Hansard: NCOP: Unrevised Hansard
House: National Council of Provinces
Date of Meeting: 16 Mar 2017
Summary
No summary available.
Minutes
16 MARCH 2017
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THURSDAY, 16 MARCH 2017
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PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES
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The Council met at 14:00
The House Chairperson: Committees, Oversight, Co-operative
Government and Intergovernmental Relations took the Chair and
requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or
meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr .A J Nyambi): Hon members, let me take
this opportunity to welcome special delegates that are present here
and the representatives of Salga, who are with us today.
NOTICES OF MOTION
Mr J W W JULIUS: House Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the
next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:
That the Council –
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(1) notes that economic progress in South Africa has been stalled
due to mismanagement and maladministration, ineffective
governance fruitless and wasteful expenditure, corruption and
fraud;
(2) further notes that this is evident, especially among the
political and operational management of state departments and
entities, such as passenger rail agency of South Africa,
Prasa, the SABC, Eskom and the South African post office;
(3) observes that according to the auditor-general report of 16
November 2016, national and provincial departments have
accumulated R46 billion in irregular expenditure;
(4) admits that the auditor-general Kimi Makwetu said that Prasa
contributed R13,9 billion of this irregular expenditure; and
(5) calls for a debate on the lack of lack of effective political
and operational management within government departments
which led to endemic corruption and fraud. I so move.
Mr C F B SMIT: House Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the
next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:
That this Council -
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(1) notes that it is thus with great concern that it has been
revealed that the cables, ready to be installed, and
telephones at Kleinvlei police station in Cape town were
stolen;
(2) regrets that calls to the Kleinvlei police station are being
transferred to the Emfuleni police station who then have to
radio call the respective incidents through to the Kleinvlei
police station;
(3) takes into consideration how lack of resources to police
stations impairs the safety and wellbeing of communities;
(4) debates the mandate of the SAPS as derived from section 205 of
the Constitution of 1996; and
(5) further takes into account the objectives of the policing;
namely, to prevent, combat, and investigate crime, maintain
public order, protect and secure the inhabitants of the
Republic and their properties, uphold and enforce the law. I
so move.
Mr C HATTINGH: House Chairperson, I am very concerned, you know,
previously I raised my concern about a strong smell and I thought it
was coming from the air conditions; and looking all around me I see
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many empty seats and I wander if that smell did not affect all these
people who are absent today.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): We will try to address what
you are raising, hon Hattingh.
Mr C HATTINGH: Thank you, I am very much concerned, Chair.
Ms E PRINS: House Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next
sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the Council debates the proliferation of fake new
deliberately published largely on social media and the internet to
mislead our people and paddle person attacks against individual
and wage smears and political propaganda. I so move.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Thank you. Does any member
wish to move a motion without notice?
MOTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE
GET WELL WISHES TO AHMED KATHRADA
(Draft Resolution)
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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE NCOP: House Chairperson, I move without
notice:
That the Council –
(1) notes that former Rivonia trialist and struggle veteran,
Comrade Ahmed Kathrada who was hospitalised on 04 March and
had to undergo a surgery related to blood clotting on the
brain;
(2) further notes that Comrade Ahmed Kathrada along with Nelson
Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba and Elias
Motsoaledi were sentenced in 1964 to life imprisonment on
Robben Island during the famous Rivonia Trial, and he is one
of just three Rivonia trialists still alive today, the other
two being Andrew Mlangeni and Denis Goldberg; and
(3) takes this opportunity to wish Comrade Ahmed Kathrada a speedy
recovery.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
OLIVER TAMBO YEAR
(Draft Resolution)
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Ms Z V NCITHA: House Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the Council –
(1) notes with great sense of pride that this year 2017, declared
by the ANC as the year of Oliver Reginald Tambo, coincides
with the 30th anniversary of the SA Youth Congress;
(2) further notes that the SA Youth Congress, Sayco, was a
revolutionary youth organisation founded amidst the reign of
terror under the state of emergency to unite and mobilise
South African people against the apartheid white minority
regime;
(3) also notes that this was in response to the clarion call by
the late president of the ANC for the masses to render the
country ungovernable and apartheid unworkable;
(4) calls on South Africa to lower their banners in fitting memory
of the gallant revolutionary youth of South Africa inspired
and organised by the Sayco for liberation of our people; and
(5) further calls on the President of the Republic of South
Africa, the hon Jacob Zuma to launch a national youth award in
recognition and honour of the youth who made immense
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sacrifices for this country and to recognise the excellence of
the current young people.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
MS ASANDISWA NXOKWANA WINS BOXING TITLE
(Draft Resolution)
Mr L V MAGWEBU: House Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the Council –
(1) notes that Ms Asandiswa Nxokwana of East London, Eastern Cape
successfully defended her SA featherweight title this past
weekend against Ms Unathi Myekeni;
(2) further notes that Nxokwana stopped Myekeni in the ninth round
to retain her crown as SA Featherweight champion;
(3) also notes that Nxokwana’ story is a story not only of the
immense talent in the Eastern Cape, but also one of hope
against all odds. Nxokwana trains at the back of a shack in
Leaches Bay otherwise known as Amagali Abomvu;
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(4) notes that she is indeed a role model of triumph over
adversity; and
(5) congratulates Nxokwana and her father, who is her trainer, and
wishes them further success.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
UNITED NATIONS REPORT SLAMS ISRAEL
(Draft Resolution)
Mr S J MOHAI: House Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the Council –
(1) notes the report that was released by the United Nations
Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia yesterday, 15
March, which states that Israel has established an apartheid
regime that dominates the Palestinian people as a whole;
(2) further notes that the report states that there is concrete
evidence, which proves without a shadow of doubt that Israel
is guilty of policies and practices that constitute the crime
of apartheid as legally defined in instruments of
international law, especially the Charter of the United
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Nations of 1945, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of
1948, and the international Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Racial Discrimination of 1965;
(3) takes this opportunity to reaffirm the principled solidarity
of the ANC with the struggle of the Palestinian people and
their quest for freedom and justice; and
(4) notes that expresses our support for the numerous United
Nations resolutions as well as submissions and calls that were
made by our government to the International Court of Justice
which recognised the illegality of the Israel occupation, the
illegal settlements, the building of the apartheid wall, the
system of road blocks, seizure of land, detentions without
trial and extrajudicial and killings and the imprisonment of
thousands of innocent Palestinians, including women and
children.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
DA-CONTROLLED METROS IN GAUTENG
(Draft Resolution)
Ms B A ENGELBRECHT: House Chairperson, I move without notice:
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That the Council –
(1) congratulates the DA-controlled metros in Gauteng with their
great strides in bringing real service delivery to its
residents;
(2) further congratulates Johannesburg Mayor, Mr Mashaba, in
changing the working hours of the Princess Clinic in
Roodepoort where residents can now go to work and still go to
the clinic which now operating from 7am to 10pm, Mondays to
Fridays, and Saturdays from 7am to 13pm;
(3) also congratulates Mayor Mashaba in doubling the cleaning
shifts of Pikitup in the inner city, including a night shift
to serve businesses operating at night;
(4) congratulates Mayor, Mr Msimanga for Tshwane’s first ever open
and transparent bid adjudication committee meeting that took
place on 07 February 2017;
(5) further congratulates Tshwane Mayor, Mr Msimanga, for the
increase of answered call centre calls from a shockingly low
36%, from when the ANC was in government, to well over 60% of
calls answered since the DA governs Tshwane; and
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(6) also congratulates the DA for bringing real change and real
service delivery to our residents.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
CITY OF EKURHULENI HOLDS MEMORIAL SERVICE FOR RICHARD THOLE
(Draft Resolution)
Mr E MAKUE: House Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the Council –
(1) notes and welcome the City of Ekurhuleni’s proposal to hold a
memorial service for the five-year-old boy who fell into a
mineshaft Boksburg last month;
(2) also notes that Richard Thole fell into the disused mineshaft
near his home in the Jerusalem informal settlement on 25
February;
(3) sympathises with the parents’ devastation as they, like any
other parent wished for the recovery of the body, but due to
the reports from experts and the danger posed around the
mission, compelled by law to abide by reports given, the
operation had to stop;
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(4) commends the Ekurhuleni Municipality for their consultation
with the residents of Jerusalem and forging an agreement for
the community to be relocated from the area to the Ramaphosa
informal settlement; and
(5) conveys its profound sympathy to Richard’s parents, relatives,
friends and the entire community of Jerusalem during these
trying times.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
SINKHOLES IN THE WEST TRAND AREAS
(Draft Resolution)
Nkul M GANA: Mutshamaxitulu, ndzi rhandza ku hundzisa moxini:
Leswaku Huvo –
(Translation of Xitsonga paragraph follows.)
[Mr M GANA: Chairperson, I hereby would like to move a motion:
That the House -]
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(1) notes that during the early hours of Sunday, O5 March 2017, a
massive sinkhole in Khutsong township swallowed a house,
luckily there was no one at home;
(2) further notes that the Merafong Municipality identified at
least 16 sinkholes and that the areas of Khutsong, Randfontein
and Mogale City also experience these threats of sinkholes;
and
(3) calls on the Gauteng provincial government to employ concerted
efforts to avoid this extremely serious situation as a matter
of urgency to avoid an immanent tragedy for the West Rand
community.
Motion objected to.
JUDGMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE
(Draft Resolution)
Mr J M MTHETHWA: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the House —
(1) notes that the judgment of the North Gauteng High Court
regarding the notice of intention by the South African
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government from the International Court of Criminal justice
delivered on 22 February 2017, as stated by the court, the
issue centres around the separation of powers and how it
should find articulation in the realm of the national
executive authority, the judiciary and legislatures;
(2) further notes that the decision of government to abide by the
decision; this demonstrates the commitment of the ANC-led
government to respect the supremacy of the Constitution and
the rule of law contrary to what our detractors think; and
(3) commends the government and the Minister of Justice and
Correctional Services, for speedy analysis of the judgment and
the implementation of its decision.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
Mr J W W JULIUS: Hon Chairperson, on a point of order.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Julius, I am presiding.
Can you take your seat. Hon Zwane. Let us be active.
DEATH OF UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA LECTURER
(Draft Resolution)
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Ms L L ZWANE: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the Council —
(1) notes with profound sadness that a 55-year-old senior lecturer
at the University of Pretoria was shot and killed in what
looks like a gunfight between himself and his attackers;
(2) also notes that Mr Liebenberg joined the Department of
Agricultural Economics, Extension and Rural Development at the
University of Pretoria in 2010;
(3) further notes that the incident happened on his farm in
Bronkhorstspruit, East of Pretoria where he lived alone and he
was found by farm workers last Saturday morning; and
(4) calls upon the SA Police Service, SAPS, and the other law
enforcement agencies to do everything in their power to
investigate and apprehend the culprits. Our thoughts and
prayers are with his family, friends and the university. May
his soul rest in peace.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
DEVASTATION CAUSED BY MINING TO RESIDENTS OF MOOIFONTEIN IN
MPUMALANGA
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(Draft Resolution)
Mr F ESSACK: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the Council —
(1) notes the residents of Mooifontein farm in the Steve Tshwete
Local Municipality, Mpumalanga are forced to move from their
homes daily, to avoid further devastating infections as they
continuously suffer from contaminated water and pollution;
(2) further notes that, as revealed by the Mpumalanga Taking
Legislature to the People programme, the homes of residents
have collapsed at the hands of the Gupta and Duduzane Zumaowned mine. The mines are located within close proximity of
the people and settlement areas. These mines are located on
land that had previously been allocated to the Mooifontein
community prior to its take over by the Guptas and their
partners;
(3) requests urgent and serious research into mining operations in
Mpumalanga needs to be conducted regarding proximity to
community settlement areas. These devastating effects of
Eskom’s hunger for coal as well as multimillion rand contracts
are having a huge detrimental effects on the destitute
citizens of this area and location; and
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(4) prioritises the people’s health over and above the hunger for
power and money.
MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS SET TO BE APPOINTED AS CHANCELLOR
OF SEFAKO MAKGATHO HEALTH SCIENCES UNIVERSITY
(Draft Resolution)
Ms T K MAMPURU: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) notes with the utmost appreciation that the Minister of
Environmental Affairs, Edna Molewa, is set to be appointed the
first Chancellor of the Sefako Makgatho Health Sciences
University on Friday;
(2) also notes that the university, located in Ga-Rankuwa, North
of Pretoria at the then Medical University of Southern Africa,
Medunsa, was established in May 2014, and opened its doors in
January 2015 with its main purpose being teaching, research
and community engagement;
(3) further notes that the establishment of this new university
marked another successful milestone by the democratic
government of South Africa;
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(4) also notes that Comrade Molewa, 59, is the former Minister of
Social Development and a member of the ANC Women’s League
national executive council and was the first woman to serve as
Premier of the North West province from 2004 to 2009; and
(5) congratulates and wish her well in her new duty.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
DEATH OF HUMAN RIGHTS LAWYER ADV PETER WILLIAMS
(Draft Resolution)
Mr C J DE BEER: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the Council —
(1) notes the death of human rights lawyer and struggle activist
Adv Peter Williams who died yesterday, 15 March at the age of
49 after a battle with cancer;
(2) further notes that Adv Williams, commonly known as the ANC
lawyer, was a courageous youth leader on the Cape Flats, who
used his profession to wage a concerted fight against
injustices and gross human rights violations;
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(3) also notes that last year Adv Williams, took on former estate
agent Penny Sparrow at the Equality Court, for her racist
tirade on Facebook against black beachgoers in Durban where
she was forced to pay a fine; and
(4) takes this opportunity to convey its profound condolences to
the Williams family and friends who lost a principled
advocate, who dedicated his life to the pursued of justice and
freedom.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
STATEMENT MADE BY MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS MANAGER IN THE DEPARTMENT
OF SPORT AND RECREATION
(Draft Resolution)
Mr C HATTINGH: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the Council registers its concern regarding the blatant
racism forthcoming from the media and communications manager in
the Department of Sport and Recreation, Mr Esethu Hasane, and
rejects statement made by him and I quote, ―Only Western Cape
still has dry dams. Please God, we have black people there, choose
another way of punishing white people.‖ Racism should be
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identified for what it is and rejected wherever and whenever it is
committed.
Hon Chair, I hear some laughter and I know where it is coming from.
This is not a joke, this is very serious.
PROMOTING INTERGOVERNMENTAL COMMUNITY DIALOGUE AGAINST CHALLENGES OF
SERVICE DELIVERY AND DEVELOPMENT
(Draft Resolution)
Mr D L XIMBI: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the House notes with concern the spiralling wave of violent
community protests ... [Interjections.]
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: Hon Chairperson, on a point of order.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Motlashuping, what is
your point of order?
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: Hon Chair, my point of order is: I do not think
that it is parliamentary for hon Hattingh to refer to me as a racist
when I objected to the motion because I understood ...
[Interjections.]
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Motlashuping, can you
take your seat. Let us allow hon Ximbi to finish his motion. Hon
Ximbi, continue.
Mr D L XIMBI: Hon Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) notes with concern the spiralling wave of violent community
protests against challenges of service delivery and
development in some parts of the country;
(2) also notes the immense costs associated with the destruction
of public infrastructure and amenities, accompanying these
protests;
(3) further notes human rights violations for learners who are
deprived the right to attend schools during these protests;
(4) recognises the democratic rights of the citizens to freedom of
association and expression and to hold government accountable;
and
(5) plays a greater and more meaningful role in facilitating
constructive dialogue between the different spheres of
government and our communities in addressing the challenges of
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service delivery and development in line with its
constitutional mandate on promoting co-operative governance.
Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.
FINAL ACT OF THE PLENIPOTENTIARY CONFERENCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL
TELECOMMUNICATIONS UNION – GUADALAJAR 2010, MEXICO
(Consideration of Report)
Ms E PRINS: Chairperson, the report of the Final Acts of the
Plenipotentiary Conference of the International Telecommunications
Union – Guadalajara 2010, Mexico. The Select Committee on
Communications and Public Enterprises, having considered answerably
engaged the Final Acts of the Plenipotentiary Conference in the ITU,
on 8 February 2017 wishes to report as follows:
The Plenipotentiary Conference is the highest decision-making body
of the ITU. The conference is held every four years and it is at
this conference that the senior management team and the members of
the ITU council, including the members of the Radio Regulations
Board are elected.
As a global Information and Communication Technology, ICT,
institution, the conference is a strategic global forum for the
member stage like our own country to partake in strategic decisions
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and to give direction to the union’s policies objectives with
regards to information and communication technology worldwide. The
objectives of the global institutions are very clear and are as
follows:
To maintain and extend the international cooperation for the
improvement and to promote the improvement and rational use of the
telecommunications services; to promote the development and
technical facilities and their most efficient operations; to approve
the efficiency of telecommunications services whilst also increasing
the usefulness in making them generally available to the public.
We believe that none of the objectives mentioned above are in any
way in conflict with our own ICT policies objectives. In
interrogating the ITU Plenipotentiary Conference, as the committee,
we looked at how it promotes our own policy goals and set the agenda
for an equitable ICT policy globally.
However, we were pleased to note that the ICT sector is one of the
key component sectors encapsulated in the National Development Plan,
NDP. The NDP puts an emphasis on the ICT infrastructure to expand
access and services to all the South Africans. Our ICT
infrastructure is unevenly and sometimes inadequately located
between the urban and the rural areas.
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The Department of Telecommunications and Postal Services has just
released the National Integrated ICT Policy Review White Paper which
takes into consideration the ICT developments globally and the
impact they have on the ICT domestically. The release of the white
paper is a clear indication to our proactive approach in aligning
our policies with what is happening globally and it is providing
better ICT services to the people.
Our members said the ITU Plenipotentiary Conference binds us to
fulfil our obligations as the member states and this, in effect,
allows us to make the ICT services accessible and available to all
our people. The obligation rests with the Department of
Telecommunications and Postal Services and the relevant
stakeholders. Our role as the national legislature is to ensure that
our people get better services.
As the country, we cannot claim to be on par with the rest of the
global world if we do not partake in forums such as the ITU
Plenipotentiary Conference to take our country forward and provide
our people with better and excellent services. As a matter of
urgency, we must take our work through from what is happening
globally and by being part of the process.
Our participation should not at any time suffer from the spectator
syndrome, where we are only known for the payment of the
subscription fees and less for input. The plan position of putting
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us up as the candidates for elective positions in the ITU in 2018 is
a clear indication that, indeed, we are not going to be the
spectators.
We must galvanise our resources and empower our delegates as the
nation, the regional block and even a lobby where necessary, to put
the agenda for this country, the Southern African region and the
continent. I so move.
Debate concluded.
Question put: That the Report be adopted.
IN FAVOUR: Eastern Cape, Free State, Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal,
Limpopo, Mpumalanga, Northern Cape, North West, Western Cape.
Report accordingly adopted in accordance with section 65 of the
Constitution.
CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF SELECT COMMITTEE ON COMMUNICATIONS AND
PUBLIC ENTERPRISES - RATIFICATION OF THE AFRICAN TELECOMMUNICATIONS
UNION (ATU) CONVENTION OF 1999
(Consideration of Report)
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Ms E PRINS: Chairperson, this is the Report of Select Committee on
Communications and Public Enterprises on Ratification of the African
Telecommunications Union, ATU, Convention of 1999.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Can you have the microphone
close to you, hon Prins.
Ms E PRINS: The Select Committee on Communications and Public
Enterprises having considered and thoroughly engaged the
ratification of the African Telecommunications Union, ATU,
Convention of 1999 on 8 February 2017, wishes to report as follows.
The African Telecommunications Union is part of the African Union’s
agenda to unite and develop the African continent for the benefit of
its citizens. The agenda for Africa prosperity is all encompassing
and it entails politics, economics, trade and sector specific cooperation. The formation of the ATU in 1999, came as a result of the
realisation that African countries can neither be heard nor have
influence on global events if they cannot speak in one voice.
The ATU therefore, serves as a regional and continent forum designed
mainly to consolidate the interests and views of African people in
international forums such as the International Telecommunications
Union which I spoke about earlier on. The information and
communication technology sector is a growing industry globally and
most of the developing world which South Africa is a member, is
playing catch up as the agenda for the information and communication
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technology, ICT, services worldwide is dominated by developed
countries.
Key to our own challenges is the tendency by our brightest
researchers and scientists to leave the continent to pursue their
career opportunities in developed countries and thus robbing us of
the skills and capacity to engage effectively in these forums.
Despite these challenges, our commitment to peace and stability
necessitates us to be part of the African Telecommunications Union
whose very objective is to stabilise the ICT sector across boarders
while also strengthening the continent’s bargaining powers globally.
Our country is one of the 45 member states of the Africa
Telecommunications Union having signed the ATU Convention and
Constitution in 1999. The ATU puts emphasis on the need for local
content development so as to ensure the universal benefits of the
ICT services whilst also preserving and enriching the cultural and
natural heritage of our nation.
As a committee we also noted the active participation played by our
delegates in the ATU. Our country has served as Chapter Co-ordinator
and Rapporteur for Africa and still serves in the African Working
Group for World Radio Communications Conference. More pleasing to us
is the country’s intention to put up candidates for elective
positions in ATU in 2018.
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To be part of the ATU puts us as a country at a strategic position
as we are planning to launch our own satellite station in the near
future. Any country that wants to launch a satellite station the
application is made with the International Telecommunications Union,
but it must receive support and endorsement from member states. The
African Telecommunication Union in this regards provides the
necessary network and infrastructure for our satellite ambitions. We
all know that satellite stations, signal transmissions, the spectrum
and the internet all need to be standardised, monitored and
regulated as such are responsibilities of the ATU and ITU and it is
imperative for us as a country as we are committed to peace and
order among the nations to be part of these continental and global
forums. I thank you.
Debate concluded.
Question put: That the Report be adopted.
IN FAVOUR: Eastern Cape, Free State, Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal,
Limpopo, Mpumalanga, Northern Cape, North West, Western Cape.
Report accordingly adopted in accordance with section 65 of the
Constitution.
CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF SELECT COMMITTEE ON SECURITY AND JUSTICE
IN RESPECT OF DRAFT NOTICE AND SCHEDULE SUBMITTED IN TERMS OF
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SECTION 2(3) OF THE JUDGES’ REMUNERATION AND CONDITIONS OF
EMPLOYMENT ACT, ACT 47 OF 2001, DETERMINING THE RATE AT WHICH
SALARIES ARE PAYABLE TO CONSTITUTIONAL COURT JUDGES AND JUDGES
ANNUALLY
Mr D L XIMBI: Chairperson, this is the Report of the Select
Committee on Security and Justice on the draft notice and schedule
submitted in terms of section 2(3) of the Judges Remuneration and
Conditions of Employment Act, Act 47 of 2001, determining the rate
at which salaries are payable to Constitutional Court judges and
other judges annually. The report is dated 22 February 2017.
The select committee met with the Office of the Chief Justice which
briefed it on the President of the Republic of South Africa’s
determination of remuneration increases for Constitutional Court
judges and other judges, annually. The President, after consultation
with the Independent Commission for the Remuneration of Public
Office Bearers, determined that the annual increase for
Constitutional Court judges and other judges would be set at 0% with
effect from 1 April 2016.
The Select Committee on Security and Justice, having considered the
draft notice and the schedule submitted in terms of section 2(3) of
the Judges Remuneration and Condition of Employment Act, Act 47 of
2001 which determines the rate at which salaries are payable to
Constitutional Court judges and judges annually with effect from
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1 April 2016, referred to it, and recommends that the Council
approves the said draft notice and schedule. Thank you, Chairperson.
Debate concluded.
Question put: That the Report be adopted.
In favour: Eastern Cape, Free State, Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal,
Limpopo, Mpumalanga, Northern Cape, North West, Western Cape.
Report accordingly adopted in accordance with section 65 of the
Constitution.
CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF SELECT COMMITTEE ON TRADE AND
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS - SOUTH AFRICA’S PROTOCOL OF ACCESSION TO
THE AGREEMENT ESTABLISHING THE ADVISORY CENTRE ON WORLD TRADE
ORGANISATION (WTO) LAW (ACWL)
Mr E MAKUE: Hon House Chairperson, hon members, hon special guests
and members of provincial legislatures, South Africa’s Protocol of
Accession to the agreement establishing the Advisory Centre of World
Trade Organisation, WTO, law, herein after referred to as ACWL, is
in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution of the Republic of
South Africa.
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I present this statement to you following a unanimous agreement of
the Select Committee on Trade and International Relations during its
meeting held on 22 February 2017. Pursuant to the Constitutional
provision, an international agreement binds the Republic of South
Africa only after it has been approved by resolution in both the
National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces.
The protocol before us sets out the terms and conditions agreed to
for South Africa’s joining of the ACWL. Through the entry into force
of the protocol, after Parliament’s ratification, South Africa
accedes to the Agreement Establishing the Advisory Centre on WTO law
and the following provisions will apply:
South Africa will be categorised as a category B member of the
ACWL; South Africa will make a once-off contribution of CHF 162 000
to the ACWL’s Endowment Fund no later than the end of the third
month following the protocol’s entry into force; and should South
Africa seek advice and support of the ACWL in WTO dispute settlement
proceedings prior to the protocol’s entry into force, South Africa
will pay the ACWL rates and other charges applicable to non-member
category B developing countries.
The ACWL was established in 2001 pursuant to the agreement
establishing the ACWL as an organisation independent of the WTO.
The ACWL’s mission is to provide developing countries and Least
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Developed Countries, LDCs, with the legal capacity necessary to
enable them to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by
the WTO.
The ACWL provides free legal advice on all procedural and
substantive issues arising under WTO law. There are three categories
on legal advice: firstly, opinions on legal issues arising in WTO
decision-making and negotiation; secondly, opinions on domestic
trade policy contemplated by members to assist in ensuring
consistency with WTO law; and thirdly, opinions on the feasibility
of challenging the actions of other WTO members under WTO dispute
resolution procedures.
The ACWL provides only legal advice, not political or strategic
advice. This is necessary to ensure the ACWL’s neutrality and
impartiality between its various Members status and the least
developing countries.
We then were informed of what the WTO offers us in terms of training
of lawyers in South Africa for effective participation in the WTO
law. In terms of national interest, according to the Department of
Trade and Industry, South Africa’s joining of the ACWL will enable
us to source free advice on the compatibility of other countries’
trade measures to the World Trade Organisation Law that affect South
Africa’s exports.
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The ACWL will also be able to advise South Africa on the
compatibility of any new trade measures the country is considering
to WTO law, as well as assistance in any WTO dispute settlement
cases at a discounted rate. As mentioned before, as per the ACWL’s
classification, South Africa will be classified as a category B
member of the ACWL, and will therefore be liable to make a one-time
discounted contribution of CHF 162 000. I am mentioning that because
by us acceding to this we are receding to this allocation. Looking
at a flank to South African rand rate of 13,5 which was applicable
at the time that this was before us, it means a contribution of R2,2
million.
Should South Africa choose to pay its contribution in five year
instalments, the country will pay R440 000 per year. And this was
seriously considered by this statement that we are bringing to you
by members of the select committee.
Joining the ACWL is in line with South Africa’s foreign policy, in
particular our strong emphasis on multilateralism as a necessary
intergovernmental response to managing globalisation and the
deepening interdependence of national economies.
As per our foreign policy, South Africa recognises the
marginalisation of many countries in the global economy,
particularly the least developed countries in the global economy,
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and the question of coherence in global economic policy-making as
some of the key challenges confronting the international community.
South Africa, therefore, commits itself to, and I quote, ―remain an
active participant in the efforts to comprehensively reform the
architecture of global governance, including the UN system and the
Bretton Woods Institutions, to make them more effective, legitimate,
and responsive to the needs of the developing world.‖
South Africa’s utilisation of the ACWL services may therefore serve
as catalyst for other African countries to follow suit to ultimately
assist in advancing trade in and with Africa in a manner that will
advance the continent’s developmental and economic aspirations. It
is therefore the role of Parliament and as the NCOP – as a House in
Parliament – to ratify the agreement in terms of Section 231 (2) of
the Constitution for it to become domestic law and the Republic to
be obligated by it. Secondly, it is a responsibility of Parliament
to oversee and monitor the implementation of the ACWL.
The implementation of this agreement, particularly due to its
financial implications, would need to be monitored by Parliament to
ascertain whether the South African government will be utilising the
ACWL and its services in a manner that justifies its membership; to
ensure the development of South Africa’s trade policy to be WTO
compliant has been enhanced; and the quality of the ACWL’s services
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is satisfactory to South Africa. I thank you House Chair.
[Applause.]
Debate concluded.
Question put: That the Report be adopted.
IN FAVOUR: Eastern Cape, Free State, Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal,
Limpopo, Mpumalanga, Northern Cape, North West, Western Cape.
Report accordingly adopted in accordance with section 65 of the
Constitution.
JUSTICE ADMINISTERED FUND BILL
(Consideration of Bill and Report of Select Committee on Security
and Justice thereon)
Mr D L XIMBI: Chairperson, the NA referred the Justice Administered
Fund Bill, Bill 26 of 2015, to the NCOP for concurrence on
8 November 2016. On 8 November 2016, the Select Committee on
Security and Justice referred the Bill to the NCOP for consideration
and report.
The select committee enquired into the subject of the Bill and
invited the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development to
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brief it on the purpose and content of the Bill. The select
committee noted that the Bill was not considered controversial in
nature.
The Department of Justice and Constitutional Development administers
certain funds on behalf of a third party. The Bill seeks to address
existing gaps in the governance and administration of the third
party’s funds by providing for the establishments of a Justice
Administered Fund to regulate the management, control, investment
and use of the money in the fund.
The select committee, in keeping with the principle of facilitating
public involvement in the legislative processes of the NCOP, agreed
to facilitate public participation by advertising the Bill on SABC
radio stations, SAfm, Ukhozi FM and Radio 2000. The select committee
also published an advertisement on the parliamentary website and on
other social media online platforms from 8 to 26 November 2016.
The select committee received no submission on the Bill.
The Select Committee on Security and Justice invited the Department
of Justice and Constitutional Development to a meeting on
30 November 2016. After deliberations, the select committee
considered the subject of the Justice Administered Fund Bill, Bill
26 of 2015 – which is a section 75 Bill – referred to it and reports
that it has agreed to the Bill without proposed amendments. The
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Select Committee on Security and Justice therefore recommends that
the Council approves the Justice Administered Fund Bill, Bill 26 of
2015.
Declarations of vote:
Mr G MICHALAKIS: Hon House Chairperson, although the DA is in favour
of this Bill, I would just again like to draw the attention of the
House to the fact that, on a section 75 Bill, the governing party
would not be able to pass its own legislation due to the fact that
they do not have a quorum here. Therefore, we extend a warm
invitation to the ANC: If you are unable to do the job, do stand
down and give the opportunity to a party that can. Thank you.
Mr E MAKUE: Chairperson, the matter before us is the Justice
Administered Fund Bill. The ANC is unapologetic and unequivocal in
its stance that it has the greatest respect for the courts of this
country and their responsibility to deliver justice that will serve
all people in our country and make our country proud.
Therefore, the ANC will not allow itself to be diverted by members
who are coming to us and not focusing their attention on the matter
that is before us, and will therefore not even deem it necessary to
respond to the petty remarks they are making when we are here to
vote as provinces. Thank you.
Debate concluded.
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Question put: That the Bill be agreed to.
Bill accordingly agreed to in accordance with section 75 of the
Constitution.
DEBATE ON HUMAN RIGHTS DAY: CELEBRATING 20 YEARS OF THE CONSTITUTION
AND A CULTURE OF HUMAN RIGHTS
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: House Chairperson, special
delegates, Salga delegates present and, of course, our extended
special delegates in the gallery, I want to start this deliberative
session by first and foremost paying tribute to the life and times
of Judge Moosa who recently passed away.
As a lawyer and human rights activist, Judge Moosa played an
important role in advancing South Africa’s transformation agenda.
His resolute commitment to the attainment of human rights inspired
him to work tirelessly to challenge apartheid violations such as
detention without trial. Judge Moosa was also a founding member of
the National Association of Democratic Lawyers.
We should also take a moment to pledge our support and prayers to
stalwart and struggle veteran Dr Ahmed Kathrada who is still
recovering from an operation. He has selflessly given his life to
fight for the rights that we, as a nation, enjoy today. Today, let
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us honour his legacy by extending our support and prayers to his
family for his complete recovery.
In his state of the nation address, His Excellency President Jacob
Zuma declared 2017 the ―Year of O R Tambo‖, the human rights
revolutionary. This selfless leader of ours spent a significant
portion of his life fighting for freedom and democracy in South
Africa. The life and times of both President Oliver Tambo and Judge
Essa Moosa are clear examples of what selflessness and leadership
mean. Their lives should also remind us of the overall contribution
of the many nameless and often faceless heroes who clung to the
enduring quest to free all South Africans from oppression and abuse.
Today, let us celebrate our architects of democracy and human
rights. May their illustrious contribution remain engraved on the
historical archives of our country.
Today, this House has assembled in order to debate one of South
Africa’s most critical instruments of transformation and radical
change. We stand here today reminded once more that human rights
underpin every endeavour that gives expression to the concept of
true socioeconomic transformation and freedom. We stand here today
reminded once more that human rights must fundamentally dictate the
terms and conditions of South Africa’s radical transformation
agenda. We must do so bearing in mind that South Africa is globally
recognised as a country that is still at the forefront of advancing
global transformation, its progressive agenda, and respect for human
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rights. These rights, besides being fundamental and universal in
character, have long been recognised internationally as the master
doctrine that should govern all human existence.
We should also be reminded that on 10 December 1948, the United
Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This was
the same year that the apartheid South African government came into
power. Under the apartheid dispensation, South Africa was one of
eight countries that refused to sign this seminal human rights
document, largely because the government was already preparing to
implement the apartheid programme which would systematically violate
every one of the rights recognised in that declaration. The failure
of the South African government to vote in favour of the declaration
was quite inevitable because they would not have been able to
implement those particular aspects of the declaration.
The antagonism of the racist South African regime towards the
Declaration of Human Rights was not based on any complicated ideas
derived from a basis of political philosophy or ideology. It was
clearly an element of hatred towards a particular race. The simple
fact then was that for every section of the declaration, the
statutory law of South Africa had a provision containing a direct
infringement of human rights – those of blacks in general and
Africans in particular, with an emphasis on women, children and
young people.
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It was no surprise that the Sharpeville massacre ensued as a result
of that. Here the South African Police Force opened fire on the
crowd and killed 69 people, including eight women and 10 children,
leaving 180 injured, including 31 women and 19 children. We would
remember that many were shot in the back as they tried to flee the
massacre as it unfolded.
After the Sharpeville massacre, a state of emergency was declared,
banning all liberation movements under the Unlawful Organisations
Act that commenced on 7 April 1960. That particular Act gave the
sense to the entire nation that we either triumph in unity or face
the foreseeable failure as a divided nation. It meant that, as a
nation, our struggle was not centred and isolated outside the
country only but that the struggle was taking place everywhere in
country. Although a particular emphasis, as the Act was declared at
that time, the intention was to control the area of Sharpeville.
The aftermath of 21 March 1960 led to the People’s Power struggle of
the 1980s. The struggle for liberation was elevated to new heights
which included the workplace, across communities and in the schools
– everywhere where we found the working class and the poor. This
decisive action was stimulated by the hunger of our people to be
their own liberators.
As resistance mounted, the regime became more vicious. A state of
emergency was declared in many parts of the country in July 1985. It
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lasted for six months. Then, in June 1986, it was escalated to a
national level, and it affected people not only on a temporary basis
but found itself well entrenched. As result of the resilience of the
South African people and the working class, in particular, this
lasted until 1990. It was used to detain over 300 000 people,
amongst them children. This relentless onslaught also led to the
banning of quite strategic organisations, such as the United
Democratic Front, including all its affiliates, from engaging in any
activity that sought to liberate Africans.
A brief reflection on South Africa’s transition from oppressive and
oligarchic rule to this watershed democratic breakthrough
demonstrates the resolve of a nation that has proven its
determination to eliminate all traces of human rights abuses from
its transitional landscape.
History reveals that the foundation of a free South Africa was
entrenched through the adoption of a progressive constitutional
framework, which was modelled on principles of social justice,
sustainable development, universal human rights, and equality for
all South Africans. In striving to demonstrate its commitment to
advance the precepts of a safe and peaceful world order, the dawn of
democracy in South Africa inspired a definitive move towards
prioritising nuclear disarmament as an apex objective.
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We should also remember that, to date, South Africa is the only
country worldwide to have voluntarily and unilaterally destroy its
nuclear weapons capability, and we remain convinced that the
possession of these weapons ... at the time, that is what made us
take the decision because those weapons were meant for the
destruction of the working class and the poor and, in particular,
black people. [Applause.] We believe that that in itself doesn’t
enhance peace and security. It also violates human rights.
Therefore, this Parliament continues to call for the disarmament of
weapons of mass destruction through structures like the
International Parliamentary Union.
Much of our work as Parliament in the first decade of democracy was
on ensuring the transformation of South Africa’s political and
legislative landscape, in line with the country’s first democratic
Constitution, Act 108 of 1996. We all know this document laid the
basis for the kind of rights all South Africans need to enjoy.
During the second phase, Parliament focused on institutionalising
public participation as an integral part of our oversight role. We
believe much work still needs to be done on this front. We have seen
evidence of that through the Lamola judgment and Doctors for Life
International judgment, where we were warned about not having
involved our people enough to contribute towards the kind of
legislation we developed. In the main, when you look at these
judgments, basically they focus on the fact that we did not allow
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our people the right to really voice their view. Therefore, as
Parliament, and the legislative sector, we need to use this as an
eye-opener in entrenching and advancing the human rights of our
people.
The third phase of our transition was the development of our
Oversight and Accountability Model, which hinged on the primary
objective of providing a framework that describes how Parliament
conducts its oversight work. This phase of our transition also
sought to improve existing tools of parliamentary oversight, whilst
streamlining components of the new oversight model with the existing
components. These undertakings greatly enhanced Parliament’s
capacity to fulfil its oversight function in line with the
institution’s new strategic direction.
Parliament has taken many strides to advance the country’s human
rights agenda. We have ensured that people take control of their
lives by contributing towards the life of Parliament and how they
influence what we, as Parliament, pass. Part of these things that we
normally do is ensuring that our people have access to basic human
rights. The NCOP came up with anchored programmes like the Taking
Parliament to the People Programme and our oversight week that allow
us, as a House, to engage directly with our people, to listen to
what they want, to listen to the challenges they are faced with, and
to come back to this House to hold the executive accountable. This
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is done in a way that will ensure that this kind of work improves
the lives of South Africans.
The lingering effects of abject poverty and unemployment in South
Africa provide a compelling call to continue to work harder and
smarter to improve the quality of life of the indigent. It is our
belief that without addressing the triple challenge South Africa is
faced with, we will not be able to advance the cause that will
improve the human rights of our people. There is no way that we can
continue to say that our people are enjoying their human rights if
they are still unemployed, if there is a high level of
underdevelopment, and if there is a high level of poverty.
Therefore, it becomes our responsibility as public representatives
to ensure that the triple challenge facing our society becomes our
priority. We can only do that if we become that much smarter in
doing our oversight work. We must therefore remain resolute in our
commitment to actively engage the executive through the relevant
tenets of intergovernmental relations and co-operative governance.
All of the abovementioned evolutionary phases of Parliament seek to
cement the work done by our forebears who sacrificed everything to
ensure that South Africa upholds the principles of human rights. The
task lying ahead is to continue building a state which derives its
authority from the people through popular participation in the
processes of governance. Our people must remain mobilised around a
clear vision to continue building the kind of society we wish to
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become – a nonracial, nonsexist, united, and prosperous South
Africa.
The nation should also act in partnership with government and
Parliament to ensure that price collusion by the private sector
comes to end. We cannot just sit back, and our communities cannot
just sit back, when big companies or big capital, in fact, continue
to collude and impact them negatively. That act of collusion then
also impacts negatively on their lives. It borders on undermining
the fundamental human rights of our people. In some instances, they
would not have access to affordable food, like we have seen with the
collusion taking place around prices of bread.
Each sector must contribute to the realisation of the common good.
Citizens should be enabled to fully exercise their human rights. As
public representatives, we should always been seen to be at the
forefront of ensuring that they enjoy that.
Furthermore, we must also protect and adhere to the checks and
balances required to ensure that we function as a fully functional
society governed by the rule of law. We, as parliamentarians, must
take our oversight role more seriously. The democratic state should
also have the organisational and technical capacity to decisively
with deal corruption, which seeks to undermine the processes aimed
at advancing our transformation agenda.
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We must uplift the quality of life of our black people, in general,
and Africans, in particular, with a strong bias towards women,
children, and young people. When we work towards uplifting the poor,
we would be arresting the corrosive tendencies that seek to violate
the human rights of foreign nationals. We must speak in unison and
act in unison to bring to an end crime against foreign nationals. As
we all know, as we celebrate the ―Year of Oliver Tambo‖, we
celebrate the year of an internationalist, somebody who could go out
and mobilise the international community to rally behind our
struggle and even support us.
In conclusion, as we celebrate Human Rights Day, or Human Rights
Month, we should remember Rehanna Moshoeshoe, a young girl who fell
victim to human trafficking. It has been seven years since she was
last seen. We call on the Police Commissioner in Kimberley to
reinstate the case and to commit some resources to the case so that
Rehanna could be reunited with her family. We also remember Zoliswa
Nkanyana, a lesbian who was stoned and stabbed to death just meters
from her Cape Town home. We say never again must lesbians, gays or
bisexual people feel threatened to live their lives as normal South
Africans.
I conclude my remarks by reiterating that human rights remain by far
our most credible instrument for advancing our objectives of radical
economic transformation. It must be rooted in our resolve to
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actively advance and realise the human rights of all Africans. I
thank you. [Applause.]
Nks N ABRAHAM-NTANTISO (Mpuma Koloni): Sihlalo weNdlu, Sekela
Sihlalo, Mbhexeshi oyiNtloko weBhunga lamaPhondo leSizwe, amalungu
asegxina ale Ndlu, abaPhathiswa abasuka kumaPhondo, abathunywa
abakhethekileyo, abathunywa abuphuma kuMbutho wooRhulumente
baseKhaya boMzantsi Afrika, Salga, iindwendwe zethu ezibekekileyo,
manene nani manenekazi, molweni.
Ngowe-1977 e-Angola ekunye notata uThabo Mbeki no-Alfred Nzo, utata
u-Oliver Tambo wathi: (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Ms N ABRAHAM-NTANTISO (Eastern Cape): House Chairperson, Deputy
Chairperson, Chief Whip of the National Council of Provinces,
permanent delegates of the House, MECs, special delegates, delegates
from the SA Local Government Association, Salga, honoured guests,
ladies and gentlemen, greetings to you all.
In the company of Messrs Thabo Mbeki and Alfred Nzo in Angola, 1977,
Mr Oliver Tambo said:]
Comrades, you might think it is very difficult to wage a liberation
struggle. Wait until you are in power. I might be dead by then. At
that stage you will realise that it is actually more difficult to
keep the power than to wage a liberation war. People will be
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expecting a lot of services from you. You will have to satisfy the
various demands of the masses of our people. In the process, be
prepared to learn from other people’s revolutions. Learn from the
enemy also. The enemy is not necessarily doing everything wrongly.
You may take his right tactics and use them to your advantage. At
the same time, avoid repeating the enemy’s mistakes.
La ngamazwi athethwa yile ngwevu eyayiyinkcuba-buchopho, ikhaliphile
kodwa inomoya ophantsi. Inkokeli eyakhokela ngamaxesha anzima,
ikhokela umbutho wabantu ngexesha apho abaninzi babemana belahla
ithemba, wabakhuthaza ebachazela ngobunzima obusezayo. Utata uTambo,
kulo nyaka, njengoko sekutshiwo, ebeza kugqiba i-100 leminyaka.
Thina njenge phondo lakhe simanxada-nxada sizama ukuvuselela ikhaya
lakhe eliseNkantolo apho azalwa khona eMbizana.
Siyakholelwa ukuba imbumbulu eyadlakaza umzimba, yemka nobomi
bukatata uChris Hani ngaloo mhla ku-Tshazimpunzi yabugqiba ubomi
bale ngwevu kuba kungekudala nayo yalandela. Xa sizama ukubhiyozela
iminyaka yokuphila kwakhe sidibanisa kwakunye nenyanga yamaLungelo
aBantu. Asithethi njee singurhulumente we-ANC. UMphathiswa
wokuHlaliswa koLuntu uxakekile wakha iindlela, izindlu kunye
neendawo apho abantu bafumana impilo. Ubomi kunye neenkumbulo ngale
ngwevu kumele ukuba zithunuke izazela zethu. (Translation of
isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
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[These are the words that were said by this icon who was an
intellectual; who was brave but also humble. He was a leader during
difficult times, leading a people’s movement at a time when many
were losing hope; he motivated them and also told them of the
difficulties that lay ahead. Mr Tambo, as has been mentioned
already, would have turned 100 old this year. As his province we are
busy trying to refurbish his home at Nkantolo, Mbizana, where he was
born.
We believe that the bullet that riddled the body of Chris Hani and
took his life on that fateful day in April hastened the demise of
this icon, Oliver Tambo, because not long thereafter he also passed
on. Our celebration of his life is also linked with the celebration
of Human Rights. As the ANC-led government we are not blowing hot
air. The Minister of Human Settlements is busy building roads,
houses and public health facilities. The life and memories of this
icon should prick our conscience.]
Lest we forget, ...
... ukuba abantu bethu basaphila kwintlupheko, abanamisebenzi kwaye
xa ujongile asikalingani ngokohlanga. I-ANC izama ngako konke
ukuqinisekisa ukuba iyincothula neengcambu ingcinezelo
nobukoloniyali bayizolo. Kukho abacinga ukuba xa sithetha ngezolo
sizama ukusithela ngesebe lenkawu ngokungakwazi ukuzisa iinkonzo
eluntwini. Kuyafuneka ke kodwa ukuba sisifundise isizukulwana sethu
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ngemvelaphi yethu yayizolo ukuze sazi izizathu zokuba sikule ndawo
namhlanje. Loo nto iya kusincedisa ukuba sikwazi ukuthetha ngekamva.
Ama-20 eminyaka yoMgaqo-siseko awazange aze lula. Yaba ligazi
labantu abafana nooChris Hani, Matthew Goniwe, Fort Calata, Sparrow
Mkhonto, Sicelo Mhlawuli, nabanye abaninzi ubomi babo obaphelela
ezandleni zamadlagusha. ISahluko sesibini kuMgaqo-siseko wethu
uthetha ngamaLungelo aBantu. Nabo bebemoshile ngezolo, sikhupha
isandla singurhulumente we-ANC sithi nawe ungumntu. Lo Mgaqo-siseko
ukhusela amalungelo abantu, ulwe nokukhethana kwabantu ngokwebala
nesini. Sinoxanduva lokukhusela amalungelo abantu ngaphezulu
kweemfuno zethu. Kufuneka siqinisekise ukuba imiceli-mngeni silwa
nayo ngamandla sinqande nokulwa sisodwa sizinkokeli.
Utata uTambo waye engumntu oluthanda kakhulu umanyano. Yiyo loo nto
sisithi lo ngunyaka womanyano. Kufanele ukuba sidibane ukuze sikwazi
ukulwa nazo zonke iingcinezelo zayizolo. Iphondo laseMpuma Koloni
liya kube libhiyozela uMhla wamaLungelo aBantu oya kube useVictoria
Nonyamezelo Mxenge Stadium. Eli bala, njengoko sisazi, lathiywa
ngomama owaye eliqhawekazi elalisuka ezilalini. Sinenkolo yokuba
amalungelo abantu ngamalungelo oomama kwaye sifuna ukothulela
umnqwazi bonke oomama abalwayo, bekhokele ngaphambili, bencamele
ubomi babo elutshabeni kunokuthengisa ngabantu bakubo abaphila
kabuhlungu.
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Namhlanje sime emagxeni aloo maqabane naloo maqhawe sinoxanduva
lokwenza oko kuncinane esikwaziyo kwithutyana esilinikiweyo.
Yiminyaka enga-40 wafayo utata uBiko. Siya kube siquka naloo minyaka
yakhe xa sibhiyozela uMhla wamaLungelo waBantu. (Translation of
isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[... our people still live in poverty, have no jobs and we are still
racially unequal. The ANC is trying by all means to make sure that
it uproots oppression and colonialism. There are those that think
that when we talk about the past we are just creating a smokescreen
to hide our inability to deliver public services. However we do need
to educate the younger generations about our past so that they can
appreciate how we got to be where we are today. That will enable us
to talk about the future.
Twenty years of constitutional democracy did not come easily. It
took the blood of people like Chris Hani, Matthew Goniwe, Fort
Calata, Sparrow Mkonto, Sicelo Mhlawuli and many others who died at
the hands of the boers to attain it. Chapter 2 of the Constitution
talks about Human Rights. As the ANC-led government we extend an
olive branch to those who caused us harm in the past and recognise
them as our fellow human beings. This Constitution protects human
rights and fights against racial and gender discrimination. We have
a responsibility to protect human rights more than our personal
interests. We also have to face our challenges head-on and stop
fighting amongst ourselves as leaders.
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Mr Tambo used to have a high regard for unity. That is why we say
this is the year of unity. We have to come together and fight all
the oppression of the past. The Eastern Cape province will be
celebrating Human Rights Day at Victoria Nonyamezelo Mxenge Stadium.
This stadium, as we know, was named after a heroine from the rural
areas. We believe that human rights are women’s rights and we want
to honour all women leaders who fought and sacrificed their lives to
the enemy instead of selling out their people who were struggling.
Today we stand on the shoulders of those comrades and heroes with a
responsibility to do the little we can in the little time we have
been given. It is 40 years since the death of Mr Biko. We will also
be celebrating his life when celebrating Human Rights Day this
year.]
The theme is: The Year of OR Tambo: Unity in Action in Advancing
Human Rights.
Ngokwenene, sinoxanduva lokunyusa size siphucule ubomi babantu
nesidima sabo. Kaloku notata uMandela watsho wathi: (Translation of
isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[Indeed, we have a responsibility to improve people’s lives and
protect their dignity. Even Tata Mandela said that:]
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To deny people their human rights is to deny them their very
humanity.
In conclusion, hon Chairperson, when people are suffering in one
form or another, leaders must be moved by compassion. Patriotism is
not just love for the nation; it is actually love for the people
because it is people that make up nations.
The Eastern Cape leads in producing leaders. It is only relevant
that we continue with the legacy of promoting human rights not only
in our individual provinces, but rid the entire country of any trace
of human indignation. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr G MICHALAKIS: Hon Chairperson, George Bizos in his autobiography
in Odyssey to Freedom, quotes Nelson Mandela, in 2001 saying:
The Constitution speaks of both the past and the future. It
permits us to build a nation based on the democratic values of
human dignity, equality and freedom, through constitutionalism and
the rule of law. It describes the mechanisms and institutions
which we have created to ensure that we achieve this. There are no
shortcuts on the road to freedom. The Constitution describes the
path which we must and shall follow.
These are profound words. It implies that there is something sacred
about the principles underlying the Constitution and that we, as the
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people — and more so the leaders of this nation, must and shall
follow it. The Constitution grants citizens inalienable rights, such
as, the right to equality — yes, there is a vast legacy of apartheid
that needs to be addressed, but this government should, at least,
have made an honest effort to address it over the past 23 years.
How many billions that were supposed to be used to address the
apartheid legacy that got lost through corruption, which begs the
question, is the person at home experiencing the legacy of apartheid
only, or is it being stretched out because the ANC failed to address
it in the past 23 years?
The right to life — a right denied to the citizens at Marikana and
elsewhere across the country, brutally killed at the hands of the
state. Every time our state kills one of us, it is denying us our
fundamental right to life. One can argue that every single time that
our state fails to protect us; they are also sharing in the guilt.
The right of freedom of expression — where an artist’s work is
defaced because he has dared to draw a penis on a democratically
elected dictator who is driving a spear through the core of our
democratic life and value system.
The right to access to information, with Bills brought before
Parliament in the previous term that was found to be
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unconstitutional. Ministers who do not answer to Parliament or to
public, but think that they are above the law and the Constitution.
The right to assemble, demonstrate, picket and petition - time and
again undermined by President Zuma and his riot police, against
students protesting, against private citizens raising their concerns
and even against Members of Parliament; political rights, undermined
by the alleged involvement by the ANC in the so—called ―war-room‖
tactics, to sabotage the opposition by printing false posters and
hijacking the media.
The right to property undermined by the President’s recent foolish
announcements about expropriations, despite clear opposition from
the wiser factions of his party and others. The right to access to
adequate housing, felt every single day by millions of South
Africans who have to either live in a dwelling that is falling apart
with apartheid style planning by the ANC; with a toilet outside, or
no house at all, hon Wana - because the money simply disappeared or
you do not qualify because you are not a card carrying member of the
ruling party. The right to health care services — Esidimeni, the
right to access to water ... [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Michalakis, sorry, can
you take your seat?
Ms T WANA: Chairperson, can the speaker take a question?
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Michalakis, are you ready
to take a question?
Mr G MICHALAKIS: Not at this stage, thank you, Chairperson.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, he is not ready, continue
hon member.
Mr G MICHALAKIS: ... the right to access to water - with 27 towns in
the Free State, alone experiencing this problem constantly due to
nothing other than bad administration by ANC municipalities. The
right to access to social security, where the only grant Minister
Dlamini is concerned about is the one that comes in liquid form.
The right to education, where we get excited about a pass rate of
72%, but fail to mention how many students dropped out on their way
to matric, or were asked to let subjects stand over for the sake of
numbers. We are failing a generation of students who are in
desperate need of quality education, skills and jobs. A lost
generation that if we do not look after them will carry the legacy
of the ANC in the same manner that they will have to carry the
legacy of apartheid. All of this speaks to the heart of our right to
human dignity.
Then there is just administrative action, Nkandla, the decision to
withdraw from the ICC, and the disrespect shown for our Chapter 9
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institutions and then, probably the root of all the problems in the
first place: Schedule 2, the President's failure to stay true to his
Oath of office, to obey, observe and uphold the Constitution,
promote all that will advance the Republic, protect and promote the
rights of all South Africans, discharge his duties to the best of
his abilities, do justice for all and to devote himself to the
wellbeing of the Republic and all its people.
Dr S DHLOMO (KwaZulu-Natal): For health reasons, can the member get
a pause and drink water please? [Laughter.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Michalakis, you can
continue.
Mr G MICHALAKIS: Thank you, hon House Chairperson. If the member is
too slow to follow, I will provide him with a printed copy.
[Applause.]
Chairperson, this Constitution is the inheritance that my generation
receives from a previous generation. It is supposed to be the
guideline, the road map for us to move forward. And yet, the
President has given us the middle finger and this government has
violated almost every single one of our most important rights.
President Mandela said:
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The Constitution is a living document our understanding of its
requirements will and must adapt over time. But the fundamental
principles are and must be unchanging. Full understanding of how
and why those principles were adopted will help us to ensure that
we remain true to the solemn undertakings which we have made to
each other and to those who follow us.
Chairperson, it is a road shown to us by giants. You will note that
2017 is not only the year of OR Tambo, but that on 7 November 1917
another giant was born on my side of the House, that made such a
profound contribution to establish our democracy that President
Mandela invited her to stand next to him when he signed it into law
20 years ago.
On 7 November 1917, Helen Suzman was born. Chairperson, whether you
are a child of Helen Suzman or a child of OR Tambo, we share a
common heritage. A set of values of what we as progressive South
Africans want to achieve. To safeguard the rights and freedoms of
our citizens as enshrined in the Constitution, to address the legacy
of apartheid and to build an open opportunity society for every
single individual. The late hon Dene Smuts said that ―accountability
for an MP should lie in the four Cs: conscience, country,
Constitution and constituency‖.
She makes no mention of party - because principles are above
politics and you will find that the voters out there are ahead of
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most members in here. For them, it’s about principles, a better life
and a better country. It’s not about the party banner under which
Tambo stood, but the principles for which he stood.
Perhaps then, it is time for the children of Suzman and of Tambo to
stand up, to stand united and to say, enough is enough. This,
Chairperson, is the only way in which we can safeguard their legacy,
our Constitution. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M KHAWULA: Hon Chairperson, as a citizen of South Africa, I
looked back at the road travelled towards the enactment of the
Constitution of South Africa with pride. I looked back at the
contribution made by the IFP towards this marvellous work of the
collective with pride. The fore bearers of our country who left this
legacy and laid this solid stone for the future generations of our
country had a glorious vision for South Africa. The wordsmith of the
time came up with terminologies like rainbow nation, reconciliation,
government of national unity, GNU, Ubuntu, Madiba Magic, unity in
diversity Beijing and many other theoretical graphics of the time
which were intended to bring the previously divided nation together,
to build bridges and create harmony and to leave the past behind and
march in unison to the future.
The question we need to be confronted with today is whether this
present generation gathered in these premises here today is
implementing the vision in accordance with the original template. As
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a collective, together, we need to jealously guard against forces
hellbent on turning this glorious vision of our fore bearers to
another animal farm story. We need to heed the call and abide by the
warning that William Shakespeare gives in Julius Caesar, when he
says:
Lowliness is young ambition's ladder, whereto the climber-upward
turns his face; but when he once attains the upmost round, he then
unto the ladder turns his back, looks in the clouds, scorning the
base degrees by which he did ascend
William Shakespeare lived between the years 1564 to 1616 but the
words he said are as true today as they were then when they were
pronounced. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa in the
Bill of Rights, Chapter 2, a contribution of IFP, talks about
amongst others, the following rights: equality, human dignity, the
right to privacy, freedom of expression, freedom of religion, belief
and opinion, freedom of association, political rights citizenship,
freedom of movement, property, housing, healthcare, food, water and
social security, children’s right education, and so on and so forth.
When the President of the country, the Deputy President, Ministers,
Members of Parliament, premiers, members of provincial legislatures,
mayors and conciliators, assume office at the beginning of their
term, they take an oath of office or solemnly swear. The oath binds
them:
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To be faithful to the Republic of South Africa and they swear
obey, observe, uphold and maintain the Constitution and all other
law of the Republic.
The IFP admits that, indeed, a lot of work has been done in South
Africa to ensure that those who were denied opportunities before are
uplifted through social and community development programmes.
However, a lot more still needs to be done.
The problem with the current leadership of our country is that the
train is derailing. When the tramping of the very same Constitution
happens right at the highest office of the country, when Parliament
fails to appropriately hold the executive accountable, when the
executive fails to abide by the rulings of the judiciary, when
corruption compromises the country’s purse to the detriment of
achieving the protection of the rights entrenched in the
Constitution, when the scramble for the country’s meagre resources
is so rampant amongst those who are in power with an intention for
self-enrichment to the total neglect of the poor masses, we have to
be concerned and warned.
In view of the looming chaos, we have to be scared. In the words of
Alan Paton, I also say: Cry, the beloved country for the unborn
child that is the inheritor of our fear. The tragedy is not that
things are broken. The tragedy is that they are not mended again. I
thank you.
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Mr S LEKGANYANE (Limpopo): Hon Chair, hon Deputy Chairperson of the
NCOP, hon Chief Whip, permanent delegates to the NCOP, Salga
delegates, I extend warm and fraternal greetings to you. The 20
years of constitutional democracy and the culture of human rights
mark an important milestone in our historical calendar. We celebrate
the advent of a dispensation consecrating human rights. Most
importantly, we celebrate the might of the ordinary civilians who,
from the outset, refused the application of unjust laws and embarked
on peaceful demonstrations, the epitome of which were Sharpeville
and Langa in 1960.
We remember the gallant fighters, especially those who laid down
their lives in the noble struggle for freedom. Our unfailing
memories bring to the fore the names of Vuyisile Mini, Wilson
Khayinga, Zinakhile Mkhaba, Daniel Ndongeni, Nolani Mpentse and
Samuel Jonas. These were the first uMkhonto weSizwe, MK, combatants
to be executed by the monstrous Pretoria regime, after having been
charged on 17 counts of sabotage under the notorious Terrorism Act,
in Port Elizabeth.
This year marks exactly 100 years since the birth of Oliver Reginald
Tambo. Accordingly, the ANC attaches historical significance to this
year. The Year of O R Tambo is meant to celebrate a life account
well spent, the life of a compassionate human being, a lodestar of
integrity and humility.
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His was a pantheon of a generation, a highly decorated and galactic
generation of globally venerated champions of freedom, human rights,
peace and justice. This generation included Govan Mbeki, Walter
Sisulu, Nelson Mandela, and many more, on an endless list of heroes
and heroines - sung and unsung - of the congress movement. Oliver
Tambo and his generation lived to hear and witness the misanthropic
deeds of the barbarism of tyranny, slavery and forced labour, racist
pogroms under Hitlerite fascism, the occupation of Palestine,
apartheid cruelty and inhumanity, child labour, and the diminution
of women as perpetual minors.
Those were the inglorious narratives and circumstances that
obstinately confronted his consciousness and sharpened him to become
an international icon of solidarity. This revolutionary colossus
enduringly dedicated his time and energy travelling throughout the
globe, consistently conveying a message of eternal fraternity and
friendship.
In one of his addresses to the international community, O R Tambo
declared, on 27 January 1987, at Georgetown University, that:
We seek to create a united, democratic and nonracial society. We
have a vision of South Africa in which black and white shall live
and work together as equals in conditions of peace and prosperity.
He also said:
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... using the power you derive from discovery of the truth about
racism in South Africa, you will help us to remake our part of the
globe into a corner of the globe of which all of humanity can be
proud.
Having listened to Oliver Tambo, the international community
satisfied itself that the ANC had a vision which Pretoria did not
have. The international community was enticed by the humility of
this African giant to be part of a vision to build a united,
democratic South Africa in which black and white live together.
We speak here, today, when that vision of our own Oliver Tambo has
been realised. The very vision he spoke so fervently about at
Georgetown University was made a reality with the passage, in 1996,
of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, founded on
values of human dignity, equality, human rights, personal freedoms,
nonracialism and nonsexism. Consequently, as the supreme law of the
Republic, the Constitution outlaws any law or conduct inconsistent
with its provisions. He said that we would make this corner of the
globe a part which all of humanity could be proud of.
As the ANC, it has always been our burning desire to build an
inclusive society which is an antithesis of the apartheid enclaves
of separate development. The obnoxious apartheid legislation, which
included the Group Areas Act, the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages
Act, the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act, the Bantu Education
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Act, the Black Administration Act, and the many land Acts were never
meant to serve our people but to dehumanise and impoverish, and to
disenfranchise them of their citizenship.
This Constitution is a vital cog in the wheels of the Freedom
Charter. It is a befitting tribute to all those who made the supreme
sacrifice and those denied the comforts of life for as long as they
lived. We are steadfast in our subscription to the
constitutionalism, with the concomitant doctrine of the separation
of powers. Because the cries of our people could not bring justice
under apartheid, this Constitution brings justice to our people
under the democratic government.
In the midst of the seemingly insurmountable challenges we have had
to deal with since 1994, we have made South Africa a country to be
proud of. In the period under review, we initiated intensive social
and economic transformation programmes compatible with the Bill of
Rights, as enshrined in the Constitution. We will expand the
protection of these rights to the maximum satisfaction of the
citizens.
No champion has ever won all the games that he or she has played.
When a champion loses one, two or three games, he or she doesn’t
lose the good record and reputation. He or she remains glorious in
defeat by appreciating the enormity of the challenge he or she
encountered.
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I am saying this because our human rights profile has been upset by
the unfortunate incidents of Marikana and the sporadic xenophobic
attacks on fellow Africans. We have accepted that this was not the
vision espoused by Oliver Reginald Tambo, and we have put in place
remedial programmes to avoid a repeat of human rights abuses. We
should continue to educate our communities about the sociology of
the communities of Mapungubwe, Great Zimbabwe, Munhumutapa, and many
other pre-existing communities. We can only learn to respect and
love one another once we know who we are and what our origins are.
We have also noted with concern the racist ranting on social media
by those who still refuse to share the vision of Oliver Tambo and
Nelson Mandela. This comes from the outcasts subscribing to the Nazi
psychological fallacy of Herrenvolk-ism, which regards other people
as something akin to human beings but less than human beings.
[Interjections.] They stand inveterately opposed to the statement
that Mandela made when he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize and said:
At the southern tip of the continent of Africa, a rich reward is
in the making, an invaluable gift is in the preparation for those
who suffered in the name of all humanity when they sacrificed
everything - for liberty, peace, human dignity and human
fulfilment. ... The value of our shared reward will and must be
measured by the joyful peace which will triumph, because the
common humanity that bonds both black and white into one human
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race will have said to each one of us that we shall all live like
the children of paradise.
We, ourselves, who share a vision with Tambo and Mandela, will not
be deterred. We will augment and reinforce the laws that we have to
clamp down on racist attitudes and conduct.
There is a pertinent question we have to ask ourselves. We have to
ask this question to avoid the dereliction of our revolutionary
responsibility. We should ask the question because we have said that
we are in the second phase of transition and that this phase will be
a radical one. The question we must ask is this. Now that we are
proud, like Oliver Tambo said we shall be in a country where black
and white live together as equals, which other rights have not been
achieved?
We have been told that a complete freedom is one that recognises
more things should be done. [Time expired.]
Ms F MAZIBUKO: House Chair, and let me greet all the members and
special delegates that are here with us today, acknowledge the
visitors also that have joined, today as we participate under the
theme of 20 years of our Constitution and the culture of human
rights. We do it mindful of the sacrifices that were made by our
forbearers. Again as we about to commemorate Human Right’s Day,
which is on the 21st of March we are also mindful of the fact that
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69 people died and scores were left injured in Sharpeville. This
year again is the 40th anniversary of the vicious murder of Steve
Biko at the hands of the apartheid security police who were
defending a system which had been declared a crime against humanity,
namely apartheid.
This year as we celebrate the centenary of our leader O R Tambo, we
do it being mindful that he was a champion of human rights who led
the ANC whilst in exile and as he was addressing the general
assembly four months after the June 16, 1976 shootings he said:
As a colonised people we’ll not only assert our right to rebel
against the coloniser, we assert also our right to determine for
ourselves the means and methods to use to liberate ourselves and
our country, as well as our right to determine what to do with our
liberation. We have a vision and we will fight for a future South
Africa in which national oppression will be abolished once and for
all, in which racism in all its forms as it rears its ugly head
will be suppressed with all the might of popular power. And we
will fight to restore the power of our people. In so doing we
shall also liberate the oppressor. And we know that many white
South Africans are ill at ease because they are aware of the
immorality of the injustices and cruelties that are being
practised in their names and on their behalf to uphold an inhuman
social order of which they are beneficiaries. They already sense
that change is coming.
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The human rights which are enshrined in the Bill of Rights as found
in our Constitution, bear the footprints of the work of O R Tambo,
and the collective leadership of his era. President Tambo was a
world-renowned internationalist who believed that the freedom of the
majority of South Africans could not be separated from that of
fellow Africans and the rest of humanity. Hence we condemn all acts
of xenophobic attacks which are directed at people from other
countries. During the Convention for a Democratic South Africa,
Codesa, negotiations we were aware that the transfer of power would
be in phases. We were also aware that we had to allay the fears of
those who had been in power while not enjoying any shred of
legitimacy. It is against this background that we are dismayed at
the opportunism of peacetime revolutionaries who accuse us of having
sold out during the Codesa negotiations. Our experience in
government has taught us that meaningless gimmicks and empty
rhetoric will not deliver economic transformation and the
realisation of the tangible rights that are enshrined in the
Constitution. It is also important to contextualise the realities of
the early 1990s and juxtapose them against the global conditions of
the turn of the first decade of the new millennium.
There is no doubt that when we took over the levers of power we
inherited a state which was virtually bankrupt. We could not turn
away from the odious debt that had been incurred by the apartheid
regime in its pursuit of wars in Angola and Namibia, and also in its
sanctions busting machinations that it had. In addition, the primary
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mode of production which was dependent on mining and agriculture was
on the decline. This was further compounded by the fact that the
education system of the country at the time had never been geared to
the economic shift which decimated the agricultural and economic
sectors. There was a huge disjuncture between our trade and
industrial policies in the light of the economic shift to focus on
financial and services sectors.
Enough has been said about the economic realities which were
prevalent when we assumed power. We are now faced with new realities
which are characterised by factors such as migration, both
internally and externally. We remain steadfast and unwavering in our
mission to fundamentally change the racialised and unequal structure
of the South African economy and of our society. Human rights which
do not encompass a radical transformation of the economy, spatial
patterns and an improved standard of living conditions will not
result in desired nation-building and social cohesion. As the
Gauteng province, we are of the firm belief that our programmes
which seek to promote social cohesion up are not just limited to
fighting mere attitudes and prejudices.
We have to confront systemic exclusion which has been ingrained for
centuries. We also acknowledge the objectives of social cohesion can
not be achieved without increased economic inclusion. These must be
accompanied by interventions which change apartheid spatial patterns
and improved living conditions of the majority of our citizens which
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are also cognisant of the dialectical relationship between economic
growth and human development. Inclusive growth must necessarily
create opportunities for those who are excluded, but also it is by
creating new opportunities. We therefore avoid a binary approach to
economic growth and human development. Both of these have to be
mutually reinforced.
We are also aware of the danger of viewing economic growth through
the prism which excludes human development, respect for the rights,
rights of workers and an environment that is not exploitative and
seeks to decimate indigenous culture. It is for this reason that as
the ANC government we have consistently refused to be drawn into
being a single issue government.
Sikholelwa ekutheni iNational Development Plan, NDP, yiwona
umkhombandlela ozoqikelela ukuthi zonke izinhlelo zeminyango
kahulumeni zibamba iqhaza ekwakhiweni kwesizwe esibumbene. Kusukela
ekuthuthukisweni kwezemfundo, ukuqikelela ukuthi ezempilo kubantu
bakithi bakuleli likaMthaniya izimpilo zabo ziyaphuculwa, ubugebengu
buyancipha, amathuba ezomnotho avulelekile kuwowonke, imithetho
yemigwaqo iyahlonishwa, isihlava sesidakamizwa siyashabalala,
abantwana bethu baba namathuba alinganayo okubamba iqhaza
kwezemidlalo nezamaciko, kuyahlonishwana, kuyabekezelelwana,
singacwasani ngokwebala. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)
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[We believe that the National Development Plan, the NDP, is the
guideline that would ensure that all the government departments’
programmes contribute in nation building. From developing education,
ensuring that health wise - our people’s lives who are the
inhabitants of the Mthaniya land are made better, crime is reduced,
economic opportunities are accessible to everybody, traffic rules
are respected, get rid of drug use, our children get equal
opportunities of participating in sport and arts, there is mutual
respect amongst people, there is tolerance and no racial
discrimination amongst us.]
In our province Gauteng, the Department of Sports, Arts, Culture and
Recreation leads social cohesion and nation-building owing to the
fact that we derive our core mandate from Outcome 14 of the National
Development Plan, NDP and we are using sport, arts, culture and
recreation as tools to engender nation-building and social cohesion.
We are already implementing a Gauteng City Region social Cohesion
strategy which emphasises the imperative of increasing the
percentage of Gauteng residents who benefit from radical economic
transformation and these programmes are aimed at reducing high
levels of poverty, massive unemployment and casualisation of labour,
high income inequalities and exclusion of a large number of the
black population from meaningful economic participation. We are also
making strides in terms of pursing equality and equity both in
government and also in our society. We are working very hard to
ensure that these strides are also replicated in our broader
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society, because we believe that women’s rights are also human
rights. We also believe that patient’s rights are also human rights;
hence we are working very hard to ensure that there is no repeat of
the Life Esidimeni tragedy.
We remain unapologetic in pursuing to redress in the socioeconomic
spheres of life. In conclusion, we wish to call upon all members in
this House to help us in spreading the message to your
constituencies to learn the preamble of the Constitution every
Monday or Friday when they are in their assemblies help them to
recite the first portion of the Constitution. It starts by saying:
―We the people‖ These copies are available from all the Departments
of Arts and Culture in your provinces. I sure hope when you do your
constituency work you will help us to build a better nation and let
us make our learners patriotic to the Republic of South Africa.
Ngiyabonga kakhulu. [Thank you very much.] [Applause.]
Dr Y C VAWDA: Allow me please to acknowledge the presence of our
supreme forces, irrespective of whatever our perceptions might be. I
greet all of you with As-saalamu-alai-kum. [Peace be with you.]
This age that we live in has never seen such advances in
technological sophistication as today. However, the prejudices and
inequalities that have been with us from time immemorial continue
and are responsible for untold human suffering.
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On 21 March 1960 the leader of the Pan Africanist Congress of
Azania, the late Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, led a nationwide peaceful
march against pass laws. Just to place this and the personality in
perspective, let us remind ourselves that unlike other prisoners on
Robin Island, Robert Sobukwe was not allowed access to other
prisoners like was the case with all other prisoners on Robin
Island, but he was incarcerated in isolation. This should help to
place the stature of Robert Sobukwe in perspective.
The response on that day from the evil supremacist regime of the
time was to mow down 69 black people. This figure, I can assure you
members, is not a true reflection of the number of people that were
killed on that day – they were far more. Those who died paid the
ultimate price for the freedom that we enjoy in this country today.
They died so that we could be able to call our souls our own; so
that the people of this country could claim back ownership of land,
minerals, wealth and indeed of our history.
The democracy ushered in in 1994 was hope to be the first step
towards the realisation of that goal which many died for; the
complete liberation of our people from racism, poverty, violence and
underdevelopment. The preamble to our Constitution, which is meant
to guarantee human rights for all, clearly states that the
Constitution is the supreme law of the Republic and amongst other
things it is intended to heal the divisions of the past and
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establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and
fundamental human rights.
Section 2 of the Constitution states that the Constitution is the
supreme law of the Republic; law or conduct inconsistent with it is
invalid, and the obligation imposed by it must be fulfilled. Today,
20 years after the Constitution was enacted, are we truly in a
position as a country to proudly claim that we are healing the
divisions of the past while the single most important indicator of
those divisions, the land, is still in the hands of those who
benefited from the divisions of the past. Can we proudly claim to be
effectively dealing with the matters of social justice while 10% of
the population owns at least 90% to 95% of all its assets?
In 2015, Statistics SA reported that 21,7% of South Africans live in
extreme poverty, not being able to pay for basic nutritional
requirements; 37% of people don’t have enough money to purchase both
adequate food items and non-food items so they have to sacrifice
food to pay for things like transport and airtime; 53,8% of people
cannot afford enough food and non-food items but fall under the
widest definition of poverty in South Africa, surviving on under
R779 per month.
All these are products of our past divisions. The ANC has
spectacularly failed to heal those divisions and has instead
unleashed untold violence against our people, The Constitution does
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allow for amendments to sections thought to be inimical to its
founding provisions. So the refusal of the ANC to amend section 25
of the Constitution to allow for historical justice in as far as the
land question is concerned is a treasonous act by the liberation
movement, against our own people.
The cementing of private property rights in the Constitution cements
colonial and apartheid inequalities. The 69 people who were killed
in Sharpeville died fighting for a right to call their souls their
own. They died for a government by Africans, for Africans, for the
complete unleashing of an African personality to the world, so that,
as Steve Biko remarked, we could give the world a more ―human face‖.
They died so that the land, the mines, the waters and all the wealth
of this country would finally belong to the rightful owners. Today,
the ANC has failed both the people who died in Sharpeville, and
failed to live up to the spirit of the founding fathers and mothers
of our Constitution. We are led by a Constitutional delinquent, who
respects nothing other than his belief that he is entitled to loot
the resources of this country. We are led in Parliament by partisan
people ... [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Vawda?
Dr Y C VAWDA: ... who are prepared to be complicit ...
[Interjections.]
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Vawda?
Dr Y C VAWDA: ... in the violation of the constitution. Thank you,
sir. [Time expired.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): I will just remind our
special delegates and not those that are used to the podium that
there is a screen there reflecting your time on the right.
Ms L L ZWANE: Chairperson, hon members of this august House, special
delegates, my own member of the executive council of the province,
MEC, from the province of KwaZulu-Natal, hon Sbongiseni Dhlomo, MEC
for Health and esteemed guests, it is fitting indeed that the theme
that underpins this debate is: ―The year of Oliver Reginald Tambo:
Unity in advancing human rights‖. Thank you to the ANC-led
government for having taken this decision, to celebrate the life of
this struggle icon, the tried and tested leader, a valiant leader,
one of our forebear who fought for the liberation not only for the
oppressed, but also of the oppressor.
In recognising the struggles of women that they face everyday in
South Africa and in the ANC movement, Oliver Reginald Tambo found it
necessary to question the position of women within the ANC movement.
He made comrades aware that women not only faced racial
discrimination, their struggle was on a deeper level – one of gender
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discrimination too. In addressing this level of discrimination and
how it should be tackled. He stated that and I quote:
The mobilisation of women is the task, not only of women alone, or
of men alone, but of all of us, men and women alike, comrades in
struggle. The mobilisation of the people into active resistance
and struggle for liberation demands the energies of women no less
than of men.
When this gallant leader Oliver Reginald Tambo fought for
liberation, he was not alone; he was with women who have run before
us that we cannot forget today as we stand here because they have
paved your way. They were bulldozers for us to be able to stand on
these platforms. We will not forget ...
... omama uLillian Ngoyi - ngeke sibakhohlwe omama Victoria Mxenge,
Florence Matomela, Charlotte Maxeke, Dorothy Ntwanambi, Albertina
Sisulu, Helen Joseph, Jean du Bryne, ngeke ngibabale bonke - kodwa
sibathulela bonke isigqoko labo mama abahlahlela abanye abesifazane
indlela okwakungeke kubelula kubo ukuthi bayihlahle ngokwabo.
(Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)
[... women like Lillian Ngoyi - we will not forget Victoria Mxenge,
Florence Matomela, Charlotte Maxeke, Dorothy Ntwanambi, Albertina
Sisulu, Helen Joseph, Jean du Bryne, to mention but a few – however
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we salute these women for paving the way for other women who would
not find it easy to pave it themselves.]
Human rights and the implementation of these rights are a priority
to the ANC-led government. Human rights redress and transformation
inclusivity and social justice are only, but a few principles that
underpin the ANC’s social transformation efforts. The Universal
Declaration of Human Rights fits into many national constitutions
and it expresses and acts as a basis of all human rights. It states
that and I quote:
... the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter
reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity
and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and
women and have determined to promote social progress and better
standards of life in larger freedom.
Chapter 2 of the Constitution of South Africa states that the Bill
of Rights is a cornerstone of democracy in South Africa. It
enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the
democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom. It is
these human rights which not only the South African government
should protect and honour, but also the people of this country
irrespective of race, gender and ethnicity or religion or class
should protect.
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ANC policy orientation has always placed the marginalised and the
poor working class at its epicentre. Over the years the ANC has led
a democratic government that has made advances in rectifying the
legacies of apartheid regime that hindered the human rights of the
majority of South Africans.
Let me acknowledge at this point the government’s stated commitment
to national Constitution as well in various pieces of legislation
that are meant to protect and advance the rights of women. Some of
these pieces of legislation are the Employment Equity Act, the
Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act,
the Prevention and Combating of Trafficking in Persons Act, Act 7 of
2013, the Maintenance Act and various other pieces of legislation
that have enhanced and liberated women.
The post-1994 government established enablers to redress the history
associated with the marginalisation of women and such institution as
the Commission for Gender Equality is a very important institution
that has played a major role in ensuring that equality is maintained
between the genders. There has been other apparatuses, processes and
institutions that have been established by the ANC-led government
like the Office on the Status of Women, the Human Rights Commission,
the Public Protector, the Ministry of Women in the Presidency with
the mandate to champion the advancement of women’s socioeconomic
empowerment. Women will pull themselves with the strings of their
own boots. Knowledge is power; it’s pleasing to know that as we
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observe the statistics of graduates in different universities, we
are taking note of the fact that we are having an increasing number
of women that are beginning to graduate at the level of Masters and
PhDs. That is the route to go. We want to see an increasing number
of women that are becoming vice chancellors who are professors in
charge of various sections and institutions of higher learning.
In the history of the struggle for women both the Women’s Charter
and the Constitution paved the way for the women’s issue to be
included in the political agenda. Prior to the democratic
government, we had only 2,7% representation of women in Parliament.
After the ANC-led government took the reigns, we now see that in the
Cabinet we have got 41% ANC-led government representation of women.
Women Deputy Ministers are making up 47% of the total number of
Deputy Ministers. A total of 47% represented in Parliament in both
Houses are women.
Also, when you look at what is happening in local government, we see
that the ANC has done all it could to create space at that level for
women to take a meaningful space. I am proud of KwaZulu-Natal being
the province that has got the highest female representation in the
mayoral positions. [Applause.] There have been 42 women executive
mayors all over the country, but it seems like this statistic is not
consistent enough. We need to push harder to ensure that we place
women in those positions much more vigorously. Also when it comes to
economy ...
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... abafazi bafuna umhlaba wabo owathathwa abagcindezeli. [... women
want their land that was taken away by the oppressors.]
We cannot speak truly of the ideals of radical economic
transformation if women are not given land to till the soil, develop
into commercial farmers, and be able to sustain and feed the nation.
We want to applaud those brave women who have made it in the
business world. It is not easy to be an entrepreneur, but there are
those women who have made it and we are very proud of them.
Sibongile Sambo, the founder and the managing director of SRS
Aviation, which is 100% black-female owned aviation that provides
personal and professional flight to global destination. Chairperson,
as I conclude
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Mangethe, [Time expired.]
I thank you.
Ms L L ZWANE: Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]
Ms A J D MARAIS (Western Cape): House Chair, good afternoon, molweni
nonke [good day, everyone], goeie middag. At a time when our nation
requires much social inclusion, healing and redressing, I thank you
for the opportunity to participate in this significant debate, as we
are about to commemorate Human Rights Day, on 21 March 2017.
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In light of our current circumstances, it is no secret that the
future of South Africa, for many – for the majority – is bleak. We
have all felt ourselves fade into a state of hopelessness. There now
exists a mutual despondency in our criminal justice system, our
national government, the status quo, job availability, and options
to improve our livelihoods. This all ultimately leads to a loss in
confidence in the very institutions that ought to protect and
promote our human rights. Each day, we see how our human rights are
imposed upon by a new form of division, be it on the basis of race,
cultural backgrounds, ethnicity, gender, language, appearance,
sexual orientation or levels of education – but more importantly, on
access to quality education.
The hon Mmusi Maimane woke us up to the harsh reality that 80% of
our school-going children receive an education that is considered
among the very worst in the world. It is an education that will
consign them to a lifetime of poverty. If education is the most
powerful weapon we can use to change the world, it would appear,
then, that we are showing up to a cycle tour without a bicycle. Yes,
we can run the race, but those with bicycles will surely finish
first and would not have to endure the same burdens as those
without. No wonder we are surrounded by an uninspired, unmotivated
and lost generation. The pride, ambition and confidence we once
shared as a nation has been crippled into a renewed sense of
hopelessness.
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Ek deel graag die volgende ervaring met u om dit in perspektief te
plaas. Ek was bevoorreg om verlede jaar ons Paralimpiese span in Rio
de Janeiro persoonlik te ondersteun. Tydens my verblyf daar, het ek
Maré, een van die berugste informele woonbuurte in Rio de Janeiro,
besoek. Dié van u wat op hoogte is van die omstandighede in
Brasiliaanse informele woonbuurte, of favelas, sal weet dis glad nie
’n vreemde verskynsel om agt- tot 17-jarige kinders gewapen met
gewere, AK 47-gewere en ander swaar masjiengewere te sien die strate
van hul eie gemeenskappe patrolleer om dwelmgebiede te beskerm nie.
Dink net hoe kwesbaar is die gemeenskap elke uur van elke dag.
(Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[I would like to share the following experience with you to place
this in perspective. I was privileged last year to support our
Paralympic team personally in Rio de Janeiro. During my stay there,
I visited Maré, one of the most notorious informal settlements in
Rio de Janeiro. Those of you who are familiar with conditions in
Brasilian informal settlements, or favelas, will know that it is not
at all an unusual sight to see eight- to 17-year old children armed
with firearms, AK 47 guns and other heavy machine-guns patrolling
the streets of their own communities to protect drug areas. Just
imagine how vulnerable the community is every hour of every day.]
To gain more insight, I visited Luta pela Paz, which translates as
Fight for Peace. This is a Brazilian NPO and NGO that uses sport and
education as tools to improve the lives of youth who reside in
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communities affected by gang-based crime and violence. Their
objectives include reducing the incidence of youth involved in those
social ills.
During my visit, I engaged with the youth involved in the programme
and asked them what had brought them to Fight for Peace. Victoria, a
beautiful 20-year-old, responded that she had decided to come to
develop her judo skills because she had to protect her mother from
her father’s abuse. While conversing on how the programme has
impacted on their lives, Patrick, a 19-year-old, said that before
joining Fight for Peace, he had not seen any need to develop himself
in any way, because he was going to die in two years’ time, in any
case.
Can we just take a minute to think about the plight these young
people face every single day of their lives? These testimonials will
always stick with me. In addition, they have emphasised the urgency
with which we, all stakeholders, have to partner together to
incorporate a culture of positive participation, develop excellence
and create an enabling environment for our youth as an alternative
to the antisocial activities dominating our communities.
As South Africans, we are no stranger to these hardships. The hon
Bucwa reminded us of this in her maiden speech in the NA as she
eloquently described the lost generation as a generation whose
dreams have been denied, whose hope has been diminished, whose trust
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has been broken and whose talents have been crippled. The question
then arises, What do we, as a society, then do to reclaim our human
rights and correct the inequalities and hardships we suffer as a
nation?
As seasoned activists, and proudly South African, we are in an
extremely powerful position to make a real difference in our
country. The solution is quite simple – well, simple to say – but to
bring it to fruition will require the co-operative will to bring
about real change to South Africa.
The solution is to paint a new picture of the future of South Africa
to allow our youth and nation to dream again. We need to boost the
confidence and inspire that very same hope we all shared as South
Africans when Madiba was released; when we won the 1995 Rugby World
cup; or when we hosted the 2010 Soccer World Cup. There has never
been more urgency to fulfil our powerful positions as effectively
and efficiently as possible to unite; foster tolerance and
acceptance; reinforce healthy living; and rebuild civic pride and
community participation. The role we have to play is not only to
liberate society once more, but to liberate the minds of society.
Contrary to popular belief, we need to understand that we are not a
country at risk but, rather, a country with potential. Yes, we are
confronted with all these adversities, but there are meritable
initiatives happening in our communities, and it is long overdue
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that we showcase these life-changing efforts rather than perpetuate
our sad state of affairs.
The DA’s priority is to build a better tomorrow for South Africa’s
youth because too many of our sons, daughters, brothers and sisters
live a life of hopelessness, despair and desperation. As public
servants, we are mandated by those who elected us to personify the
preamble to our Constitution, which constantly reminds us to heal
the divisions of the past and establish a society based on
democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights.
The Western Cape government has made significant strides in creating
an enabling environment for our youth. I can go on and on about the
different initiatives, programmes and partnerships that are opening
opportunities for all. Yet, so much more can be achieved. The
successes of the Western Cape should be used to snowball more
success – and I refer to success in a sustainable, impactful form,
and not simply the chasing of numbers. We need to highlight the
positive realities emerging from our communities, make it known
that, regardless of circumstances or beliefs, an alternative to
improving one’s life is available and that one should continually
push to avail oneself more of these opportunities.
I encourage all present here today to plant that seed of hope and to
inspire our youth to want to be better versions of themselves.
Engage with our communities at a level that far exceeds a
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prospective cross on a ballot paper. Listen to the challenges and
aspirations of our people. Communicate their needs to a colleague
who has the capacity to make a real difference in the life of that
one person, and follow up on the progress.
I understand that we all have our own tasks at hand and commitments
to fulfil. However, the rescue mission to unite in action to advance
our human rights and to save our beloved country is a far greater
cause than the self, at this point. It is pivotal for us, regardless
of political affiliation, differing cultural backgrounds or even job
descriptions, to increase trust, social inclusion, quality education
and confidence in the human spirit to contribute to the enrichment
of our communities and the wellbeing of the South African condition
through the promotion of our very basic human rights. I thank you.
Cllr J SIDELL (Salga): Hon House Chair, please receive my warm
greetings. Hon Deputy Chairperson, hon members of the NCOP and
special delegates, to stand before this honourable House and talk
about human rights is the greatest honour of my life. A multitude of
our brothers and sisters died in pursuit of the rights we now enjoy
enshrined in our Constitution. They made personal sacrifices for a
public cause. Their convictions were bigger than any attempt to make
them compromise their faith. This was universally punctuated by
Abraham Lincoln when abolishing slavery. I quote, ―I have said
nothing but what I am willing to live by and, if it be the pleasure
of Almighty God, die by‖.
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Separated by years and decades from each other, Nelson Mandela, in
pursuit of freedom and human rights said, ― ... it is an ideal which
I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal
for which I am prepared to die‖ – in the same spirit as Abraham
Lincoln.
The visionary leadership displayed by Oliver Reginald Tambo, coupled
with consistency in character and his commitment to a set of
democratic values and principles, inspires the entire nation. And
such good values are enshrined in our Constitution. He gave us an
idea that will live beyond us and will go a long way to inspire
generations to come.
Rights give birth to freedom; freedom allows creativity for the
development to take root and in turn leads to transformation. This
eventually led to the creation of a national democratic society,
Dynamic imagination and enlightened reasoning in the building of a
nation is fundamentally rooted in basic human rights. We must
construct a people-centred society of freedom in such a way that it
guarantees the political liabilities and the human rights of all our
citizens. Building a nonracial, nonsexist and a democratic country
is in itself our own contribution to the wellbeing of humanity as a
whole and is at the centre of human progress.
The principle of universality of human rights is the cornerstone of
international human rights law. Human rights are inherent to all
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human beings, whatever the national or ethnic origin, colour,
religion, language, sex or any other status. It is our
responsibility to ensure that the rights that we fought so hard to
gain must be protected by all of us and that we should not be
protective of our personal protection and should seek to achieve the
common good of all our citizens.
We must teach our people to understand that, if every person does
what pleases him and seeks to satisfy his ambition, anarchy will be
the inevitable result. We have every duty to protect the rights of
vulnerable groups like women, children and people living with
disabilities and to ensure that we help them enforce their rights.
We know that access to resources to enforce certain rights is still
a challenge within the disadvantaged sections of our communities. It
is important that human rights institutions like the Human Rights
and Gender Commissions be strengthened to serve our people
effectively and efficiently. Human rights entail both rights and
obligations. While individuals are entitled to human rights, they
must also respect the human rights of others.
To quote from Joe Slovo, 27 October 1994:
Government strives for the establishment of viable, socially and
economically integrated communities which are situated in areas
allowing convenient access to economic opportunities, health,
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educational and social amenities and within which South Africa’s
people will have access on a progressive basis to: a permanent
residential structure with secure tenure, ensuring privacy and
providing adequate protection against the elements; and potable
water, adequate sanitary facilities, including waste disposal and
domestic electricity supply.
Local government is the sphere of government that interfaces with
communities the most. As such, the White Paper on Local Government
of 1998 puts forward a vision of a developmental and accountable
local government that is able to address the human rights of
communities. The White Paper declares that municipalities must
continuously engage with all stakeholders within their respective
areas of jurisdiction in municipal planning processes. Planning for
social and economic development initiatives must be driven through
the integrated development plans, IDPs. According to the White
Paper, local government is uniquely placed to promote people-centred
and people-driven development. Despite that, the country continues
to face significant challenges in providing access to services to
poor and vulnerable persons. It is however recognised that
significant progress has been made in terms of meeting human rights
by local government since 1994. The provision of an estimated 3,7
million housing opportunities, provision of around 12,5 million
people with access to housing, along with further improvements in
access to other basic services including adequate water, sanitation,
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electricity, and refuse removal have been registered by the services
of local government.
The conceptual, noble future that incorporates the aspirations,
values and desires of the people that promises the fulfilment of the
socioeconomic dreams of the people is rooted in the recognition of
fundamental human rights.
In conclusion, to build a better Africa based on the will of the
people we must strive to demand the rights of the African people as
human beings. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr S DHLOMO (KwaZulu-Natal): Hon House Chair, hon members of this
House, my MEC colleagues from various provinces, all our delegates
and special guests, I thank this opportunity that I have been
afforded. I want to start with Mr Vawda, hon Chair, we would like to
welcome all criticism as the ANC, but maybe it should just end
there, not misinformation. We, as ANC have not unleashed any
violence. We have actually been the architect of peace against
violence that has been ignited against our people.
Lest we forget, it is very interesting and ironic that in 1948 when
the United Nations was deliberating and agreeing on 30 articles of
human rights in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This very
House then, in 1948, was pulling into apartheid programmes of
Hendrik Verwoerd
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On 10 December 1948, when the Universal Declaration was adopted by
General Assembly by a vote of 48 countries, none against, South
Africa was counted amongst the eight that abstained. This abstention
was in essence declaring that the rulers who sat and debated there,
today again, were deterred from enacting and practising their chosen
and preferred apartheid policies, which fostered white supremacy.
For more than 40 years, up to 1994 this House was in denial and
vehemently so, opposed to the notion of human rights that are
inherent in all human beings, whatever their nationality, sexual
orientation, nationality ethics, ethical origin, colour, religion
and language.
If truth be told, we should really be thanking the ANC and all other
progressive formations for bringing light and civilisation into this
House. Today, we all talk the same language; the rights of being
equal and extend to the descendant ... and all those who were
descendants of this oppressive regime, today, would like to mentor
us and lecture us on the Constitution of our country and human
rights.
Today, as we celebrate 2017 Human Rights month under the theme: The
Year of OR Tambo: Unity in Action in Advancing Human Rights, we feel
justified to revisit the abhorring feelings heard about our
apartheid system.
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We recall the pronouncements that OR Tambo made at the headquarters
of International Community at the Red Cross in Geneva in 28 November
1980. There, on behalf of ANC and uMkhonto weSizwe, he committed
adherence to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and Protocol 1 of 1977
by saying amongst other things, and I quote:
Apartheid the policy of official discrimination enshrined in the
law and Constitution of South Africa has now been legally
denounced as a crime against humanity and has led to an
International Convention for the Suppression and Punishment of the
Crime of Apartheid.
Again, in his address, ―impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions
against South Africa‖, which he made in UNESCO House in Paris in
1991, he decreed lack of humanity and feelings of apartheid rulers
by saying, and I quote:
Through the majority of the population, the regime and its
supporters are celebrating two decades of the most brutal
repression, oppression and exploitation that our people have ever
known. It is dancing a victory’s dance to express its satisfaction
that it has removed by assassination such patriots as Vuyisile
Mini, Joseph Mdluli, Steve Bantu Biko and Solomon Mahlangu, that
it has incarcerated for long terms our national leaders such as
Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Ahmed Kathrada, Dennis
Goldberg, Harry Gwala, Zephaniah Mothopeng and others. It is today
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poised to assassinate more freedom fighters, adding to the
thousands it has killed in Soweto, Langa, Elsie’s River, Matola,
Kasinga and elsewhere.
Hon Chair, in the spirit of never again, KwaZulu-Natal is joining
the whole country in celebrating the unprecedented gains achieved
since the advent of democracy because it is this ANC that went into
prison and exile for just saying South Africa belongs to all who
live in it both black and white.
Today, it is this ANC that is championing free health, free basic
education, provision of housing, water and sanitation, electricity
as well as equal status and grants given to pensioners of all races.
It is through the ANC that our grannies are getting grants every
month. [Applause.] It used to be a privilege of the old white people
to get grants every month.
Now that everybody is getting a cake, it becomes an issue. The
KwaZulu-Natal provincial government will be commemorating the Human
Rights Day in Pongola on 21 March, but fully support the decision to
celebrate the national event at Ginsberg, King William’s Town, the
ancestral house and home of Steve Bantu Biko.
Comrade Steve Bantu Biko, who strive for human rights for all, a
medical student died under very inhuman circumstances, forsaken and
denied a right to live even by fellow doctors - their very noble
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profession that he had chosen. It is very ironic to kill a medical
student by doctors.
Here again, I challenge medical schools in the country to lead in
the commemoration of the 5th year of the passing away of comrade
Bantu Steve Biko, as an act of atonement for not raising their
voices against doctors who forgot that there is something called the
golden hour when someone is injured.
Unfortunately, maybe it was white doctors who turned their backs on
the Hippocratic Oath, which solemnly said, and I quote:
I will offer care to all not to whites or to Indians, to all
patience who ask for it no matter their sexual orientation, race
colour, creed or economic status. I will voluntarily offer part of
my time to the care of the poor and underserved ones. While I
continued to keep this oath inviolated, may it be granted to me to
enjoy the practice of the art of medicine, respected by all men
and women, at all times! But should I trespass or violate this
oath, God and society should demand these violations against me.
Indeed, we are very appreciative of the fact that the authors of our
Constitution deemed it necessary to recognise the contributions of
our fallen heroes with the view to remind South Africans of the
importance of respecting, protecting, promoting and fulfilling human
rights in our democracy. Their names and sacrifices remain written
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in the gallery of our memories. Here in, we bring memories of Neil
Aggett, Rick Turner, David Webster, Zwelakhe Nyanda, Joe Gcabi,
Bathandwa Ndondo, Mbuso Tshabalala, Phumezo Nxiweni, Phila Ndwandwe
and some of those that we don’t even know where they are lying. The
memory and the spirit of OR Tambo, KwaZulu-Natal commits to fight
all forms of discrimination including, racial, xenophobic, gender
oriented as well as muti killings and hunting down people with
albinism.
In the name of this gallant fight, we reaffirm this freedoms and
human rights of all women, children, and people with disabilities as
well as people with different sexual orientation. We have taken a
decision as a Government of KwaZulu-Natal, yesterday, that in the
Month of April, we shall have the Social Cohesion Summit where we
want to rekindle these noble values that OR Tambo left.
I like what my colleague, MEC Mazibuko raised with regard to
prioritising the issues of children learning our Constitution having a preamble set. Now, I feel very obliged as a soldier because
I am still part of that. If you can do it as in the SA National
Defence Force, SANDF, as soldiers that in all our measure events the
code of conduct is recited by all soldiers. We should then start a
culture in the country to educate and make the Constitution
available to all our learners and South Africans. I thank you.
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Mr J W W JULIUS: House Chairperson, I noticed that there is no time
allocation for me on the speaker’s list. [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, do not worry.
Mr J W W JULIUS: Can you just inform me how many minutes I have.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): You have five.
Mr J W W JULIUS: Or do I have the whole day? Five. Alright.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Five.
Mr J W W JULIUS: Alright. It was a valid question isn’t it? It was a
valid question because it is not reflecting on our list.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): It is clear in my Order
Paper. Do not worry.
Mr J W W JULIUS: Alright. I just needed clarity. However, House
Chairperson, hon members and the public at large, human rights in
South Africa as instructed by section 7(1) of the Constitution forms
a cornerstone of our democracy in South Africa. Section 7(2) further
dictates that the state must respect, protect, promote and fulfil
these rights. Now as we celebrate human rights, it provides us with
an opportunity to assess the status quo and to see how people’s
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lives have changed over the past 23 years since the dawn of
democracy and under the ANC government.
House Chair, allow me to test the ANC’s track record after 23 years
of governance with regard to human rights – it is after all the
constitutional duty of the state to respect, protect, promote and
fulfil these rights. Hon Dhlomo, yes let us thank the ANC. Let me
take this opportunity to say thank you ANC. Thank you. Thank you for
the following: [Interjections.]
Recently, health care was dealt a major blow, when over a 100
patients in Gauteng and counting died after they were transferred
from unregistered NGOs ... [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Julius, can you take your
seat, there is a point of order. Hon Wana. [Interjections.] No, rely
on the one that is yours. Yes.
Ms T WANA: Thank you Chairperson through you, can the speaker take a
question?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon members order. It is her
right and it is hon Julius that will assist us. Hon Julius, are you
ready to take a question?
Mr J W W JULIUS: Yes.
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): The hon member is ready to
take a question. Hon Wana, you can ask the question.
Ms T WANA: Hon Julius, how far is the disciplinary action to Premier
Zille after her racist statement utterances?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Thank you. Hon Julius.
Mr J W W JULIUS: Hon House Chair, can the hon member repeat her
question I did not hear it properly?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Wana, can you repeat the
question?
Ms T WANA: There is sabotage here. Thank you Chairperson, I am
asking Julius because he is discussing ... [Interjections.]
Mr J W W JULIUS: It is hon Julius.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Julius, yes.
Ms T WANA: Sorry, hon Julius ...
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon member, just repeat the
question.
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Ms T WANA: My question is: As far as our human rights discussion
today, how far is the disciplinary action against Helen Zille? Thank
you.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Julius.
Mr J W W JULIUS: It just started today, House Chairperson, to answer
the question. After one hour of learning about it, we started with
the disciplinary action. We announced it and there will be an
investigation. It is not like the ANC. You have the Minster, with
the SA Social Security Agency, Sassa, matter; the President defended
her an hour ago in the NA, he did not want to answer questions.
[Interjections.] You have numerous Ministers and MECs that were send
from there to sit here without any disciplinary action. Unlike the
ANC, the DA takes swift action. We are a disciplined party.
[Applause.] The ANC still sits on disciplinary hearings and they do
not act. Are you covered hon Wana?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, hon Julius.
Mr J W W JULIUS: Can I continue hon Chairperson?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Yes, continue. Hon Wana, take
your seat. Continue, hon Julius. Order, hon members.
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Mr J W W JULIUS: The ANC government simply fired the MEC for the
Life Esidimeni, hon MEC. That is not enough.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Julius! Hon Julius! Hon
Zwane, why are you standing?
Ms L L ZWANE: Thank you, Chairperson. Can the speaker take a
question?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Alright. Hon Julius, are you
ready to take another question from hon Zwane?
Mr J W W JULIUS: Hon Zwane, in a few years’ time I will be a
Minister and I will come and answer any question you want to have
answered; if you are still here. [Laughter.] Because those seats
will change to DA seats soon. [Applause.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Julius, please continue.
Mr J W W JULIUS: I am sorry, but I cannot take two questions. I
would gladly do it.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Julius, please continue.
Mr J W W JULIUS: The Premier of Gauteng hon David Makhura knew about
the immanent threats because he was warned by the DA. The ANC is now
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defending the Premier of Gauteng. They have forgotten about the
people and their human rights and yes thank you ANC for that, thank
you hon Dhlomo.
House Chairperson, poverty is the worst form of human rights abuse.
In the euphoria of 1994, the ANC proclaimed that they would change
the people’s lives for the better. Yet, after 23 years the Gini
coefficient has worsened. The gap between the rich and the poor is
not improving as promised then. It is only an elite few of the ANC
cadres that gained wealth and live in opulence.
Look at the President and the Deputy President - bulls and stuff.
Some Ministers and government officials, they are stinking rich and
the people are still very poor out there and struggle to make a
living. Not even social grants are safe anymore. Thank you, ANC, for
this, and thank you, hon Dhlomo.
What did the ANC do to hold the Minister of Social Development
Bathabile Dlamini accountable for the Sassa crisis? Ask the question
again hon Wana? The President himself ordered the Minister not to
answer questions. The ANC is defending the Minister and forgot about
the people that are dependent on these grants. Just to assure South
Africans that indeed grants will be paid is not enough.
How did we get to this stage? Where did the ANC Minister go wrong?
Where did it all go wrong? Even the Constitutional Court calls this
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failure by the ANC Minister and Sassa incompetent. Yes. How did we
get to this stage ANC? You are silent, while people’s rights that
voted for you are violated. They are threatened with their
livelihoods and you are silent. Shame on you ANC! Thank you ANC.
Thank you hon Dhlomo.
My assessment is that the ANC, after 23 years, have proven that it
is not interested in respecting, protecting, promoting and
fulfilling these rights. The ANC is showing the middle finger to our
courts. They have shown that human rights to South Africans are less
important than the protection of its cadres. The ANC comes first and
the people last. It was proclaimed by the President, your ANC
President. The President puts the ANC first and the people’s rights
last.
The people have shown you that the only weapon that they have
against oppression, failures and the corruption of the ANC is the
ballot box. They have shown you last year and they will show you
again in 2019. I reiterate for all these we say, thank you ANC and
we will show you at the ballot box come 2019. I thank you.
[Applause.]
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: Thanks, hon Chairperson. House Chair, hon
members, come 2019 the ANC will still be the ruling party in South
Africa. Your dream that you will become a Minister will only remain
in your dreams; and will never become a reality. What is central to
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the South African people and to the majority of the people in this
country is that come the 01 April 2017, which is fundamental, the
people will receive their grants irrespective of people who come
here and grandstand.
The Bill of Rights which is Chapter 2 of the Constitution of the
Republic of South Africa is the cornerstone of our democracy. It is
important to remind ourselves what a cornerstone is. A definition
found in the Oxford Dictionary says that: It is a stone that forms
the bases of a building joining two walls. It also defines it as an
important quality or feature on which a particular thing depends or
is based.
The celebrations of Human Rights Day this year occurs when we are
celebrating the life one of the heroes whose values and principles
are embedded in the DNA of the South African Constitution. Oliver
Reginald Tambo’s love for the people of South Africa drove him to
sacrifice his entire life to the struggle for freedom. The majority
of South Africans, regardless of political persuasion, embrace the
Constitution of our country drafted and initiated by the ANC.
However, in many instances when the values of the Constitution are
invoked, it is to make a point about the rule of law or individual
or group liberties. Much as these are important and must be
protected at all times, the ANC, and every political party for that
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matter, has a duty to also advance the social and economic rights of
all our people as guaranteed by the Constitution.
In his statement on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1968, OR Tambo said:
Our people do not have the right to equal opportunity in all
fields of life without distinction of any kind, such as race,
colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion.
They cannot enjoy a full cultural life in accordance with their
artistic, literary and with scientific inclinations.
On the contrary, the majority of the people are excluded from
places of culture or entertainment, from libraries, from
scientific institutions.
They have no rights of collective bargaining, and cannot form or
join a labour union, even one recognised by the state.
That’s Oliver Tambo.
Mr W F Faber: Your time is up.
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Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: My time cannot be up when I have not heard hon
Faber at one stage saying that these swimming pools privileges must
be enjoyed by all in South Africa.
Mr W F FABER: Chairperson, on a point of order, for clarity sake I
must say, he is talking about the Nkandla fire pool not the swimming
pool. So he got that wrong. I said people can ... [Inaudible.]
[Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Faber, you are out of
order. Hon Faber, take your seat.
Mr S M GANA: Thanks my Chair. On a point of order, I wanted to check
if the member is willing to take a question. He has got enough time.
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: If I have enough time I will come back to you.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Motlashuping, are you
ready to take the question?
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: No, no.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Okay, he is not ready. He
said if he has got time at the end he will comeback to your
question.
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Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: Chairperson, one of the features of apartheid
that abides to this day is the spatial segregation of communities in
South Africa on the basis of race as well as land hunger for the
majority. These challenges evoke raw emotions even in the younger
generation that never experienced apartheid.
These challenges remain the most glaring manifestations of centuries
of dispossession and discrimination. Our government is leading
society in an effort to resolve the land question with the urgency
it deserves.
Mr C F B SMIT: House Chair, on a point of order, I would like to
hear if the member will take a question on the land issue?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Motlashuping, are you
ready to take a question on the land issue?
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: Chair please, nobody should stand up and say
will I be able to take a question. I don’t want to take questions I
want to address South Africans.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): He is not ready to take a
question.
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: In addressing the land question – you know they
will ask me questions because I’m talking about land now.
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In addressing the land question let us contextualise the problem of
the rural economy within which the land question must be resolved.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Motlashuping, sorry can
you take your seat. Hon Michalakis, why are you standing?
Mr G MICHALAKIS: Hon House Chairperson, I just thought for the
member’s own benefit and I should tell you. I have just received the
call. They are missing him in the bar at Barney’s; and he should
actually go back. He left his whisky there.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Michalakis, can you
retract what you have said.
Mr G MICHALAKIS: I withdraw.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Thank you. Continue, hon
Faber!
Mr W F FABER: Chairperson, the hon member has just said that he is
going to tell the nation about land, but when the hon member asks
the question ... [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, hon Faber, you can’t do
what you are doing. You can’t be debating with him on the podium.
You have had your chance. Can you allow – can you take your seat.
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Mr W F FABER: But then he said that he would take a question.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Can you take your seat.
Continue, hon Motlashuping.
Mr L P M NZIMANDE: On a point of order, Chairperson: Hon Michalakis
must withdraw.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, I have dealt with it. He
has done that.
Mr L P M NZIMANDE: No, it is not recorded Chair. He must record it.
It wasn’t recorded, Chair.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, hon Nzimande, he has done
it on the mike.
Mr L P M NZIMANDE: It wasn’t recorded, Chair, he must say it on the
speaker, please. That’s a point of order I’m raising, Chair. He must
... [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Nzimande, I’m sustaining
your point of order. He has done it. Hon Michalakis, can you take
your seat.
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Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: We are unapologetic and we are going to
radically transform this country and its economy. We are going to
restore land to the rightful owners of the land; and it shall happen
in our lifetime, that land is given back to the rightful owners.
The 08 January 2015 the ANC NEC Statement called upon government to
speed up the pace of land reform:
We commit that the land will be returned to the people and the ANC
calls on its government to act with the necessary speed to put
legislation in place to ensure that this happens.
Progress in this regard can be reported on as follows: The
implementation of the constitutional principle of relative rights
for those working and living on farms more commonly but not
accurately referred to as the 50/50 Policy Framework is well
underway with numerous agreements signed across the provinces.
The ANC’s 53rd National Conference in Mangaung adopted a number of
resolutions aimed at speeding up land reform through policy,
legislation and institutional reforms. In line with this and linked
to the four-tier system of land tenure , the processing of
legislation that gives effect to this significant resolution in
particular the imposition of land ceilings on the extent of land
that can be owned by individuals or natural persons is well
underway.
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This proposal on land ownership has as its four pillars of land
tenure: State and public land with leasehold rights only; no
ownership of land by foreign nationals except through limited
leasehold of 30 years; freehold with limited extend and leasehold;
communal land tenure with institutional land rights.
In addition, the establishment of the following institutions to
drive agrarian change is under process with the establishment of
the: Land Commission; Office of the Valuer-General; Land Rights
Management Board and work towards a Rural Investments and
Development Financing Facility.
Chairperson, it is important that South Africa march along the
ruling party on its radical socioeconomic transformation. The
dignity of South Africans cannot be protected and guaranteed until
every citizen is free to find work and enter trades and professions
of their choice. Notwithstanding government’s interventions our
country’s unemployment rate ... [Interjection.]
Mr S M GANA: ―Ndza khensa, Mutshamaxitulu,‖ on a point of order, I
want to check if giving the Cash Paymaster Services, CPS a contract
for Sassa is radical transformation. I’m checking Chair.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, hon Gana. You are ... –
order members! Order members! I don’t need assistance. Can you take
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your seat? I’m giving you a final warning. You can’t debate with the
speaker at the podium. You know that is not in order.
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: Chairperson, misleading this House is very
dangerous. Hon Michalakis I’m coming to you. These measures ...
[Interjections.]
Mr C F B SMIT: Hon Chair, on a point of order, I believe that it is
a rule in this House that if a member like myself stand up that the
member actually sit down. I don’t know whether it is a special
arrangement for him today.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Mr A J Nyambi): No, I sustain your point of
order. It is correct. It is a valid point of order. Hon Faber, why
are you standing?
Mr W F FABER: Chairperson would you also just tell the speaker to,
when he addresses member Michalakis, that he addresses him through
you, and not directly to Mr Michalakis.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): I sustain your point of
order. Hon Motlashuping, when addressing the House you don’t address
the hon member directly.
Ms T G MPAMBO-SIBHUKWANA: Thank you, Chair. I just wanted to know on
this Human Rights debate that is it fair and equality that there is
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no interpreter for people who needs the sign language. It is part of
their rights as per the Constitution and the equality. Chairperson,
South Africans needs to be acknowledged; and this is not
constitutional for those who use the sign language - the deaf
communities. Thank you.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Mpambo-Sibhukwana I
sustain you point of order. The leadership will attend to your issue
accordingly. It is a valid one. It is important that even people at
home that can’t hear are supposed to follow the debate. So your
Point of Order is sustained.
Mr T C MOTLASHUPING: Chairperson, in conclusion in terms of my
speech. In order for us to honour the memory of OR Tambo and others
who fought gallantly for freedom and democracy, we must act
decisively to advance the socioeconomic rights that are enshrined in
our Constitution.
We must mobilise all South African citizens behind the radical
socioeconomic transformation programme of government. It is the only
way to guarantee the meaningful enjoyment of the Human Rights by
all.
Chairperson, as we celebrate this day, I think it is important and
very touching for me that as I stand here today I should think of
the heroes and heroines who recruited me and found it very prudent
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that I follow this liberation movement - the ANC. Comrade Wesley
Matlaopane I dedicate this speech forth win.
However, Chair the last point that I wanted to make because I have
few seconds is that my sexuality is not in question.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Chairperson, I can see that the
clock is not moving. Let me use the opportunity ... [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Don’t mind, I do have mine
her, I will assist you.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Let me start by thanking the
MECs who really participated in the debate and try to shape the
direction of the debate and special delegates, Salga for having
really participated constructively to the debate. And of course, I
think, it was quite interesting and vibrant to hear how we approach
issues of human rights in the country as a House.
I will be missing it if I don’t and make the point to say whilst I
am excited about this, it was also disappointing that in some
instances other members really missed the point. They had really
missed the point and they wasted a very good opportunity to have
really shared with us.
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For instance, let me – hon Julius, you are leaving the House and I
wanted to address you on something. A very important point that you
are making that we need to respect the Constitution. We need to
respect the separation of institutions that constitute the state,
the judiciary, the legislature and the executive.
However, you make a very serious mistake at the same time - whilst
there is a process that is undertaken by the highest court of the
Republic of South Africa, you already arrive at a conclusion of what
the court would say. Because it was a question that the Chief
Justice asked to the senior council of South African Social Security
Agency, SASSA, representing the Ministry whether there is
incompetency and so forth.
However, you stand in this House and say, the court said, the
Ministry is incompetent. Therefore, it’s a contradiction, whilst you
need to respect the judiciary and allow the judiciary to make
conclusions on the matters that it has raised ... [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Tau, can you take your
seat?
Mr J W W JULIUS: Hon Chair, I would just like to know if hon Tau
would take a question.
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Tau, are you ready to
take a question?
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I will allow you, once I am left
with a minute.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Okay.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Yes.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, he will take the question
once he is left with a minute. Continue, hon Tau.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: The next part of an issue that
is really missed is hon Michalakis - I really don’t know what to
make out of his statement because what I got from his input
contribution – I saw a person who is full of anger, a person who
does not respect and appreciate that the majority of South Africans
today enjoy basic human rights, and of course, government had also
appreciated that in some instances more work needs to be done in
order to do to ensure that our people further enjoy deeper rights.
For instance, deep in the rural areas, you make reference to schools
or to education and I am asking myself, where did I attend school
and where did Michalakis attend school? Because where I attended
school I did not even enjoy a proper infrastructure in terms of a
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desk, in terms of school material to be able to proceed from sub A
at that time until standard 10.
Hon Michalakis speaks about - we disrespect including Parliament the
freedom of expression. I am thinking to myself seated there that one
of the things before 1994, freedom of expression - just to say,
Amandla! It was treasonous – you would be arrested. You would face a
minimum sentence of 10 years in Robben Island just to say, Amandla!
Today, everybody can express himself in a language that he wants; in
doing whatever he wants, and so forth. I couldn’t understand, I
couldn’t balance what the member said.
The right to life - the member speaks about the right to life and
I’m asking myself where this member was before 1994, and maybe the
best way to advice hon Michalakis - go to Pretoria today, to a
prison referred to as Kgosi Mampuru Prison which was then referred
to as the Central Prison. There is a section there that is still
there that will teach you how our people were hanged. They had no
right to life. It is the South African current democratic government
that ensured that within our Constitution, we guarantee people to
life. We do that. It is there. It is ours. Whereas before once
declared a terrorist - it’s either prison or to the gallows.
In 1994, before the democratic break through there were people who
were still in prison waiting to be executed. So, it is important
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that we take that and for you to understand that ...
[Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon Tau, you made an
undertaking, let me assist you to keep your word.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I have got one minute 15
seconds.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon members, I am presiding.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I may decide not to take even
the question, because I need to address certain things here.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Order members! I don’t need
assistance. I was reminding him as it is now one minute 16 seconds.
So I was reminding him to remember about his undertaking when he is
one minute left to his speech.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: ... I retract.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Continue, hon Tau.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I retract from that. The
question of the expropriation of land – I mean - the very same
people who stand here – the member says the President made a stupid
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statement in Parliament by returning an Act of Parliament, which he
felt that it would not pass the constitutional test around
expropriation. But if you respect the Constitution so much, you will
see that expropriation is there in the Constitution.
The only difference is that the Constitution therefore instructs
Parliament to come up with a piece of legislation that will then
outline how the land expropriation will then be undertaken and that
s exactly what happened. And the President has returned that piece
of legislation in order for you and me to sit down and say, how are
going to expropriate land without compensation for that matter.
You can’t be saying I respect the Constitution when at the same time
you comeback to us - when it suits you, you don’t respect the
Constitution. In actual fact, some of these things are in the
Constitution. Be consistent! Be consistent with yourself.
The issue of the withdrawal from the ICC – the Deputy President was
here and he explained. The extent to which the Deputy President
explained how the executive respects the judiciary, hon Marais - he
even said that the ANC government respected and responded positively
to the Pretoria judgement. He even went on to say we never
challenged that judgement [Time expired.] Thank you very much.
[Applause.]
Mr J W W Julius: You can run papa!
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Hon members, on behalf of the
Chairperson, the Deputy Chairperson, the Chief whip and all the
Presiding officers in the NCOP, in deed, in celebrating the 20 years
of the Constitution, this debate did adhere to the Constitution.
Because we know that we are the only House that represent the
interest of the provinces and we happened to have our special
delegates Salga being represented of which it was a good thing to
celebrate a Constitution and having all the people that are relevant
being part.
So, we want to thank the special delegates and Salga for being part
of this lively debate.
Debate concluded.
The Council adjourned at 17:23.
__________
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
Please click on the following link to access the relevant Announcements, Tablings and
Committee Reports for this day.
https://www.parliament.gov.za/parliamentary-papers?sorts[date]=-1