of Parliament are broadcast on television, radio and all other media frequently. Thank you Speaker and the management for making sure that that happens even on YouTube that is why we can filibuster for a while because we know that they see us at home. Another avenue for the public to raise issues in the Assembly is through petitions. In the last financial year, we have received 40 petitions which are now being processed by committees. In their majority they deal with service delivery issues. A majority of those issues affect women.


Effective and seamless support to members for effective functioning is required. I want to say here that I thank the management for having started this journey working with me to ensure that we present - to the then Quarterly Consultative Forum, QCF, which is now the Member’s Facilities Committee - that proposal so that indeed we can develop that seamless support to members. However, I must say that with the limited
 

 

budget we do need to pay some attention on the accommodation for meetings of Parliament.


We actually at times have to spend resources in hiring hotel conference facilities because we do not have enough space in this Parliament. Similarly, we need to ensure that we improve our seats in the National Assembly. If we do not do so, all of us will end up with back pains and some joint issues, you know, which will also put a strain in Parmed.


I want to come to the issue of cost of health. Parmed for the past two years, last year and this year, has increased its tariff which has affected a lot of members, and this has happened when the remuneration of public office bearers is actually under review. Last year, the members did not receive anything. I hope this time I will be the best shop steward and ensure that you get something. [Applause.]


I just want to deal with the Women’s Charter clause on law and the administration of justice. You nominated some of us to serve in the Judicial Service Commission, JSC. Order! [Laughter.] [Applause.] While you are all listening, we have actually done our work as a multiparty team of Parliament. I am
 

 

proud to report to this House that in the past year, we have recommended for appointment to the courts the following numbers of women: One woman president of the Supreme Court of Appeal; one woman judge in the Constitutional Court; one woman judge in the Competition Court; three women judges in the Gauteng Division of the High Court; one woman in the Limpopo Division of the High Court; and one woman in the North West Division of the High Court. [Applause.] It may not be enough, but it is a start.


On education and training, Article 4 of the Charter for Effective Equality states that every woman shall have the right to education and training at any stage of her life in order to realise her full potential. We have been able to capacitate at least three committees: The Human Settlements Committee working with the Nelson Mandela Metro University; Telecommunication and Broadcasting Policy working with the University of Witwatersrand; and Economic Development Committee working with the University of Pretoria. Congratulations to all of you who have taken your work seriously. As a principal, I am very happy. [Applause.] In the coming budget we will be working with the Committee of Rural Development and Land Reform as well as with Sports and Recreation Committee.
 

 

As I conclude, I wish to appreciate the importance of parliamentary democracy that we are engaged in through our membership of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, CPA, Pan African Parliament, PAP, and Southern African Development Community’s Parliamentary Forum, SADC—PF. It enables us to make our contribution in shaping the attainment of a better Africa and a better world. This area of our work builds from the work that was done amongst many by Oliver Reginald Tambo. His epitaph, reads, in his own words: It is our responsibility to break down barriers of division and create a country where there will be neither whites nor blacks, just South Africans, free and united in diversity.


We owe it to Tambo and his generation that at least by 2030, we must have broken most of those barriers and divisions we still have. As the National Development Plan, NDP, envisions, as I close in 2030, a moment where we can say to another, I cannot be without you, without you this South African community is an incomplete community, without one single person, without one single group and without the region or the continent, we are not the best that we can be. I thank you. I wish to thank Madam Speaker, Deputy Speaker, as well as my colleagues, the
 

 

Chairperson, but most of all I really want to thank you. You can be very disciplined if you want to, but naughty at times. Thank you very much. [Applause.] [Time expired.]


Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Hon House Chairperson, I am happy that the principal of the parliamentary school and the shop steward are going to do something for us to get something as Members of Parliament. That is good news. We, as the AIC, also wish to join the call that we stand up and fight against the scourge of violence against women and children in our country. We also call that we stand up, come together as Africans and do things in an African way.


The functions of Parliament are very important. We always equate Parliament with the level of other national government departments. We are aware of the limited resources that are allocated to Parliament considering the work that it has to perform. Besides making laws, Parliament has got to hold the executive accountable. That is very important. Unfortunately, after having conducted oversights, reports are not properly considered.
 

 

As I have alluded before, Parliament should carry out its mandate just like the national government departments.
Therefore, it cannot be correct that parliamentary staff employees are paid less than they are supposed to be paid as according to other employees in other departments because Parliament is always equated with the national departments. It is important that all what is happening in other departments should also happen in Parliament. They should get bonuses, increments and whatever they are supposed to receive should also happen here.


Remember, Parliament is the beginning of democracy then we should show how democratic we are. Of course, giving a living wage to an employee is also part of service delivery. So something has been delivered if you give a living wage to employees.


Parliament should also look more at the issue of how constituency allowances could be strengthened and make follow ups into this so that they are checked, and also how communities are responding to this. [Time expired.] As the AIC we support this budget.
 

 

Mr M A PLOUAMMA: Hon Deputy Speaker and hon Speaker, before I start with my speech can you allow me to teach hon Kilian history a little bit. Hon Nyami Booi was once given accommodation by Ms Hellen Zille during apartheid times. He was running from the police during that time and was looking for a shelter. She gave him accommodation.


Hon Kilian, in your ranks you use to have an intelligent operative by the name of Marthinus van Schalkwyk - Kortbroek. You have got no shame. You can’t call yourself a liberation movement anymore.


Hon Speaker, this Parliament is held hostage by the President and the Guptas. Parliament has become subservient and is abused by the executive. Parliament has become a rubber stamp and a doormat of the President. Our democracy has now become a perpetuation of a culture within which Parliament continues to be a subject to the whims of the executive.


Hon Speaker, you must try to escape from the shadow of the President. Through you, he is destroying our democratic legislative developments and responsibilities. Hon Speaker, you know that the President is the sale or representative of the
 

 

Guptas. This Parliament can redeem itself by firing president Zuma and stop this day light robbery.


How can we reverse this defeat of parliamentary independence by the Zuma administration? How can we stop this encroaching spirit of power by the executive to this Parliament?


It will be very difficult for the generations to come to associate this Parliament with any good work as long as we allow the President to come here and address us without being accountable. He is the one who has dissipated the integrity of this Parliament. All the good work, more especially from the side of the opposition we are trying to do in this Parliament, has been destroyed by the yes-men and the yes-women of the President. [Time expired.]


MR N T GODI: Deputy Speaker, comrades and hon members, freedom must have material meaning to the people. More than two decades after 1994, the material conditions of the majority remains bad. Government seeks to address this through policies and its implementation. Parliament has, as a constitutional and political imperative, a responsibility to oversee the executive actions. Parliament’s oversight work can and must be enhanced
 

 

if we are to ensure that the people we represent see their lives improved.


Parliament must be the centre and lead institution in the fight for good governance. Parliament must be intolerant of the waste of public funds and fight relentlessly against irregular, fruitless and wasteful expenditure. Parliament must hold accountable officials who are responsible for financial misconduct. And I think in this regard Comrade Booi’s input on the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, Scopa, was quite representative. Just to add that, besides having the police, the National Prosecuting Authority has also committed to provide Scopa with a senior officer who will assist us in our work.


Ministers must equally take responsibility for the affairs in their departments. Ministers must not complicate issues. The message must be sent to the Leader of Government Business to send a clear message to his colleagues that Ministers must stay away from procurement issues. They must stay away from tenders.


Lastly, I agree with the House Chair, Comrade Frolick, that we must give a greater prominence to the Auditor-General’s general
 

 

report. It can’t be that we celebrate the mere allocation of money to department, but are in different to a report on how money has been used.


Finally, those of us without friends with deep pockets will continue to suffer if public funding is not enhanced. We fully support the need to re-look at the way political parties are funded. The APC supports the Budget Vote. Thank you. [Applause.]


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Thank you very much Deputy Speaker. A few weeks ago as the Speaker was beating her hasty retreat from the newly constituted Financial Management of Parliament Committee she had a rather emotional outburst. She asked me a very interesting question. She said, ―Don’t you ever get tired of fighting?‖


Given the events of her own party’s national executive committee, NEC, over the weekend, perhaps the Speaker should rather be directing that question to her own colleagues in her own party. Nevertheless, what the weekend’s events of the NEC and the release of the e-mails that followed clearly confirm is the fact that President Jacob Zuma’s Cabinet is captured by an
 

 

extensive network of parasitic vampires that are sucking the very lifeblood out of the state and state-owned entities. [Applause.] They have set up a parallel government that operates through mutually nefarious means and that evades all forms of accountability through its network of tentacles that extend all the way from the Union Buildings right through organs of state like the National Prosecuting Authority, NPA, and reaches down into local government level. Two things have emerged clearly from this weekend’s events:


Firstly, South Africa doesn’t have a Jacob Zuma problem; South Africa has an ANC problem. [Applause.] The rot in the ANC goes deep and it goes wide; and


Secondly, ANC members who keep holding out for the so-called self-correction are going to grow old waiting. It is something they will never see. The ANC is incapable of self-correction. It will be up to the voters to force the spring of corrective action in South Africa through the ballot box in 2019. [Applause.]


That is why Parliament cannot continue to turn a half glance to the crisis that our nation faces of this dreadful eruption of
 

 

state capture. That is exactly why the Leader of the Opposition has proposed that this House establishes an ad hoc committee to probe the extent of state capture. Simply chipping away in individual committees may expose some of the branches but will not deal with the rot and root. That will require a broad and over-reaching inquiry that will be able to get a full picture of the extent of the problem.


Parliament must do the job that the framers of the Constitution intended, and what is that, seeing that we are celebrating the 20th anniversary?


The Constitution is explicit about what Parliament should be doing. It must choose a President; it must provide a national forum for public consideration of issues; it must pass legislation; and fourthly, scrutinise and oversee action.


Now you can have all the fancy charts and key performance indicators, KPIs, which you want. If we are failing on these four key areas then this Parliament is not performing its job. So how are we doing?
 

 

With regard to choosing a President, well I think the less said about this the better. The truth is that we have a President that has been found by the Constitutional Court to have failed to uphold his oath of office, violating the very Constitution he is supposed to be upholding.


It’s not surprising that today his latest Ipsos poll shows that 62% of your own voters disapprove of Mr Zuma. If you want to ride that horse into the finish line be it on you, but let me tell you that South Africans, and particularly those nine million unemployed South Africans, are not going to think very highly of you or this Parliament’s performance on that score.


With regard to providing a national forum for the public consideration of issues, again it’s hardly a stellar performance here. The freedom of speech in this House, bequeathed to us by the Constitution, which should be a right protected and defended to the death by presiding officers in this House, is being eroded and undermined every day. Simple terms that should be the lifeblood of any Parliament are being ruled unparliamentary. Just last week members of this House were prevented from calling a Minister, ―an invisible Minister.‖ A Parliament where members as peoples’
 

 

representatives cannot raise matters in a forthright and robust manner is no good for democracy and not worthy of the name of a Parliament.


Passing legislation should be one of the most important functions performed by us. Instead we have shoddy, job-wrecking legislation pushed through this House, despite the obvious failings and legal problems. The ANC members stubbornly can’t bring themselves to correct the errors and omissions here in the House. They stubbornly march on the incorrect paths, passing legislation. That is if they ever actually pitch up to work to pass their own legislation. And then they are repeatedly beaten in court.


The Speaker has said a lot today about trying to capacitate Members of Parliament, MPs, to do their jobs. It will be nice if we could just start by making sure that we have enough researchers, legal advisors and content advisors at a committee level so that we can properly scrutinise this legislation.


Scrutinising and overseeing executive action is another miserable failure. Anybody who thinks that we as the Fifth Parliament have met the expectations in this regard must be
 

 

living on another planet. The Nkandla report should’ve been the massive wakeup call that this Parliament needed to overhaul and reconsider how we hold the executive accountable. There was a single tick-box meeting with the Speaker after the devastating indictment on this Parliament’s failure, and zero action arising from it. The protection and shielding of the executive has continued unabatedly. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Oral Question sessions where the executive members are consistently shielded by the presiding officers, making the job to hold the executive accountable very, very difficult.


It’s for this reason that the SA Broadcasting Corporation, SABC, was brought to its knees. It is for this reason that the SA Social Security Agency, Sassa, debacle was allowed to drag on for a year with Minister Bathabile Dlamini misleading the House at every single turn that her department was ready to take over the grants. We now know that wasn’t true. If MPs from the opposition and from the ANC were allowed to do the job that this Parliament intended that would never have happened, and when the anatomy of both those crises are written up for history this Parliament is going to be found wanting.
 

 

Then I come to the role of the Speaker. Madam Speaker, I see very poor attendance from your benches this afternoon.
Obviously the matinee performance was so bad that no-one wants to come back for the evening show. [Laughter.] However, given the myriad of institutional failings, the Speaker’s dismal record of court losses and the daily own goals and organisational foul-ups, one could be forgiven for thinking there was not enough institutional support for the office.


It’s quite the opposite. The Speaker has over 42 employees costing over R37 million. I was particularly interested, in light of what the Deputy Speaker said, that there is an entire office devoted to the Office on Institutions Supporting Democracy, including a director who rakes in over R1,5 million per annum. There are nine employees, and yet when I made a simple inquiry about outstanding reports from the Chapter Nine institutions the Speaker’s office wrote back and said there were none. Surprise, surprise, a week later there’s four ATCs. Unbelievable! It took a member of the opposition to find out that there were reports outstanding from those commissions and not a single person in that office could pick it up. What a disgrace!
 

 

I would then like to turn to the ... {Inaudible.]


Ms M C C PILANE–MAJAKE: Point of order Deputy Speaker: Hon Steenhuisen knows that in accordance with Rule 85 if there is anything untoward that he actually wants to report to this House about the office of the Speaker it needs to be done in a substantive motion. [Interjections.] He must stop misleading the public.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No. Proceed hon member.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: You know if OR Tambo was alive today he would be pouring over the library studying the laws. All she can pour over is stuffed ice at Barney’s around the corner. [Laughter.]


I would now like to turn to the secretary ...


Mr M L W FILTANE: Point of order Deputy Speaker: Do not allow people who have been asleep to speak.
[Applause.]


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Like you hon member. Go ahead hon member.
 

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: I’m not sure it’s asleep.


I would now like to turn to the issue of the secretary to Parliament. Parliament is much more than just bricks and mortar. It is a living institution made up of people. It cannot function without them. Today I want to pay special tribute to the hardworking men and women who make up our staff. I want to say thank you to those ... [Applause.] ... who really care about this institution and are greatly invested in its success. Your work under very difficult circumstances is greatly appreciated.


That is why I’m filled with absolute sadness when I see the way that many of you are disrespected, targeted, treated like criminals, sidelined and marginalised, threatened or intimidated by the secretary to Parliament. Since Mr Mgidlana’s arrival in Parliament there has been a rapid decline in industrial relations, and for many this is not a happy place to work at.


On top of this, the staff has now received notice that there will be no pay increases this year because there is not enough money. It never ceases to amaze me that when it comes to
 

 

luxuries there is never a problem finding money. Take for example the international travel of the secretary to Parliament. Given the amount of international travel he does, I sometimes wonder if he thinks that he’s not the secretary to the UN rather than the secretary to the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa.


In March last year, he spent seven nights in a hotel in Lusaka at R21 000 a night. This was on top of a rented limousine that cost R800 an hour, coming in at R37 000 for his stay. We have asked the Financial Management in Parliament and Provincial Legislatures, FMPLA, Committee for a full breakdown. This is of course on top of the blue-light brigades, and the European and international travels. It seems when it comes to the secretary to Parliament there’s no destination too far or conference too obscure that he isn’t ready to pack his bags for. He adds insult to injury by awarding himself a bursary when he earns a multimillion rand salary.


I would also be remiss if I were not to express concern at the spate of new appointments made at a senior management level.
It’s very clear that a determined and unashamed cadre- deployment strategy is at play. How else would someone like the
 

 

deeply partisan former ANC spokesperson Moloto Mothapo simply drift through the swing doors of a multiparty, nonpartisan institution like Parliament? The employment procedures are rigged and subverted to make sure that this ANC’s dark arts practitioner could get to work, and he’s wasted no time in proving his critics right when turning the parliamentary media operation into an extension of the ANC’s attack machine.


It is clear that the secretary wants to deal with the deficit by making the staff pay for it through denying them bonuses which they’ve worked hard for and by retrenching those staff members who do not bend to his whims. I’ve got a message for those staff members. Stand firm. The time is fast approaching when this Parliament will be under new management ... [Applause.] ... and we can turn it into a world-class Parliament by truly working together for the betterment of this institution.


I would quickly like to turn to the hon Kilian if I may, because the problem with her is that she’s belonged to so many parties that she doesn’t have a tradition. So she has to speak about other people’s traditions. She goes on about Westminster. Well, she’s always the one going on about rules and procedures.
 

 

The whole Erskine May which underpins this very Parliament’s procedures, which you’ve continuously pushed down our throats, are based on a Westminster tradition. So I don’t understand where the schizophrenia has set in.


However, I do like looking at her Facebook page because she’s got some great quotes there. She exhorts the nation to stand up and reject ...


Ms M C C PILANE–MAJAKE: Order. [Interjections.] Hon Deputy Speaker, is it parliamentary for hon Steenhuisen to label hon Kilian as schizophrenic or mention something like, she has schizophrenic tendencies? He is so desperate to convince the public out there, he can say anything.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thanks, we will come back to that. Proceed hon member.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Pathetic; really pathetic.


She says we must get rid of the corrupt and incompetent Zuma, and that we must tell our compatriots that there are alternatives to what was once a glorious liberation movement
 

 

but is now failing miserably as a government. I couldn’t agree more. [Applause.]


We can have a functioning and effective Parliament. It’s going to require leaders, both political and administrative, who put the needs of this institution first, ahead of self-interest. We can truly be an institution that represents our people, their hopes, their concerns, their needs and their aspirations.
However, that means we must always put people first, ahead of selfish interest and narrow partisanship. And so ...


Mr H P CHAUKE: Point of order Deputy Speaker: Is it parliamentary that a member ...


An HON MEMBER: What rule?


Mr H P CHAUKE: ... will not speak about positive things that this Parliament has done ... [Inaudible.] [Interjections.] ... just negative in this place? It cannot be; it cannot be. It’s not correct. A lot of good things have happened in this Parliament and ...


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No hon member, that’s not a point of order.
 

 

Mr H P CHAUKE: But he must tell the truth.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, that’s not a point of order. Please take your seat.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: It’s the best they’ve got to offer folks, sorry.


So back to the beginning, if I may Madam Speaker. The answer to your question is an emphatic no. No, I will never get tired of fighting for a Parliament that does what it’s supposed to do.
No, I will never get tired of fighting for the nine million unemployed South Africans who have suffered through the policies of your President’s government. [Applause.] No, I will never get tired of fighting for greater executive accountability from the President and his Cabinet. But most of all Madam Speaker, no, I will never get tired of fighting to hold you accountable and for you to do your job as the head of this institution. [Applause.]


Mr V G SMITH: Deputy Speaker, hon members, comrades and guests in the gallery, good afternoon. We seek to create a united democratic and nonracial society. We have a vision of South
 

 

Africa in which black and white shall live and work together as equals in conditions of peace and prosperity.


Deputy Speaker, this is a quote from a speech delivered by Oliver Reginald Tambo on 17 January 1987 at the Georgetown University. In honour of the vision of O R, political participation in Parliament must afford all of us a unique platform to contribute to the creation of a united South African society, a democratic country, a nonracial family, a truly nonsexist people and a prosperous nation.


If all of us are committed to building this South African society that many paid the supreme prize to bring about in our life time, then we must all acknowledge that this institution must embody our collective consciousness on developmental matters.


The parliamentary process as we have just witnessed, presents opposition parties with the opposition to articulate an alternative vision and as a result there is a great temptation to go overboard in demonstrating the failures of the ruling party.
 

 

Deputy Speaker, if truth were told, we must equally accept that there exists an inherent and automatic reaction from the ruling party to be overly defensive.


[Interjections.]


You must listen for a change.


For as long as these differences are articulated in a constructive manner, the battle of ideas must be encouraged. After all hon members, Parliament is envisaged to be an arena of robust debate.


Very often in our endeavours to undermine our political opponents, neither the ruling party nor the opposition parties see beyond the narrow party political interests and thereby place at great risk the dreams and aspirations of those who we claim to represent.


Hon members, by its very nature the practice of oversight and accountability will be accompanied by tensions between the executive and the legislature. This situation however, must never reduce Parliament to a lame duck institution.
 

 

Sometimes these tensions will also manifest between the various political parties.


Notwithstanding this reality, as Members of Parliament, we will always be more effective or stronger when we act together and united in the pursuit of our constitutional mandate. The ultimate beneficiaries will be the people of this country.


All of us must understand that our effectiveness or otherwise will determine how quickly and how far we progress towards attaining the South Africa that O R Tambo spoke about, 30 years ago.


Deputy Speaker, Parliament as the cornerstone of our multiparty constitutional democracy must demand greater accountability and responsiveness from the executive arm of the state.


At the end of the previous administration Parliament was tasked to oversee a national expenditure budget of about R1 trillion. Today we are tasked with overseeing a national expenditure budget of R1,4 trillion and over 40 national government departments plus all the entities.
 

 

In order for Parliament to do its job effectively, we must enhance the capacity of members in support of their engagement with the executive and the public in their oversight functions.


In the spirit of leading by example, in as far as the importance of oversight is concerned; the Joint Standing Committee on Financial Management of Parliament was established as alluded to. This committee Deputy Speaker identified some pertinent issues which threatened the overall performance of Parliament.


The under-resourced or underperforming Parliament will not be able to drive the developmental agenda.


Hon members, Parliament requested a budget of R3,4 billion as the Speaker alluded to, but we were only given R2,3 billion.


The committee notes with serious concern the reduction of the budget of Parliament. This will invariably increase the risk of not achieving our constitutional mandate and thereby impede our drive towards addressing the scourges of unemployment, poverty and inequality.
 

 

We must address the wisdom and desirability of Parliament, as an equal and an autonomous arm of the state, being allocated a budget from the very institution that it is established to oversee as alluded to by the Speaker and by the Chief Whip.


It cannot be that Parliament is treated in the very same manner as a national government department when it comes to budget allocation.


The budget cuts alluded to above have resulted in the reduction of the allocation of support services meant to capacitate members in fulfilling their duties.


The budget allocation for support staff has also     significantly affected as a result of the shortfall in the current financial year to the tune of R129 million which has a direct impact on Members of Parliament’s ability to execute oversight.


Whilst we lament the budget cuts, we must also raise concerns about the high expenditure for consultants, professional fees and legal costs. Similarly all irregular, fruitless and wasteful expenditure must be downmanaged.
 

 

It is critical as has been alluded to by many that the employee relationship between management and staff of Parliament must be improved if members are to receive the requisite support in doing their job. [Applause.]


Deputy Speaker, notwithstanding the prevailing economic climate, it is our view and we support you that the funding model for Parliament needs to be reviewed. We therefore welcome the news that the leadership of this institution is engaged in discussions with Treasury and the Minister of Finance in this regard. However, with an increased budget will come the responsibility of an even more prudent financial management and improved oversight of Parliament’s usage of all funds allocated by the joint committee.


Comrades, it is in Parliament, that oversight of the executive arm of the state is consistently exercised. It is here that in all our diversity as people, we have an opportunity to influence the policy and its implementation in accordance with the legislative intent. Parliament must at all times respond to our peoples aspirations.
 

 

In this regard, Deputy Speaker, committees are the primary vehicle of legislative work and oversight. The effectiveness of committees is reliant on the ability of the members to engage the executive and any other organ of sate rigorously, systematically and without fear of favour.


Parliament has a major contribution to make if the country is to achieve the National Development Plan goals.


Let us all of us have a duty in ensuring that the institution is well-managed and that all South Africans trust that men and women of integrity will continue to advance their interests.


Allow me to address a few matters that were raised earlier on by colleagues. Hon Waters question the wisdom of looking at reviewing the party political funding model. Now the DA has always projected itself as a champion of accountability and transparency. This initiative is to do exactly that. [Interjections.] So, I do not understand if then the wisdom there of his question.


Secondly, Deputy Speaker, hon Waters in his input alludes to your disrespect for the joint committee by walking out. Let us
 

 

set the record straight hon Waters, the Speaker was not summoned to the committee, she was invited to give a political overview and she was given 30 minutes.


IsiZulu:

Mnu V G SMITH: Thula baba! Thula! [Ubuwelewele.]


English:

Secondly, hon Waters talks about the Speaker disrespecting. Let us talk about the DA’s disrespect. Presiding officer, the Speaker walks in all of us stand the DA does not stand. [Interjections.] And they champion the notion of respect. [Applause.]


Thirdly, hon Waters talks about the Speaker’s Office being an employment agency. [Interjections.] Well let us remind the DA that one, Tim Harris was a Member of Parliament not so long ago. Today Tim Harris is a Director in Cape Town Mayor’s Office. That is cadre deployment of the highest order. [Interjections.]


Secondly... [Interjections.]
 

 

No, allow us to speak! Allow us to speak!


Secondly, Lance Greyling was a member of your alliance. [Interjections.]


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon members, can you allow the hon member to speak. Hold on hon members. Order. [Interjections.]


Mr V G SMITH: When Lance Greyling left as a Member of Parliament, he was deployed to the office or he was deployed to the Municipality of the Western Cape. That is what happened. [Interjections.]


Cape Town! I am saying Cape Town, yes! Cape Town which is a DA ran municipality from Parliament there. So, who is the employment agency, hon Shivambu? They speak about these things and they are the champions of them. [Applause.]


Two people or 20, it is the principles Steenhuisen that you do not criticise without looking in the mirror. [Interjections.]


Thirdly, it is disingenuous of the DA to talk about principle. The hon Helen Zille sends a tweet and that matter gets dragged.
 

 

The hon Ntuli sends a tweet and she is harassed and harangued by this political party. This is the principle of the DA that we speak about. If you are black, you get harangued; if you are white you get protected. [Interjections.]


Finally Deputy Speaker, with all respect hon Shivambu, when you came to the floor and I do not disagree with you putting your point, you indicated that you reject the budget because Members of Parliament are not capacitated. You indicated that you reject the budget because Parliament is not the originator of the laws. I would argue that that is an infantile and a brutish attitude, because if you were adult, you would in fact have supported the budget and increased your own influence to change that is that is wrong in the budget. However, to reject it on the basis that Parliament is not capacitated. I would argue is infantile.


So, to argue that we are bewitched... [Interjections.]


Mr T RAWULA: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes hon member, hon Smith, please take your seat.
 

 

Mr T RAWULA: Hon Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order because the member is distorting the views that were shared by the Deputy President. He did not refer to the capacity of members, but he referred to the legislative capacity.


Ms M C C PILANE-MAJAKE: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Rawula no. That is not a point of order. That is a political point. Please take your seat. That is not a point of order. Thank you. Hon member, please proceed.


Mr V G SMITH: Thanks Chairperson. It is not a point of order you are right Chair, because whether you talk of a legislative capacity or the capacity of members we are talking about the same thing baba [Mr] because it is the warm body that we were talking about that must be capacitated. It is not the building. So, when hon Shivambu says he is rejecting the budget because Parliament is not capacitated. [Interjections.]


Yes. I would argue that we should say hon Shivambu, let us support the budget and let us further capacitate it. Having said that Deputy Speaker... [Interjections.]
 

 

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: On a point of order, Deputy Speaker.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What is your point of order, hon Shivambu?


Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Hon Deputy Speaker, my point of order is: Hon Smith fails to understand the simple thing that, we say we cannot... [Interjections.]


Ms M C C PILANE-MAJAKE: Hon Deputy Speaker, on what rule is he standing on?


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, hon member, hon Shivambu, that is a political rebuttal and that is not a point of order.


Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Hon Deputy Speaker, I must not leave him to drown in confusion.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, I am going to switch off your mic.


Mr N F SHIVAMBU: So, we must clarify that for him quickly. [Interjections.]
 

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, do not do that, you are out of order.


Mr V G SMITH: Hon Shivambu, I would argue that going forward please support this budget of Parliament because it would benefit all of us. However, as of the ANC, Deputy Speaker, the ANC supports this budget. [Ngiyabonga.] I thank you. Applause.]


The SPEAKER: Deputy Speaker, hon members, distinguished guests, thank you very much. As I expected, the debate was robust and I could tell that members were very well prepared. Thank you very much for your participation.


Before we close, allow me to respond to just a few hon members. The points the hon Chief Whip Mthembu made concerning the funding of Parliament really drove home the point. On our to-do list is an urgent engagement of the executive authority with the head of state, as well as the Minister of Finance, on the issues that we all agree on in relation to how the legislative sector should be provided for from the fiscus – not as another Ministry or department, but as an arm.


Now, let me educate the hon Waters. [Interjections.] My Office comprises five presiding officers, as well as the Office on
 

 

Institutions Supporting Democracy, all of which require support. In fact, the Office on Institutions Supporting Democracy co-ordinates with all the institutions supporting democracy out there. As Speaker, in my personal office, I only have one communications officer, a manager. I don’t know who these other four are. Perhaps we can do a follow-up with the hon Waters so that he can inform us who these five communications officers are. [Interjections.]


Around all the allegations and grievances against the Secretary to Parliament, the matters raised, in fact, by various members of Nehawu, in particular, have been referred ... In fact, we’ve been interacting with the internal audit committee of Parliament since last year on these matters – or some of these matters. There are new ones that have all been referred to the audit committee of Parliament for independent investigation.


Management – this is now on the salaries of staff and conditions of service - matters ... we’ve been engaging with from the time we arrived in 2014. We, as presiding officers, actually had to have meetings with the leadership of Nehawu in the absence of an accounting officer before Mr Mgidlana was recruited. [Interjections.]
 

 

As presiding officers, we are very clear that we cannot have a situation where staff does not get an increase. We have said that very clearly. In addition, as presiding officers, we recognise that our staff is our best asset. [Applause.] We have requested and we have directed the management to find money and, as I’ve said before, we have also instructed the Secretary to Parliament to engage the National Treasury, which he is doing, which is continuing. [Interjections.]


Let me remind hon members that, in the matter of Tlouamma and Others v Mbethe, Speaker of the National Assembly of the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa and Another, (A 3236/15) [2015] ZAWCHC 140, the Western Cape High Court held that, amongst others: ―The Speaker’s membership of the NEC of the ANC does not render her incapable or biased in performing her duties as Speaker.‖ [Interjections.] [Applause.]


May I, again, remind hon members? Our system is not the Westminster system, where, as soon as a Speaker has been elected, he or she steps down. It doesn’t happen in our system. [Interjections.]


An HON MEMBER: It should!
 

 

The SPEAKER: Regarding the deployment of the army, the matter is currently before the courts. However, I wish to state, unequivocally, that we were never requested to consent to the presence of the army for nonceremonial purposes during the state of the nation address.


I agree in principle with the hon Kwankwa – and, in fact, he knows it. I have talked to all the young parliamentarians from the ANC, the hon Hlengwa from the IFP, and the hon Kwankwa, from the time the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, Assembly was held, in Zambia. There, for the first time, the IPU discussed the issue of young parliamentarians. You know that, in principle ...


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Speaker, please wrap up. Hon Waters, I am in the chair. I have the right and the discretion to give the Speaker time in her response. [Interjections.]


The SPEAKER: I usually give him an extra minute, by the way.


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order ...
 

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members ...


The SPEAKER: He has only given me half a minute, so far. [Interjections.]


The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: I would dispute that you have the discretion to grant any further time. That’s why we have time limits. [Interjections.] The Rules must apply to all of us, equally.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Alright. I said the Speaker must wrap up. You are continuing an unnecessary interjection. [Interjections.] Please wrap up, hon Speaker.


The SPEAKER: Hon members, thank you very much for your participation today. I close with the words of O R Tambo: ―I call in the strongest possible way for us to act with the dignity and discipline that our just struggle for freedom deserves.‖ Thank you, hon members. [Interjections.] [Applause.]


Ms H O HLOPHE: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order, why is the Speaker not quoting the current President, Zuma? Why? Why Oliver Tambo? [Interjections.]
 

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member ...


Ms H O HLOPHE: Please, man. Zuma is the current President and the Speaker is the national Chair of the ANC.


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you are out of order. Take your seat.


Ms H O HLOPHE: Yes. You must quote Zuma! Don’t be shy on Zuma. [Interjections.]


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, take your seat! You must express your views in your own speeches. Other people have the right to say what they want to. [Interjections.]


Debate concluded.


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON WATER AND SANITATION - BUDGET VOTE 36 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS OF DEPARTMENT OF WATER AND SANITATION AND ENTITIES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ENTERPRISES - BUDGET VOTE 9: PUBLIC ENTERPRISES AND ANNUAL
 

 

PERFORMANCE PLAN FOR 2017-18 OF DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS - BUDGET VOTE 19: DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS - BUDGET VOTE 19: DEPARTMENT OF MILITARY VETERANS


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS - BUDGET VOTE 19: DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS ENTITIES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON COMMUNICATIONS - BUDGET VOTE 3: COMMUNICATIONS


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT - BUDGET VOTE 17, STRATEGIC PLANS 2015 TO 2019 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS OF DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND ENTITIES FOR 2017-18
 

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON WOMEN IN THE PRESIDENCY - BUDGET VOTE 13, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF WOMEN IN THE PRESIDENCY AND COMMISSION FOR GENDER EQUALITY FOR FINANCIAL YEAR 2017-18


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT - BUDGET VOTE 25 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT DEPARTMENT AND ENTITIES FOR 2015-16 TO 2019-20 MEDIUM-TERM EXPENDITURE FRAMEWORK PERIOD


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON SPORT AND RECREATION - BUDGET VOTE 40: SPORT AND RECREATION SOUTH AFRICA


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS - BUDGET VOTE 27, STRATEGIC PLAN AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS OF DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS AND ENTITIES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON TRADE AND INDUSTRY - BUDGET VOTE 34: TRADE AND INDUSTRY


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON ARTS AND CULTURE - BUDGET VOTE 37: DEPARTMENT OF ARTS AND CULTURE
 

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON LABOUR - BUDGET VOTE 28: LABOUR AND STRATEGIC PLANS OF DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR AND ENTITIES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES - BUDGET VOTE 24, STRATEGIC PLAN AND 2017-18 ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES AND ENTITIES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON TOURISM - BUDGET VOTE 33: TOURISM


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON BASIC EDUCATION - BUDGET VOTE 14: BASIC EDUCATION


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON TRANSPORT - 2017-18 STRATEGIC PLAN AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORT


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION - BUDGET VOTE 6: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION
 

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON TRANSPORT - BUDGET VOTE 35: TRANSPORT


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON POLICE - 2017-18 BUDGET VOTE 23, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN AND 2014 TO
2019 STRATEGIC PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF POLICE


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON POLICE - 2017-18 BUDGET VOTE 20, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN AND 2015-16 TO
2019-20 STRATEGIC PLAN OF INDEPENDENT POLICE INVESTIGATIVE DIRECTORATE


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON POLICE - 2017-18 BUDGET, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN AND 2014 TO 2019 STRATEGIC PLAN OF CIVILIAN SECRETARIAT FOR POLICE


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON FINANCE - BUDGET VOTE 7: NATIONAL TREASURY


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM - BUDGET VOTE 39: RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM
 

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON ENERGY - BUDGET VOTE 26 OF DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND POSTAL SERVICES - BUDGET VOTE 32: TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND POSTAL SERVICES AND ENTITIES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES - BUDGET VOTE 21: JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES - BUDGET VOTE 18: CORRECTIONAL SERVICES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES - BUDGET VOTE 22: OFFICE OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HOME AFFAIRS

- BUDGET VOTE 5 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF HOME AFFAIRS
 

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION AS WELL AS PLANNING, MONITORING AND EVALUATION - BUDGET VOTE 12: STATISTICS SOUTH AFRICA


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION AS WELL AS PLANNING, MONITORING AND EVALUATION - BUDGET VOTE 8: DEPARTMENT OF PLANNING, MONITORING AND EVALUATION


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION AS WELL AS PLANNING, MONITORING AND EVALUATION - BUDGET VOTE 10: DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY - BUDGET VOTE 30: SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC WORKS

- BUDGET VOTE 11: PUBLIC WORKS AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS 2017-18 OF DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WORKS, PROPERTY MANAGEMENT TRADING ENTITY AND ENTITIES
 

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING - BUDGET VOTE 15: HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT - BUDGET VOTE 31: SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HEALTH – BUDGET VOTE 16 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS OF DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND ENTITIES


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON MINERAL RESOURCES - BUDGET VOTE 29 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF MINERAL RESOURCES FOR 2017-18 FINANCIAL YEAR


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HUMAN SETTLEMENTS - BUDGET VOTE 38: HUMAN SETTLEMENTS, STRATEGIC PLANS FOR MEDIUM-TERM EXPENDITURE FRAMEWORK PERIOD AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS 2017-18


CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON CO-OPERATIVE GOVERNANCE AND TRADITIONAL AFFAIRS - BUDGET VOTE 4 AND ANNUAL
 

 

PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF CO-OPERATIVE GOVERNANCE AND TRADITIONAL AFFAIRS


There was no debate.


The Chief Whip of the Majority Party moved: That the Reports be adopted.


Motion agreed to.


Report on Budget Vote 36 and annual performance plans of Department of Water and Sanitation and entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 9: Public Enterprises and annual performance plan for 2017-18 of Department of Public Enterprises accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters and Inkatha Freedom Party dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 19: Department of Defence accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).
 

 

Report on Budget Vote 19: Department of Military Veterans accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 19: Defence and Military Veterans entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 3: Communications accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 17, Strategic Plans 2015 to 2019 and annual performance plans of Department of Social Development and entities for 2017-18 accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 13, annual performance plan of Department of Women in the Presidency and Commission for Gender Equality for financial year 2017-18 accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 25 and annual performance plans of Economic Development Department and entities for 2015-16 and
 

 

2019-20 Medium-Term Expenditure Framework period accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 40: Sport and Recreation South Africa accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 27, Strategic Plan and annual performance plans of Department of Environmental Affairs and entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 34: Trade and Industry accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 37: Department of Arts and Culture accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 28: Labour and Strategic Plans of Department of Labour and entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 24, Strategic Plan, 2017-18 annual performance plan and Budget of Department of Agriculture,
 

 

Forestry and Fisheries and entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 33: Tourism accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 14: Basic Education accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on 2017-18 Strategic Plan and annual performance plan of Department of Transport accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 6: International Relations and Co- operation accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 35: Transport accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on 2017-18 Budget Vote 23, annual performance plan and 2014 to 2019 Strategic Plan of Department of Police accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).
 

 

Report on 2017-18 Budget Vote 20, annual performance plan and 2015-16 to 2019-20 Strategic Plan of Independent Police Investigative Directorate accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on 2017-18 Budget, annual performance plan and 2014 to 2019 Strategic Plan of Civilian Secretariat for Police accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 7: National Treasury accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 39: Rural Development and Land Reform accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 26: Department of Energy accordingly adopted (Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters and Inkatha Freedom Party dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 32: Telecommunications and Postal Services and entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).
 

 

Report on Budget Vote 21: Justice and Constitutional Development accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 18: Correctional Services accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 22: Office of the Chief Justice and Judicial Administration accordingly adopted.


Report on Budget Vote 5 and annual performance plan of Department of Home Affairs accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 12: Statistics South Africa accordingly adopted.


Report on Budget Vote 8: Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation accordingly adopted (Democratic Alliance and Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).
 

 

Report on Budget Vote 10: Department of Public Service and Administration accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 30: Science and Technology accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 11: Public Works and annual performance plans 2017-18 of Department, Property Management Trading Entity and entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 15: Higher Education and Training accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 31: Small Business Development accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 16 and annual performance plans of Department of Health and entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).
 

 

Report on Budget Vote 29 and annual performance plan of Department of Mineral Resources for 2017-18 financial year accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 38: Human Settlements, strategic plans for Medium-Term Expenditure Framework period and annual performance plans 2017-18 accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


Report on Budget Vote 4 and annual performance plan of Department of Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).


The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, thank you very much for your disciplined conduct.


The House adjourned at 18:13.

 

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