Hansard: JS: Unrevised hansard

House: Joint (NA + NCOP)

Date of Meeting: 19 Feb 2018


No summary available.











Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at 10:06.



The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.









The SPEAKER: Hon members, during the recess period we learnt of the passing on of Mr Laloo Chiba, a former Member of Parliament, MP. We convey our condolences to the Chiba family.


We have also learnt with shock of the passing on last night of Ms Beatrice Ngcobo, a serving MP in the National Assembly since 2005. She did not recover after undergoing an operation in early February.



We will now request hon members to stand and observe a moment of silence in memory of our former members.



Thank you. Please be seated. Condolence motions in respect of our former colleagues will be considered at the appropriate time.



We have also learnt of the passing on, after a short illness, of Mrs Connie Bapela, the wife of Deputy Minister Obed Bapela. We convey our condolences to the Bapela family.










The SPEAKER: Hon Members, I have received a copy of the President’s address delivered at the Joint Sitting on


16 February 2018. The speech has been printed in the minutes of the Joint Sitting.



Before I turn to the list of speakers, I wish to share a message I got on Friday night immediately after receiving the President’s speech. It reads:



Do tell President Cyril how touched the Masekela’s are by his tribute to Hugh. My brother is smiling. It was a brave and rousing speech. So much work to be done.



This is a message I got from sis Barbara. [Applause.]





Chair of the National Council of Provinces, His Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa hon Cyril Ramaphosa, and MPs from both Houses, it is an honour for us to stand here today, but we also stand here proud of being South African. [Applause.]



We stand here this morning in great shock and deep sadness after having learnt of the passing of our MP in the National Assembly yesterday, Comrade Beatrice Ncgobo.


Ncgobo had recently undergone surgery and regrettably did not recover. Her untimely departure is a heavy blow to the ANC caucus and to Parliament. We will miss her contribution, particularly at this new dawn.



Hon Speaker and Chair of the National Council of Provinces, as the ANC caucus in honour of Comrade Beatrice Ncgobo and many other public representatives from this House who have passed on, we commit our full support to work together with His Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa, in continuing the vision of Madiba to build a South Africa of our dreams. We publicly say to the people of South Africa, that as the ANC caucus and members of this Parliament, we are ready. Thuma mina. [Send me.] [Applause.]



On Monday 9 May 1994 at 11:00 in this Chamber of the National Assembly, umama Nontsikelelo Albertina Sisulu, who was an MP then — a stalwart of our struggle who is remembered for her strength, compassion and tireless commitment to the people of this country; a prominent leader of the ANC and ANC Women’s League, the Federation of SA Women and the United Democratic Front who


represented the epitome of selfless service to the people with her outstanding contribution to the cause of freedom and democracy — rose to nominate Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela as our first democratically elected President.

Our newly elected President, His Excellency President Cyril Matamela Ramaphosa, rose to second that nomination

24 years ago. [Applause.]



Only one candidate was nominated on that day, namely Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, who was duly elected the first President of the Republic of South Africa in a democratic order.



On 24 May of that same year, Nelson Mandela gave his first and the first state of the nation address in this Chamber. He said:



The time will come when our nation will honour the memory of all the sons, the daughters, the mothers, the fathers, the youth and the children who, by their thoughts and deeds, gave us the right to assert with pride that we are South Africans, that we are Africans and that we are citizens of the world.


On this Monday, 19 February 2018, 24 years later, we celebrate the centenary of the late mama Albertina Sisulu and the late tata Nelson Mandela under the Presidency of Cyril Ramaphosa as the fifth democratically elected President of the Republic of South Africa. Today we stand at the edge of a new dawn full of hope and possibility, and full of optimism. It’s a new dawn which recognises that:



We, the people of South Africa, recognise the injustices of our past; honour those who suffered for justice and freedom in our land; respect those who have worked to build and develop our country.



Borrowing from the words of the Freedom Charter, this Preamble of our Constitution which I am quoting from goes on to state that we “believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.”



As we stand here to debate the historic state of the nation address as delivered by President Cyril Ramaphosa last Friday, we join him in thanking former President Jacob Zuma for his years of service to the liberation of


our country and his contribution to building our young democracy.





Sithi, siyabonga Nxamalala.





As we sat in this House on Friday evening we could feel the spirit of Nelson Mandela amongst us. A state of the nation address delivered which laid out his vision for the Republic of South Africa; a vision wherein South Africa is a place for all who live in it. I quote from his speech delivered in this Parliament in 1995:



The nation has set itself the task of reconstruction and development, nation-building and reconciliation. It expects from its representatives in these hallowed Chambers, the seriousness of purpose and the application to duty, which success requires. On my part, I call on all parties to join us in working for a better life for all South Africans.



That is what Madiba said.


Thus the task of a democratically elected government is to focus on the agenda of reconstruction and development to address the great social needs. The agenda will thus reflect this as a developmental state which will require an approach that acknowledges the need for fundamental transformation of society, socially and economically.



When we assess the state of the nation we are essentially providing a framework for analysing where we are as a nation. The important concepts in the analysis are social cohesion, social capital and social justice.



Social cohesion refers to the extent to which a society is coherent, united and functional in providing an environment within which its citizens can grow, develop and reach their potential. In our pursuit of social cohesion, our mission remains the revival of an activist citizenry engaged in patriotism and nation-building. We thus welcome the President’s announcement of a social- sector summit during the course of this year in recognising the critical role of nongovernmental organisations and community-based organisations in tackling poverty, inequality and related social problems.


Social capital refers to the assets accumulated, based on trust, which enable people to work together to achieve common goals. The President’s announcement of the implementation of the National Minimum Wage bears testimony to what is possible when all social partners work together in the interest of our great nation.



In his state of the nation address, the President committed to engaging with all stakeholders on the Mining Charter to ensure that it is truly an effective instrument to sustainably transform the face of mining in South Africa.



We therefore welcome yesterday’s announcement that the Chamber of Mines will postpone its court application, in respect of the reviewed Mining Charter, to allow parties space to engage and find an amicable solution in resolving the impasse. [Applause.]



It is through the spirit of ongoing engagements on critical matters that we shall be a nation as one. The ANC commits to the people of South Africa that we shall isolate and root out corrupt tendencies in the public and


private sectors. We echo the sentiments shared by President Ramaphosa when he said ...





“Amasela eba imali kaHulumeni mawaboshwe.”





We are with you there. Delegates to the 54th national conference committed themselves to play a more proactive role in enhancing the values and integrity of the movement, and society to act decisively where there are breaches.



Dr M Q NDLOZI: Point of order!



The SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi, what is the point of order? Take your seat hon Chief Whip.



Dr M Q NDLOZI: Thank you hon Speaker. President Ramaphosa never ever read that sentence. So the hon Chief Whip is deliberately misleading the House. Hon Ramaphosa never said it. He was too scared to say ...




... “Amasela mawaboshwe”.





He deliberately skipped that line when he was reading his speech. So hon Jackson Mthembu must not mislead the country and the people of South Africa. That line is not there. It’s not true.



The SPEAKER: Take your seat hon Ndlozi. Let the hon Chief Whip continue.



This year, as we celebrate the centenary of the birth of uTata Nelson Mandela, our icon, we shall intensify our efforts to realise his vision of a united South Africa in which all live in peace with equal rights and opportunities. We shall renew our focus on comrade Mandela’s vision of a nonracial society in which the social and economic barriers that have separated blacks from whites are broken down.



We shall redouble our efforts to build a society in which black poverty and white privilege are consigned to the


past, replaced by respect, solidarity and nonracial equality. We shall place at the top of our agenda Madiba’s vision of a nonsexist society in which the oppression and exploitation of women — whether in the workplace, in communities or in the home — is eradicated. We shall make it our daily mission to work towards a society where women do not live in fear for their lives; where our daughters – I have got many - can walk the streets at night without fear of violence meted against them. [Applause.] We shall work to rekindle Madiba’s vision of a democratic society in which all citizens have equal opportunity to determine their own destiny. While it is undeniable that the ANC has made significant strides in meeting the basic needs of the people, it is equally true that the legacy of colonialism and apartheid still remains deeply entrenched in our society. We therefore require a programme of fundamental and radical socioeconomic transformation that will ensure that, in the words of President Mandela, “political freedom goes side by side with freedom from hunger, want and suffering.”


Fundamentally, we are determined to build an economy that reverses apartheid injustices and corrects continuing patterns of deprivation and inequality. It is for this reason that the resolutions adopted at our 54th National Conference of the ANC focused on the measures we need to take now to significantly advance growth, development and transformation. What does this then mean for our work here in Parliament? For the remainder of this Fifth Parliament, in the context of our New Dawn, as heralded by our new President’s speech, renewed hope and optimism, things need to continue to change in the direction we have been driving for the past two years.





Kufanele sijike izinto ngempela.





The leadership we are calling for must be one of a principled nature across political parties, where ethics and integrity are the dominant factor, and not narrow party politics. As Parliament, we must not, and cannot, ever be found on the side of having done or allowed wrong doing under our watch. We as public representatives carry


the hopes and aspirations of the people who elected us into office. We dare not fail them. Public representatives here in the People’s Tribune should undertake their responsibilities with efficiency, diligence and integrity and without fear or favour.



By example we need to lead, instil a new discipline, to do things correctly, to do them completely and to do them timeously. So that the activist Parliament the ANC speaks of achieves even greater outputs that have a qualitative and positive impact on the lives of our people.

Accountability and performance monitoring will become the order of the day. The tasks set out in the state of the nation address will require even greater oversight and capacity if the objectives of the commitments outlined by the President are to be met. These commitments are not some abstract, reduced to fielding questions to the President on a quarterly basis. These commitments directly involve this Parliament to be able to execute its constitutional responsibilities to the maximum, through oversight, research, analysis of reports and connecting with our people at a far higher level. This will have to be driven by empirical evidence, taking


decisions on the balance of this empirical evidence, enhancing and cutting-edge support to members in a manner that Parliament is a reflection of strategic value add as an arm of state.



For this to happen, Parliament cannot continue to be treated as a government department while it is an arm of state. We are thus calling for the review of the funding methodology for all three arms of the state, wherein the funding of Parliament is not dependent on the very same executive arm of state it ought to be conducting oversight over. [Applause.] It is through the repositioning of Parliament as a strategic value add arm of state that we too can join into the hymn of the legendary Hugh Masekela of Thuma Mina especially because as Parliament, ...





Sithunyiwe yiNingizimu Afrika ukuthi sibahole abantu baseNingizimu Afrika ...





... to the promised land that Madiba envisioned. The independence of Parliament as an arm of the state remains sacrosanct. We must therefore review the role of the State Security Agency, SSA, in the business of Parliament. Though something as minute as the assistance of the SSA during the state of the nation address might not be an issue in itself, it does however speak to the total and complete independence of Parliament as a separate arm of state. The integrity of state bodies that report to Parliament must receive heightened and vigorous oversight so that they perform their function both in the interests of the state but also the masses of our people.



Within the era of hope and optimism, Parliament must bring an end to fruitless, wasteful and nonexpenditure by government departments and entities. A total of R127 979 billion in irregular expenditure was uncovered by the Auditor-General from the 2013-2014 till the 2016-2017 financial years. These monies wasted by careless and corrupt people in government could have gone towards funding free higher education for the poor. It is for this reason that Parliament will in the next coming weeks finalise legislation which seeks to give the Auditor-


General more teeth to decisively deal with those who waste our hard-earned taxpayers’ monies ... [Applause.] with an intention of having such monies recouped and those responsible being held personally liable. The integrity of the SA Revenue Service, Sars, State-Owned Enterprises, SOEs, and government Departments must result in a more accountable, functioning and capable state.

Thus, we welcome the interventions set out by the President to address some of the challenges experienced in our revenue collection entity, our SOEs and particularly welcome the announcement of the review of the size and configuration of government departments.



We have an outstanding task of finalising the configuration of Chapter 9 institutions as set out in the 2007 report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Review of Chapter Nine Institutions which was led by the late comrade Kader Asmal. Given that these bodies report here in Parliament and that we have a specific office based in Parliament to support the Chapter 9 bodies, we need to be far more vigorous in scrutinising what the Constitution expects from them. The High Level Panel Report, headed by former President Kgalema Motlanthe, looking into


legislation passed since 1994, has concluded its report and handed the report over to Parliament. We now have to deliberate on this and take decisions. There are profound recommendations and these require our collective thought. In conclusion, the state of the nation address specifically tasks Parliament to speed up the conclusion on a number of pieces of legislation; for example, the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act, MPRDA, the Expropriation Bill, revised legislation on the Auditor-General and the Political Parties Funding Bill put forward as examples. We call upon these Committees to apply their minds as a matter of urgency.



We are encouraged by the President’s call in the state of the nation address that he will work with Parliament and all political parties in the interests of serving our people better and more qualitatively. It is only through working together that we can realise a united, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous society. Let us unite behind a common vision of a South Africa of Nelson Mandela, a South Africa of Albertina Sisulu. Let their memories live on through our hard work and commitment to serving this great nation of ours. In this we cannot


fail. Long Live the Undying spirit of uTata Nelson Mandela, Long Live.






The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY: Long live the undying spirit of Albertina Sisulu, Long Live.






The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY: I thank you hon Speaker. [Applause.]



The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon members of this House, fellow South Africans ...





... bagaetsho dumelang. Ere pele ke tswelela pele ke romele matshidiso go lekoko la ANC le lelapa la kwa ga Ngcobo ka go latlhegelwa ke Mme Ngcobo. Kere a robale ka kgotso.




On Friday night, we all stood up to applaud the President after his state of the nation address. And I’ll be honest with you - it felt good. It felt good to be a member of this august House, with its dignity restored. It felt good to be a member of the opposition, knowing that our efforts in the last decades have not been in vain. [Applause.] Most of all, it felt good to be a South African.










It felt good to be a citizen of this beautiful and exciting country with all of its challenges, with all of its hope in the face of adversity. I can recall that when I looked up to the gallery and I saw former President Mbeki; I was reminded of his timeless words when we signed our Constitution into law. We are all Africans – every single one of us. When I saw former Deputy President FW de Klerk, I recalled the spirit of


reconciliation that still runs deep in our veins as we celebrate Madiba’s 100th year. [Applause.]



Nelson Mandela’s generosity of spirit and his extraordinary leadership when faced with tough choices inspired so many of us to take up the fight for a free, fair and a prosperous society. We may sit on different sides of the House, but I hope that all of us are here because we want to build a South Africa we can hand over to our children.



Fellow South Africans, we are presented with a unique window of opportunity. We have removed a corrupt and broken President from office. Our task now is to fix the broken country he left behind. [Applause.]



President Ramaphosa has promised the people of South Africa a new dawn. I really believe that this is what he wants for South Africa. It is certainly what we want for South Africa. I want to pledge my support and the support of our party towards the realisation of this goal.





Ons moet almal saam werk.





Fellow South Africans, we live in a democracy and democracy is a contestation of ideas to build a better society. Democracy carries with it the implicit acknowledgement that humans do make mistakes, that we are fallible and that nobody has a monopoly on truth.

Democracy is not war. It is not a fight to the death between people who look different or think differently. We are not enemies - we are opponents. When we differ, we must say so. We must be robust in our disagreements if necessary. Fellow South Africans, the time has come to fix South Africa together. President Ramaphosa faces a difficult task and he will need all of our help. We need to do everything we can to make sure that this new dawn is not a false dawn.



Our President has inherited a broken education system in which militant union interests are placed before the interests of our children. [Applause.] He has inherited an economy where millions of young people cannot find work and have given up looking for work. He has inherited



a corrupt state that has been captured to serve the interests of a few at the expense of the many. He has inherited a governing party that is deeply divided, severely limiting his room to manoeuvre. [Applause.] We understand these constraints and we understand why he was unable to present a meaningful agenda for reform on Friday night. Summits, workshops and conferences may be enough to buy the President some time, but they certainly won’t be enough to fix South Africa.



To fix what is broken, we need to move from talk to action as quickly as possible. We need to move beyond the policy paralysis that has held our nation hostage. We need our President to make the tough choices that can put us back on the right path. Fellow South Africans, this begins with education. We have to acknowledge that our education system is in crisis. It is not possible to read

- quite painfully so - that in the latest global tests four out of five of our boys and girls cannot read with meaning by the end of Grade 3.






Bagaetsho, ga rea tshwanela re nne le bana ba sekolo ba ba tlileng go dira jalo.





The message is loud and clear; we have failed to set our children up for a future they deserve. [Applause.] We can talk about the fourth industrial revolution. We must prepare them for the revolution that is going on now.

Learners in our poorest schools cannot compete with their peers in the richest schools and this Mr President is reinforcing inequality. There is no single reason for the failure of our education system ...





... mme fa re batla go bua nnete ...





... we must acknowledge the role of South African Democratic Teachers Union, SADTU in it. Minister Motshekga’s Ministerial Task Team found that six out of nine provincial education departments have been captured by SADTU bosses, and that education is failing in those provinces because of SADTU’s toxic influence. [Applause.]



And so Mr President, your first choice is to end state capture by SADTU – the same powerful and militant union that helped you rise to the Presidency of the ANC.



Hon members, when our students leave school, they need to find work. But half of our young people under the age of

35 are still unemployed. So, we support the President’s call for more internships and apprenticeships. On-the-job training is a more powerful means to up-skill our young people and to prepare them for the world of work. But the fact remains; we have to create meaningful work for them to do and this means that we have to grow our economy at the rate required to absorb young people into the labour market. We need to start - I am going to help you. We need to start by making it easier for young people to access jobs by confronting nepotism, bribery and corruption that stands in their way. [Applause.]



I believe hon members, that if we give young people a year of civilian service in public sectors like education, healthcare and policing, we could help thousands of school leavers have crucial work experience, and possibly kick-start their careers. [Applause.] But we



equally hon members need to be careful to monitor the impact of the national minimum wage on the employment prospects of young people. We need to make sure that young jobseekers are not left behind. We need to consider wider exemptions for small businesses from minimum wage exemption and also exempting young entrants into the labour market.



Speaker, the President re-committed the government to the National Health Insurance, NHI in his address. Now, we share the global affordable goal for quality healthcare for all. But the question is whether we can afford to double healthcare expenditure at a time when our budget deficit has ballooned to 4,3% of GDP. Sometimes ...





... jaaka Ntate Nelson Mandela ...





... showed us, the toughest choices of all is to abandon something that you have invested a lot of time and effort into. The truth is that NHI undermines our excellent, world-class healthcare sector. It will cause an exodus of



South Africa’s brilliant nurses and doctors who are in high demand all over the world, and it is hon members whether we like it or not, entirely unaffordable even for nations that are far wealthier than ours.



Mr President, we cannot discuss healthcare without confronting the deep pain and sorrow of the Esidimeni tragedy. [Applause.]



I am an uncle of a disabled niece and she lives in Gauteng. It would have been possible for her to have ended up in one of the non-governmental organisations, NGOs. All I can say – sitting here today – is “thank God she did not”.



I really believe Minister Aaron Motswaledi when he described what took place there as a crime reminiscent of apartheid.



Mr President, I hope - and you will have my absolute support - that those who were responsible for the tragedy of killing our people in Life Esidimeni, both the officials and politicians that were involved, will be



held to account in the ultimate level possible. [Applause.]



There are many reasons why it happened; but we also know that public sector salaries do not reward accountability nor deliver good services. At this point in time there’s R587 billion. The public sector wages are more than half of our entire budget and are a way above other emerging economies. This is not sustainable. The President has to resist the pressure from the public sector unions and curb this wage bill.



Hon members, I also welcome the President’s commitment to reduce the size of his Cabinet. [Applause.] At 35 ministries, each with a Deputy Minister, ours is one of the most bloated governments in the world. We have already done work in this and I believe, Mr President, it is possible to run an executive with 15 ministries, with spending priorities that promote economic growth and job creation. If we halve your Cabinet we can save

R4,7 billion. [Applause.]



Now, I know this is hard because the President has to dish out patronage to many people. But Mr President, let me perhaps ask you to start by removing Ministers who have already shown themselves to be compromised. Show South Africa that you are really serious about fighting corruption in your party and fire Bathabile Dlamini, Faith Muthambi, Mosebenzi Zwane, Malusi Gigaba, Des van Rooyen, David Mahlobo, Lynne Brown and “Mr R7 000 per night” Bongani Bongo out of your Cabinet. [Applause.]



Mr President, If you want to undo the damage of state capture, then we must acknowledge those who have led us there in the first place. It will be easy to write off the crisis of evil work to one man in cahoots with foreign benefactors. But the truth is much more difficult. State capture would not have happened had it not been for the ANC’s policy of cadre deployment of sending people to state-owned enterprises, SOEs.



It is these deployed cadres who hollowed out our state- owned enterprises to enrich the few individuals closer to the former President. It was cadre deployment to the commanding heights of the criminal justice system: the



National Prosecuting Authority, NPA, the Hawks and SA Revenue Services, SARS, who all looked the other way when state capture took place.



This corrupt system was not the work of one man, nor is it that the removal of one man will suddenly destroy it. If you want to destroy it, Mr President, you have to end to the ANC’s policy of cadre deployment. [Applause.] That means confronting the perpetrators of this corrupt system that still sit in this House, some who still occupy senior offices at Luthuli House and some who were involved in what is known as the Vrede dairy farm theft. It will also mean removing from office those cadres deployed to serve the interests of this corrupt system and I would begin with the current Public Protector, Busisiwe Mkhwebane, and also the Head of the NPA, Shaun Abrahams. [Applause.]



Hon members, it is deeply encouraging to hear that the President cast doubt on the nuclear deal at the recent World Economic Forum. And I was hoping that on Friday night at the state of the nation address the President would have closed the matter once and for all.



It is critical that we make our position on the future of nuclear deals very clear. We cannot afford this

R1,2 trillion junket. It would seem obvious, but it’s another tough choice Mr President. Too many people have a vested interest in securing a nuclear deal. And so the pressure will be on to forge ahead. Be strong, Mr Ramaphosa. Reject the nuclear deal and put your weight behind the neglected renewable project so we can move forward into an era of clean and affordable energy. [Applause.]



Mr President, you are one of the few people who can proudly claim co-authorship of our Constitution. All of us in this House pledge our allegiance to it, and we owe our eternal protection to it. On Friday, you reaffirmed the soaring words of its opening pages that “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white”.



Bold leadership requires that you resist the pressures in your party to undo the rights enshrined in our Constitution, including property rights. The same property rights underpin the entire economy, as you well know from your own successful business career.



The dispossession of land through the 1913 Native Land Act was apartheid’s original sin. Its consequences are still felt in our society today and make no mistake, it must be addressed. We can correct this injustice in a way that respects the rule of law and in which the rights of current and future land owners are protected. We can speed up land reform by rooting out corruption and inefficiency. And we must, fellow South Africans, trust emerging black farmers with real land ownership, not just the permanent tenants of the state. Let those who work the land, own the land. [Applause.]





Bagaetsho, ke ne ke ile kwa Northam, kwa Limpopo. Ke kopane le molemirui yo o bidiwang Rre Rakgase; mme puso ya rona e paletswe ke go mo fa lefatshe la gagwe leo e leng kagale a nna mo go lona. Bothata jwa gagwe ga se Molaotheo; bothata ba gagwe ke gore puso ya gagwe e paletswe ke go mo fa lefatshe la gagwe ka nako eo e neng e tshanetse e mo fe lona. [Legofi.]






Therefore, we need a capable government and a political will to handover land, not an amendment to the Constitution. [Applause.]



We can have a thriving, growing and a diverse agricultural sector whose wonderful produce fill the shelves all over the world. But we absolutely cannot have this if farmers do not know when their land will be taken from them without any compensation. Expropriation of land without compensation is incompatible with a growing, flourishing economy. You can have one or the other, but you cannot have both. [Applause.] In fact, this is what our neighbours in Zimbabwe started to pursue to such disastrous effect in the past. Mr President, this is another tough choice you have to make.



As the President may well know from his time in the previous government, nothing threatens our public finances more than badly-run state owned enterprises. The greatest applause during his speech on Friday was when he promised to end cadre deployment on the boards of SOEs, and committed to appointing competent and experienced people. I want to applaud again for that commitment.



While that is great progress, Mr President, it is not enough to fix our SOEs. Boards do not always shield you from corruption, as we’ve seen in some of the private sector corruption that has taken place. The governing party has been dogmatically committed to state-retaining control over SOEs, no matter their performances.



Mr President, isn’t it time now that we to be willing to part ways with SA Airways, SAA? [Interjections.] It should be broken up ... and this has been done all over the world.



We must end the Eskom monopoly on the generation of power, and boldly embrace independent power producers and renewable energy sources. [Applause.]



Compatriots, last week we lost a dear friend, a fellow opposition leader, a Prime Minister, an activist, a husband and a father, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai. We mourn his passing, and I personally will miss him dearly. He offered wise counsel and support to me, and I regret, with all that happened last week, I was not able to speak to him one last time. Morgan was beaten nearly to death



many times for his political activism, and he never once wavered for his commitment to fight. I can recall Morgan’s words on the night of the rigged 2002 Zimbabwe elections when he said:



What the people of Zimbabwe now deserve is a celebration ... But the forces of darkness may yet try to block your path to victory. As I address you, it is sad that this regime still seems intent on defying your will. Whatever may happen, I as your loyal servant am with you all the way. They may want to arrest me and at worst kill me, but they will never destroy the spirit of the people to reclaim their power.



Here in South Africa we deserve our own celebration. But our joy is tempered with the knowledge that the broken system still remains. Our job now is to fix what is broken, to uplift the spirit of the people of this country. This will require soul-searching from all of us, but especially those on the ANC benches.



Mr Zuma did not rise to power and stay in power by himself. He was aided and abetted by many of you on that side. [Applause.] And so the question is: “Under President Ramaphosa, can the ANC reform itself?” Only time will tell.



Mr Ramaphosa, you are not just the President of a particular party; you are our President, and I am proud to call you that. We will support you when you do what is right and when you make the tough choices required to improve our people’s lives. But, when you make mistakes – as surely you will – we will fulfil our patriotic duty.



We will continue to govern to the best of our ability where we are in power and offer South Africans an alternative. Our fight will always be for those who are left out and unemployed. May we enter into a new era of mutual, robust deters and show loyalty to the people of this beautiful country.



A Morena a boloke setjhaba sa heso Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrika



I thank you very much. [Applause.]



The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Hon Speaker, I would like to make a request to you to look through the Rules of Parliament and determine whether it is admissible in this House that a member can stand here and cast aspersions on Ministers who serve in this government. [Interjections.] My request to you is to look at the Rules of Parliament and advise us on this matter. [Interjections.]



The SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon members! [Interjections.] Order!



Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Speaker, on a point of order: When a Member of Parliament is of the view that a certain Rule of Parliament has been violated, he or she would rise on a point of order and immediately indicate that there has been a violation of a Rule ... [Applause.] ... and then give you an opportunity to rule on it - not take the podium in an opportunistic way and do what the Minister of Human Settlements is doing. It is totally out of order



to want to abuse that platform on things that are provided for, otherwise, in the Rules.



The SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu, your point of debate is taken. Hon Minister, please proceed.



The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: My request stands, hon Speaker.



I find it totally dishonourable for the hon Maimane to take credit for the change of government that was a structural ... [Interjections.]



The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Please allow the Minister to make her speech. Hon Minister, please proceed with your contribution.



The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: What was a structural adjustment within the ANC was driven by the ANC and has nothing to do with the opposition. [Interjections.] Furthermore, he continues, for exaggerated effect, to talk of a broken state. [Interjections.] South Africa is not a broken state. We have our problems, but it is not a



broken state. [Interjections.] You, no doubt, overlook the quagmire that surrounds the City of Cape Town while you talk of a broken state in South Africa. [Interjections.]



Let me join everyone in congratulating you, hon Comrade President, on being elected the President of our Republic and reiterate the good wishes and confidence of our party that the Chief Whip has conveyed to you. I would also like to join the Chief Whip in thanking you for acknowledging the contribution of former President Zuma in the struggle and in government. [Interjections.] [Applause.] It was the right thing to do, and it helped cement the message that the change of government was not out of malice. He is a leader of our organisation and a former President.



The state of the nation address you delivered on Friday,


16 February 2018 removed any doubt that could have existed that your ascension to the Presidency was, indeed, timely. It has already helped the country to regain its focus and imbued our people with much-needed renewed energy.



In your speech, you took us back to the period which, I think, has already been referred to, when former President Mbeki stood here and gave his seminal, “I am an African” speech. He took, overwhelmingly, everyone in this room with him and in the euphoria that followed there was unanimity that we were one. We are, all of us, one. We are Africans.



Similarly, after your speech, there was a unanimous feeling of joy and approval, and the entire Chamber rose as one to applaud the renewed hope that you gave. Hope, Mr President, is the most fertile state of mind to drive a people forward. You changed the collective country’s thoughts from concentrating on negativity to a positive mood.



As has been mentioned, your closing paragraph was singularly touching. You invoked and borrowed an appropriate message from our own, recently departed, African jazz giant, Hugh Masekela, when you asked us to send you. In essence, you were asking all of us to follow suit and asked each of us to volunteer to be an activist of this renewed hope.



It was a call to each one of us to lend a hand to fight poverty; to fight Aids; to fight cancer; to defeat alcohol and drug abuse; to end the abuse of women and children; and, indeed, to lend a hand to fight all forms of discrimination. It was a call to active-participant citizenry, where each citizen feels valued, their contributions called for so that all of us can be part of this creation of a better life for all.



On behalf of the ANC, we accept the call that you have made to each one of us here to serve and to be ready to serve. In return, we say, Send us too, because ...





... siyavuma. Andibi kunjalo Jackson? Siyavuma. Andiniva! Siyavuma!





And so, too, would every decent citizen agree.








[Laughter.] Let each citizen ask themselves what they can do for the country, not what the country can do for them. If, through your actions you inspire us to feel included and allowed to dream more, to learn more, to do more and become more, then you are, indeed, on the right path. Our potential as a people is endless. Lead us to get to it.



Immediately after your speech, Mr President, and the cheering that ensued in the Chamber, the opposition suddenly found a different voice outside of this Chamber. They complained that the speech was full of promise, blowing in the wind, with no plan.



Two things need to be made clear, in response. Firstly, we do have a plan, a plan that was accepted and adopted by all in this House. It is called the National Development Plan. That is our plan. That is a national plan. [Applause.] The President was the deputy head of the commission that developed that plan. He has been the Leader of Government Business. He is on top of all the issues that confront us here, today. He has a plan. He



knew what he was talking about. It was not hot air blowing in the wind.



Secondly, the President mapped out the steps that he was going to take with each commitment that he made. Those summits are the first steps of those plans. He has a plan, we have a plan, and you are part of that plan. You will be invited to those summits.



Thirdly, and most importantly, you are part of that plan because the President has made a commitment. The first thing he wants to do, as a priority, is to meet with each one of the leaders of the opposition. [Applause.]



Mr President, we have taken note of your instruction that perhaps we should do something about our governance. We do remain convinced about the need to do something about our governance. Perhaps the review of the size and structure of government departments is one of the things we will be looking at. In view of the resources available to us, it will be a necessary cost-cutter.



Governance, by its very nature, calls on all of us to constantly revisit the plans that we have and the paths we have chosen, to assess their efficacy and respond to the environment we operate in. We will streamline the work of government across the departments at national level and also in the various spheres.



Mr President, you stated the need to perhaps revisit each department and make sure that perhaps you find what we should be doing there. It would be good if you did it under conditions of anonymity or if you did not indicate that you would be visiting the departments involved. [Interjections.] We look forward to hearing from you what you find in those departments.



As you emphasised the configuration and effectiveness of government, you also emphasised the effectiveness and governance of state-owned enterprises - that they should play a meaningful role in a developmental state. We welcome this.



As the Constitution enjoins us that we should, amongst other things, improve the quality of life of all citizens



and free the potential of each person, itself a necessary condition for radical socioeconomic transformation, we have therefore established in the public sector, institutions, organisations and structures whose main objectives are the fulfilment of this, and other constitutional imperatives that are upon us. There is no doubt that we have faced and continue to face serious challenges in the public sector. In this regard, we will work timeously and speedily to make sure that there are changeable effects to this in the triple challenges of inequality, poverty and unemployment.



The issues the President raised are important not only to the governing party, they are of national and provincial importance and at local government level, as well. The need to focus on building a capable state is an issue that all political parties should be concerned about and, in fact, rally around. We can start by having a capable state around the city of Cape Town. Granted, we may contest for political power based on our differing notions of the nature of the state, but we should all agree that we need a capable state for the future of our children.



In 2011, it became very clear that for the effective, efficient and capable state that we all dream of for purposes of complying with the constitutional requirements of public administration, and for the purposes of dealing with a myriad of problems pointed out by the Auditor-General, Public Service Commission and other Chapter 9 institutions, we had to do something about the state of governance. In pursuance of this, we established a commission. Then, we put the Public Administration Management Bill in place. This acts as an instrument to guide all of us to have proper administration of government. In this, we streamlined national, provincial and local governments.



The Public Administration Management Act is a corrective and proactive regulatory instrument. It is corrective in the sense that it is a response to the many structural and human weaknesses that continue to bedevil the Public Service. These weaknesses have been captured in the National Development Commission’s Diagnostic Report and have been reported continuously to us. The need for further elaboration on the Public Administration Management Act is with us and if we focus on that, we



will get the basis of a capable state ongoing. We can do better.



In essence the Public Administration Management Act is based on the following pillars of the Constitution. A high standard of professional ethics must be promoted and maintained; the efficient and economic use of resources must be promoted; public administration must be development-oriented; services must be provided impartially, fairly, equitably, and without bias; people’s needs must be responded to; and the public must be encouraged. This is in the preamble to the Public Administration Management Act.



Mr President, I take the occasion now to say that the issue of corruption that you mentioned is something very central to the Public Administration Management Act and to our concerns. We have dealt with it and we will continue to look into this matter.



We now have a Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation, created in 2014, when the two Ministries in the Presidency were merged. We now have a Mandate Paper



that guides government. We need to strengthen these by conducting more onsite monitoring, alongside you, Mr President.



The National Development Plan is instructive in the steps we must take to improve the delivery performance of the state. It is notable that the example used is that of water – not water now, but generally, at the point at which the National Development Plan was put in place.

This is what it states:



The public needs a clearer sense of who is accountable for what. There need to be systems to hold all leaders in society accountable for their conduct.



Weak, poorly performing systems make it hard to attribute responsibility, with the frequent result that no one is accountable, in the end. The plan cites the example of what happens when the water in a town is found to be undrinkable – or in a situation like we find ourselves in in Cape Town.



The media blame the Minister of Water Affairs. The community blames the mayor. The mayor blames the head of the water utility. This comes from the NDP, in case you haven’t read it!



The mayor blames the head of the water utility. The head of the water utility blames the technical engineer. The engineer says that the maintenance budget has been cut for the past three years and now the water is undrinkable. The head of finance in the municipality says that the budget was cut because personnel costs have crowded out maintenance expenditure – and so it goes on and on. So, South Africa’s intergovernmental system, complex as it is, needs to be managed and it needs to be managed now. [Applause.]



Mr President, we have a value-add document that guides our approach to the Public Service. This value-add is measured in a motto that all of us adopted, and to which public servants are bound. This motto is Batho Pele.

Together with their representatives, a service charter was signed in 2013 which binds all public servants.



For your information, the preamble to this Public Service Charter states the following. All employees of the state commit to upholding the values and principles of public administration enshrined in section 195 of the Constitution and other laws, policies and frameworks. It upholds the constitutional responsibility of the state, clearly articulated in the Bill of Rights to deliver services to its citizens. It notes the continued efforts of the state and public servants in building a developmental state.



It acknowledges the service delivery challenges in the Public Service, and is equally concerned about the increasing manifestation of corruption in the Public Service. Furthermore, all public servants are required to commit themselves to this charter and sign a contract with the state that they will abide by it. [Interjections.]



At this point, Mr President, I wish to bring to your attention a request that has come to me to pass to you. The request is this. In the heyday of our changeover of government, the media followed us everywhere and suffered



overwhelming fatigue. We have learnt, with regret, that Peter Ndoro has lost his job.






The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Mr President, we ask you to stand up and assure the country that he has not killed you. You are alive and you have forgiven Peter Ndoro ... [Laughter.] [Applause.] ... because he is an outstanding representative of this country. [Interjections.]



In conclusion ... [Interjections.] ... I hope you will give me my time, Speaker.



The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! [Interjections.] Order! Order! People hadn’t heard the news about Peter Ndoro, so there is a bit of confusion.



The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: I am so sorry. I was conveying to the President our concern about the fact that we, in the ruling party, have kept the media on their toes, and have perhaps done them harm and the



President needs to indicate he is still alive. He has not been killed. [Interjections.] He has not been killed. [Interjections.] Shall I continue? [Interjections.]






The SPEAKER: Please proceed, hon Minister. [Interjections.] Order, hon members! Allow the hon Minister to finish! [Interjections.]



An HON MEMBER: What a joke you are!



The SPEAKER: Please, hon Minister, just finish your speech.






An HON MEMBER: What an embarrassment!



The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: You are the biggest one. [Interjections.]



This is a message to the President. What destination should those steering the Republic keep their eyes fixed upon?



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: It is a must that you get the sack!



The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: By what course should they guide us there? The answer to what most reasonable, decent, and blessed people always desire, namely a better life for all, an honour. Those who wish this are our best citizens, none of whom are here. [Interjections.] Those who make it happen are our best leaders, over there, and are considered to be our saviours. [Interjections.]



These people, who govern us ... [Interjections.] Speaker, I do request your protection, as I conclude. [Interjections.]



The SPEAKER: Hon Minister, you are protected. Please finish.








The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Hon members, order! [Interjections.] Hon members, you are going to delay the hon Malema. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]



Dr M Q NDLOZI: Thank you, Speaker. Can the Minister sit down? Clearly, she has done.



The SPEAKER: No. She must just finish her speech.



Dr M Q NDLOZI: But she doesn’t know what she wants to say, now! [Interjections.]



The SPEAKER: Please take your seat, hon Ndlozi.



Dr M Q NDLOZI: Our people are waiting for the president to speak, now.



The SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi, sit down. Let the Minister finish her speech. [Interjections.]



The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Those people who govern us should never get carried away by their own political power so that they turn away from their promise to our people. Neither should they embrace a peace or a state that is dishonourable. The founding principles of our Republic, the essence of a better life with honour, the values that our leaders should defend and guard with their very lives, if necessary, are those respecting the religion of our people, the Constitution, discovering the will of the people, and making sure ... Please, hon Speaker, protect me from these people. [Interjections.]



We allowed ... we allowed you ...



The SPEAKER: Order, hon members!



The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: We allowed you to grandstand ...



The SPEAKER: Hon members, when you talk incessantly, she can’t even hear herself think. [Interjections.] Please give the Minister a chance.



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Speaker, on a point of order ...



The SPEAKER: What is your point of order, hon Hlengiwe?



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Can you allow our president to speak? Our people are waiting to hear from the president. [Interjections.] She’s not ready. She’s just not ready. She’s telling us about Peter Ndoro, Peter Ndoro, Peter Ndoro. We want to hear ...



The SPEAKER: Take your seat, please, hon deputy secretary general of the EFF. Please allow the Minister to finish. [Interjections.]





quoting, which is a fundamental of democracy, will apply to your president in 20 years’ time, or 24 years’ time – or however long it takes.



What I wanted to say to you, Mr President, in particular, is that the authority of state is vested in this Parliament. Obeying the law, valuing the traditions of democracy, upholding the courts and their verdicts, and



practising integrity, defending all of us and defending the country, standing up for our country is what we expect of you, always. This is what we got from you. This is the commitment that you gave to this House and we applaud you. We are very grateful for the fact that you stood here to give us renewed hope. Thank you very much. [Interjections.] [Applause.]



Mr J S MALEMA: Hon Speaker, Chairperson of the NCOP, officials of the government in waiting, the EFF ... [Interjections.] ... my president, Mr President ...





Muphuresidennde vha shango lothe la Afrika Tshipembe, ndaa.





We thank the judiciary, we thank the South African media, we thank the NGOs, the opposition parties and the people of South Africa for defeating the monster that was created by the ruling party. We say that the unity displayed during the difficult times we have gone through over the past nine years once more demonstrates that,



when people are united, not even the powerful can defeat them.



We once more say to the people of South Africa: You must continue to be vigilant because the ANC is still in power. Anything is possible.



We ask the people of Zimbabwe, the Tsvangirai family, the friends of Morgan Tsvangirai and his colleagues in the MDC to please receive our revolutionary condolences. We may not have agreed with the politics of Morgan Tsvangirai, but we fully admit that, indeed, he won the elections, and the regime did not allow him to become the leader of the people of Zimbabwe. We want to say to Morgan Tsvangirai: That will never happen in South Africa. We will not allow the nonsensical things like that which happened to you in Zimbabwe, to happen here.



We are saying to the people of South Africa, we must learn from the mistakes of Zimbabwe and, in honour of Morgan Tsvangirai, not allow those who are in power, and who want to stay in power, to stay in power when the will of the people indicates otherwise.



Mr President, I want to take this opportunity to congratulate you because, when they elected you in this illegitimate Parliament, I was not here. But the majority of this Parliament has agreed that they must proceed with business as usual.



I want to state very clearly on behalf of the EFF that we are willing to give you a chance as the President of the Republic, as Head of State and government. We only give you a chance because you have not been personally found guilty of being a constitutional delinquent.



Because we do not entertain delinquents. We deal with delinquents decisively like we did before. It is very easy for a country to degenerate if you allow individuals to become constitutional delinquents.



Mr President, we want to say to you that you are not a king; you are a leader of the people. And therefore you must never expect to receive the treatment of a king. You must be a leader. You must welcome those who criticise you and always defend the right of those who disagree with you, to disagree with you.



You must not abuse your power because you think you are powerful like that.



Comrade President, we listened to you when you were speaking because it was the right thing to do. We gave you a chance to explain your plans. But the reality is that you do not have any plan. That’s why you came here and told us of job summits because you are still going to look for plans out of the job summits. That’s why you came here and told us about the issues of social sector summit because there is no plan. You came here and told us about an investment conference because there is no plan. You told us about a youth summit because you have no clear plan on how you are going resolve the thorny issue of youth unemployment.



Mr President, you have no plan to deal with the collection of tax because SARS has collapsed. That’s why you called for a commission of enquiry into tax affairs.



Mr President, we are saying to you, you are doing all of this because you know you will be a President for 12 months. You are effectively saying to South Africa, there



is nothing I can do in the next 12 months, because I will be looking for plans from commissions, and after 12 months I will be gone. Because you will indeed be gone after 12 months! [Laughter.] [Applause.]



Mr President, you mentioned expropriation of land without compensation. And we all agreed. Well, actually, that statement got you the loudest applause.



I heard the Leader of the Opposition saying something else. Before I come to you I want to tell him — the Leader of the Opposition — that his stay in the metros is going to depend on his attitude toward the expropriation of land without compensation. [Interjections.] [Applause.] I want to warn him about that, for that is a fundamental issue which is going to make us fight with him. Because anyone opposed to expropriation of land without compensation is the enemy of our people and such a person will be dealt with. [Interjections.]



Mr President, expropriation of land without compensation as mentioned by you did not capture the headlines because they know you are bluffing. They know you are not serious



about it. Anybody who is worried about investment in South Africa would have been worried when you mentioned expropriation of land without compensation, but you told them, hayi, I’m just passing time. Don’t worry; I’m just silencing my opponents in the ANC.



This cannot be an issue to bluff about. This cannot be an issue to pass time with. It is an emotive issue, and you only mention it if you mean it. It’s not a matter that you can go around joking about. There are no conditions attached to expropriation of land without compensation because when they took our land, they never attached any conditions; they just killed our people. [Applause.]



I don’t understand, Mr President, why would you have Faith Muthambi as a Minister but not have Thoko Didiza as a Minister? What justification is there for that? What normal person in power makes Faith Muthambi a Minister and leaves out a person like Thoko Didiza?



You removed the Eskom people because of allegations. You didn’t waste time. But you waste time to remove your own colleagues here.



The reason you jumped that line of saying you are going to arrest people, is because when you spoke about corruption and arresting corrupt people, we kept on saying “Ace”, and you wanted to save Ace’s face by jumping that line. Why? Because you are continuing to protect your own.



Don’t protect those who are implicated in corruption. All of them who are going to be frequenting the state capture enquiry must be released so that they can have time to prepare for the enquiry! Thank you very much.



Mr N SINGH: Hon Speaker, on a point of order.



The SPEAKER: Yes, hon Chief Whip of the IFP.



Mr N SINGH: Hon Speaker, may I crave your indulgence. I was working on the time that the hon Malema would take and he only took nine of his 14 minutes. The hon Buthelezi is on the way.



The SPEAKER: Yes, I recognise that. Thanks.



Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker, Your Excellency, our President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, Madam Speaker, I want to apologise; Dr Ndlozi says that I was captivated. Maybe I was, you know, when his leader was speaking.



This morning I add my voice to the many who congratulate our new President on taking office, believing that our nation has moved into a new era in which we may begin to heal from the serious wounds inflicted over the past eight years.



The President has indeed given us hope for change and renewal. He has spelled out exactly what he is going to do, in a way that everyone can understand. For that, we thank him. For your state of the nation speech, Your Excellency, as a statement of intent, I give you 10 out of 10. [Applause.]



I have welcomed President Ramaphosa’s election and I support his leadership at this crucial juncture, for South Africa needs certainty. Only certainty can bring



stability and hope. Our President has the capacity to create certainty, and that is what we ask him to do.



For too long our country’s leadership has vacillated on economic policy, hesitated to act on corruption, and been reluctant to take the necessary steps to rescue South Africa. For too long we have endured a President who pays lip service to fundamental issues, but whose words are meaningless.



We pray that that is the past. However, whether we like it or not, the National Development Plan will always be President Zuma’s legacy.



One of the first and greatest tests for our President will be the issue of land. There is a wound among our people that has never been healed. We cannot deal with inequality until we resolve the issue of land. For land is the means to create security, development and wealth.



We knew this during the apartheid era when the KwaZulu- Natal government sought to protect the few bits and pieces of land left to the kingdom after colonial



conquest and racial dispossessions. We did this by passing the Ingonyama Trust Act through the KwaZulu-Natal Legislative Assembly, so that land in traditional areas could continue to be administered according to indigenous and customary law.



After 1994, when the...



Madam Speaker, I am sorry and I apologise.



This was not a secret deal as some people alleged. There was no need for any so-called concessions deal to draw the IFP into elections as they said, for President De Klerk, President Mandela and I had already signed the solemn agreement that enabled the IFP to go into the elections. The promise had already been made that international mediation would follow elections, to resolve the outstanding issues of negotiations.

Ultimately, that promise too, Your Excellency was broken. However, it has already been made, when the Ingonyama Trust Act was passed.



After 1994, when the land remained in the trust instead of automatically transferring the land to the state, the ruling party which is the ANC demanded that the Act be revisited. So, it was brought into this Chamber and it was debated, argued about and torn to pieces. In 1997, it was finally amended by this Parliament to the full satisfaction of the ruling party.



Indeed, the hon Dr Zweli Mkhize declared as our premier and I quote him verbatim said:



The amended Act makes it possible for this province to move ahead with the programme of development... as we all are agreed on the proposition that all the land belongs to the king, it should not appear to be only said by word of mouth...



Your Excellency, what has changed? What does the ruling party see now that it did not see before? Why has the Ingonyama Trust Act suddenly become enemy number one? Why is he ANC determined to take the land away from our king, away from the custodianship of amakhosi and away from



traditional communities? The king does not even own it. He is merely a trustee.



This Parliament created a trust board during the amendment in 1997 and they created a trust board and the chairperson of the trust board is none other than the High Court Judge, Mr Justice Jerome Ngwenya and the Constitution recognises the institution of the trustee leadership. However, what does it mean, if the role, powers and functions of traditional leaders are continually stripped away?



Eighteen years ago, a Cabinet set up by the President of the Republic Mr Mbeki, led by the then Deputy President the hon Mr Jacob Zuma was promised traditional leaders that Chapters 7 and 12 of the Constitution would be amended, if the creation of municipalities diminished the role, powers and functions of traditional leadership.



That promise, Your Excellency, was never fulfilled. Instead, through successive pieces of legislation and endless empty words, traditional leaders have been



reduced to mere ceremonial figures. The only time they seem to matter is when an election looms.



It is how a black leadership treats its own people? Does the ruling party sincerely believe that bureaucrats in plush offices can administer traditional land better than those who have been the custodians of our people’s lives, dignity and wellbeing since time immemorial?



Surely the policy of land expropriation without compensation, which necessitates an amendment to our Constitution, should not be used against the poorest of the poor. When the ANC first spoke about expropriation without compensation, amakhosi never expected that the first land to be taken would be the very land that we placed in the hands of the people.



Your Excellency, corruption is not about stealing money, it is also about abusing power. Let us hear with certainty that there will be no more abuse. That would be the beginning of a new administration; one that has no zero tolerance for corruption. Your Excellency, I have often said, that corruption is not par for the course in



governance. It is possible to run a clean administration, as I did when I administered the KwaZulu-Natal government for 19 years, having taken up the leadership at the behest of Inkosi Albert Luthuli and Mr Oliver Tambo. Over the course of 19 years, never once was a single allegation of corruption ever levelled at my administration.



The fact that not a single Member of Parliament can travel between Cape Town and Durban on our national airline, Your Excellency, should tell us that things have gone too far. The multimillion rand bailouts that were standard practice even when I was in Cabinet cannot be allowed to continue. The rot has to stop and it has to stop right now.



Like many South Africans, I have hope that things are indeed about to change with the accession to power. The door that was firmly closed during Mr Zuma’s presidency may well be open again. Indeed, the long ignored work of reconciliation might even creep.



The issue of land is an emotional issue. It took a force larger than that which the British used to conquer India, to conquer the Zulu people. The Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 was a full-scale war meant to take away our kingdom from my great great father King Cetshwayo kaMpande. The king was a prisoner here in the castle in Cape Town. The king’s regiments were under the command of my paternal great great father Mnyamana Buthelezi the king’s Prime Minister. My grandfather Mkhandumba Buthelezi participated at Isandlwana routing of the British force on 22 January 1879.



King Cetshwayo was imprisoned here and was exiled and was a fugitive. He died and was buried in the forests in Nkandla. Can you imagine if my uncle and mentor Dr Pixely Ka Isaka Seme, the founder of the longest existing political movement in Africa, if he were to rise from his grave; would he approve of this dispossession of blacks by blacks? If Inkosi Albert Luthuli, a traditional leader and my mentor, were to rise from his grave, would he approve? This, Your Excellency, borders on playing with fire. We do not need to create this kind of provocation against ourselves. We have too many bigger issues.



So, I hope that we are all ... [Inaudible.] ... by your accession because there is hope, as you said, for renewal. The President is right to remind us that it is hope and hope alone that has sustained us in the long dark tunnel. However, this hope will need to be tested and proven of course.



Finally, as I have always said: for as long as the President does what is good for South Africa, the IFP will support the President. I thank you, Sir. [Applause.]



Mr G MICHALAKIS: Madam Speaker, as I said before, it is Greek to most people, so I will forgive you. Fellow South Africans, every year with the release of crime statistics, the Western Cape emerges as the most violent and dangerous province in the country. Simultaneously, it has the lowest unemployment rate of all provinces. This is a strange paradox. Lower unemployment should lead to lower crime statistics, yet gangsterism and drug abuse cast a dark shadow over the economic strides the province is making. The provincial government knows this, and it wants to fix the problem, but our current system grants provinces almost no rights in terms of policing.



Similarly, earlier this year in Johannesburg, Metrorail train driver Johan Beukes was grievously assaulted when a broken signal delayed his train. Last year, another driver was killed at Netreg station, and earlier this year, the United National Transport Union refused to let its members work on the central line that serves the Cape Flats until their safety and that of the commuters can be assured after a guard was killed – this whilst Prasa is falling apart.



Our metropolitan municipalities are not allowed to touch these systems because they are in the hands of the national government. In fact, provinces have few powers in terms of policing and rail transport, and they are also subject to uniform national policies on most social matters, such as education, health and housing.

Ironically, those are the matters that should be the most regionally focused of them all.



These are issues that require politicians to be on the ground constantly, aware of all the smallest details in the smallest communities that affect the lives of our people. Provincial Ministers are ideally placed for this,



and therefore they deserve to have more autonomy on matters of policy. It is no secret that the DA is a federal party with a federalist policy. I offer no excuse for this, on the contrary, but this also does not mean that provinces should function separate from the national context either. Ours is a policy of bringing accountability and government as close as possible to the people and making it work. It is a policy that the ANC fears because they know that if a DA-led provincial government was given the chance to run policing in this province, the murder rates in places such as Khayelitsha would be much, much lower. [Applause.]



They also know that were our provinces and metropolitan municipalities allowed to run the Metrorail system, more job seekers would find opportunities thanks to our policy. More scholars who cannot afford quality schools would be able to attend schools if a provincial alternative to the quintile system could be implemented. State healthcare would be even better in provinces that are well run, leaving the national government to focus on problem areas.



It was, to be frank, a great disappointment to see how little attention the President paid to provinces in the state of the nation address. It is because under this government the provinces play no real role in any matter of importance. Greater decentralisation could make provinces the laboratories of democracy, with encouraged sharing of different policies between them. We need now, more than ever, innovative ideas. Greater decentralisation will also bring governance closer to the people, encourage diversity, lead to more stability, and increase accountability where there is no longer an overlap in duties between the different spheres of government. Provinces that perform should not be feared. They should be supported, encouraged and given more freedom. It does not take away from our national unity to grant it.



At the next election, South Africans have a clear choice between two parties that stand squarely opposite to each on this matter: an ANC-led national government too afraid to hand over some of its powers, thereby reducing provincial governments where they function badly to little more than gravy trains, on the one hand, and



innovative provincial governments that move closer than ever to our people under this DA policy, on the other. I thank you. [Applause.]





Mnr Q R DYANTYI (Wes-Kaap): Speaker en agb President, voor ek begin, wil ek iets verduidelik namens die ANC. Peter Ndoro is met verlof, nie afgedank nie, so ons los dit daar.





In a seminal state of the nation address on Friday, President Cyril Ramaphosa set the country on a course for a year of renewal and of hope. In fact, for the people of the Western Cape, you gave us more reason to believe in your leadership.



In launching the centennial celebrations of our icon se apara nkwe Rolihlahla, thousands and thousands came to listen to you to inspire them. From St George’s Cathedral, you walked down the streets of Cape Town to the Grand Parade with them. That crowd reminded us that the work of building a nonracial society is fully on



track. They believed you when you ensured them on the Parade there would be closure on the matter relating to the former President of the Republic. Indeed, there is now closure on the matter. They believed you before when you promised them that Eskom’s problems would be attended to. There are teething problems in Eskom, but there is new life in Eskom. [Applause.]



Mr President, the message of change, renewal and hope from your maiden state of the nation address resonates well with the wishes of South Africa’s citizens. Support for the policy directives emanating from the state of the nation address transcends beyond colour line and political affiliation. As a citizen of the Western Cape, I firmly believe that ordinary citizens of this province, as well as organised formations, will be all hands on deck to implement the state of the nation address directives.



I want to bring us back to reality immediately. The challenge and opposition to the implementation of the state of the nation policy directives are likely to come from the elected government of the Western Cape. As a



citizen of this province, I have experienced this government, and I describe it in the following way: It is a government that abdicates its responsibility, a government that lacks political will. It is a government that positions itself outside of the intergovernmental framework system. [Interjections.] It is a government that conducts itself as the opposition whilst it is elected to government. [Interjections.] It blames all of its failures on national government. It claims credit where there are successes. It is a determined antitransformation-agenda government.



The fight with Mayor De Lille is, in the main, about blocking transformation in spatial development and her efforts in ensuring that Cape Town citizens receive one type of service regardless of where they are, regardless of their race or their religion. It has nothing to do with what they are saying in the media. [Interjections.]



Let me now share a few case studies to demonstrate why the people of the Western Cape pin their hope on you and the government you lead. They have looked beyond the government they have voted for. [Interjections.] Let me



start with the ongoing drought in the Western Cape. South Africa ranks 128th out of 122 countries in Yale University’s Environmental Performance Index.



An HON MEMBER: How do you get to 128th out of 122?



Mr Q R DYANTYI (Western Cape): According to the Water Development Report 2012, South Africa also ranks 148th out of 180 countries in terms of water availability per capitaAs you indicated, South Africa is a water scarce country. Its management and use become critical. Whilst water is becoming an increasingly scarce resource, the demand for water is also increasing, leaving us with a big leadership and governance challenge. This is where the government of the Western Cape is failing.



On 23 May 2016, almost two years ago, at the legislature, I challenged the Western Cape government to tell us about their plans on the following issues: what plans they had for effective administration of water resources, what they were doing to reduce water demand, and what plans they had for water reuse and desalination. [Interjections.] They did none of these. [Interjections.]



Instead, what we have today is the Leader of the Opposition who, in one day, becomes a mayor and premier at the same time. [Interjections.] [Applause.] He believes he can run the city and the province from his laptop. [Interjections.] He has continued to fudge Day Zero. When he is Cape Town, we know Day Zero is to be shifted forward or backwards.



Mr I M OLLIS: No, not forward. Backwards!



Mr Q R DYANTYI (Western Cape): What they are also doing is to continue paying their pal Tony Leon tender money to tell the citizens of Cape Town a drought is coming when they have not done anything. [Applause.]



On the issue of drought, one doesn’t wake up one day and there is drought. It forewarns you. It is unlike fire. It is unlike any of the 32 other hazards that have you researched. It says that you are given plenty of time to put in place mitigating measures and actions. The DA-led government failed to do that. [Applause.] As you said in the state of the nation address, you will put in place an



intervention. We would like them to answer these questions. [Interjections.]



On the issues of the youth support programme and youth unemployment, the previous speaker was correct in saying the Western Cape performs relatively well when compared to other provinces in terms of economic growth. That performance excludes the vulnerable people of the Western Cape. [Interjections.] [Applause.] In the unemployment figure of the Western Cape, the bulk is youth unemployment. It has been like that for the past seven years. They do nothing about it. [Interjections.]



Mr D W MACPHERSON: Chairperson of the NCOP, I would like to know whether the hon member would take a question on youth unemployment.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, will you take a question?



Mr Q R DYANTYI (Western Cape): I will take it once I am done with my speech.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: He is not willing to take a question, sir. Please continue.



Mr Q R DYANTYI (Western Cape): The Western Cape government has failed to implement youth development programmes, be it policy or action programmes. The province did not co-operate on employing young people for the War on Leaks programme initiated by Water and Sanitation, yet they come here and speak about youth unemployment. [Interjections.]



On the issue of education, the hon the Leader of the Opposition says this must be fixed. I want to take him back to this province, and I am just going to give him one example.



An HON MEMBER: There is no example!



Mr Q R DYANTYI (Western Cape): The matric results of 2017 said to us that in this province, Uitzig High School, located in a coloured community, had a pass rate of

only 20%. Out of 15 students, only three passed. The reasons for that are the conditions in the school,



vandalism, issues of crime, and gangsterism. I would like him to come back and attend to those issues before he speaks about national education issues. [Applause.]



Mr I M OLLIS: On a point of order, Chairperson: Will the member at the podium take a question on what he has just said?



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Dyantyi, are you willing to entertain a question?



Mr I M OLLIS: We have lots of info for you.





Mnr Q R DYANTYI (Wes-Kaap): Ek sien dis baie seer.





Bring it.



Mr I M OLLIS: I must ask.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you. Please take your seat. Hon member, please address the member through the Chair.



Mr I M OLLIS: I will address the member through the Chair. The question is this ... [Interjections.]



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order, members! Order! Sir, please proceed.



Mr I M OLLIS: The question is this: Would the member tell this House, in terms of the basket of measurements of all the provinces in the country, why it is that the Western Cape scored number one in terms of the outcomes, the pass rates, and the number of dropouts in the school system. [Interjections.] Why did the Western Cape stay number one?



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, sir. You have asked your question. Please proceed, hon Dyantyi.



Mr Q R DYANTYI (Western Cape): I will answer to that, but let me proceed. [Interjections.] The quick answer to that



is that historically the Western Cape inherited a stronger baseline on all services across. It is not a DA issue. [Interjections.] Even when the ANC was in power, we had that baseline, so let me proceed. [Interjections.]



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Order! Please proceed.



Mr Q R DYANTYI (Western Cape): This government walks around and talks about the clean audits it receives in municipalities and the province. Comrade President, we want to say this is one of the challenges you are going to encounter. Their clean audit doesn’t translate into service delivery. All the municipalities that receive clean audits have problems of poverty and of overcrowding in housing. There are always protests in those municipalities. There is no translation. [Interjections.]





Ons wil aan die Leier van die Opposisie sê om te vergeet van skoon oudits. Gee ons eerder skoon water. Vertel vir ons eerder waar die skoon water is. Die DA laat mense in vrees leef met sy mal veldtog wat Baas Tony Leon se



maatskappy geloods het. Praat van gogga maak vir baba bang! Die agb Maimane wil die held wees om sy politieke beeld te poets. Hy kan nie eens van De Lille ontslae raak nie, maar hy wil verkiesings hê. [Tyd verstreke.] [Applous.]



Prof N M KHUBISA: Hon Chairperson of the NCOP; His Excellency, the President of the Republic of South Africa, President Ramaphosa; hon members of the House; guests in the gallery, the state of the nation address presented by the State President last Friday covered a wide spectrum of very critical and pertinent issues effecting our country, which need to be put right with immediate effect.



It was a speech which epitomised hope and optimism. It was a wonderful address and it suddenly got a positive reception within the rank and file and all over South. It was delivered at a time when it was important to restore public confidence and trust in the structure of government, which waned and eroded over the previous years. It was like the words of the prophet Joel, and I quote Joel 2:28: ”And I will restore or replace for you



the years the locust has eaten, the hopping locust, the stripping locust, the crawling locust, My great army which I sent among you.”



The hon President spoke about the need to unite our country. This calls for the need to deal with the pockets and remnants of racism that show their ugly heads in certain quarters in our country. We must collectively cultivate the spirit of social cohesion in our Republic.



We now have the Judicial Commission of Inquiry, and it is indeed our hope that the terms of reference are broad enough and will assist to unravel, review and uncover all acts of state capture and corruption, and that all those who are found to have been holding our country in ransom through looting the state’s resources are arrested. No one who may be found to have been, or to be involved in the acts of corruption or state capture must get away with impunity.



Mr President, the NFP welcomes the notion of free, quality basic and higher education. It is our belief that



we can strategically raise a lot of money as a state and help fund quality, free basic and higher education.



We really cannot overemphasise the importance of our youth harnessing skills and competencies, to help them to get access to the job market, and to help them to create their own businesses. This indeed calls for the government to create an environment conducive to that, and reduce all regulatory barriers that minimise the chances of our youth getting funding from banks or any organisation.



In this regard, we welcome the idea of fighting the scourge of unemployment among our youth and our women who should also get the chance to get into business and occupy the high ranks in the public sector and in business.



The state, working with the private sector and other institutions must unlock and advance township and rural economy. That means that there is a need to equip black industrialists. Thank you.



Dr B H HOLOMISA: Hon Chairperson, Mr President, hon members, when an opponent has done well, one must applaud and say, well done. Well done on your speech, Mr President. Your message has restored hope and put South Africa on the right track for the restoration of our dignity.



However, this opportunity was given to you on a silver platter by the steadfast efforts of the loyal opposition, the media and civil society, while your party’s leadership turned a blind eye to brazen looting of state resources and fiddled while South Africa was burning.



Who will forget the hundreds of thousands of South Africans who marched in a united display of dissatisfaction in an ill-suited and irresponsible President of the Republic?



Institutionalised corruption has been exacerbated by political heads, usurping the powers of accounting officers in all three tiers of government. And, Mr President, there must be consequences for those who have been found guilty of corruption.





Ndiyakubona nawe Mbaks apho ukuba akhona amadoda owakhangelayo. Le ntwana kufuneka niye kuyikhangela phaya kowabo eNkandla ningabe nisizulisela apha. [Kwahlekwa.]





The state capture inquiry must be beefed up with the inclusion of forensic audit experts and even the Hawks. The Department of Justice must be directed to make special provision for prosecuting capacity and the establishment of dedicated courts to expedite justice, as was done in 2010 during the World Cup. Once the inquiry identifies an incident of corruption, the Hawks must pounce; the judicial system must take the baton, whilst the inquiry continues.



Mr President, you mentioned infrastructure development in your speech and specifically referred to roads. Millions of South Africans are forced to travel long distances to work in the cities and mines. These long-distance travels are marred by accidents, death and injury, with some using insensible transport. It might be time for us to consider state of the art, safe, speed trains to



decongest roads, decrease accidents and to save time and lives. Also, Mr President, we need to attend to the phenomenon of anarchy in our society, the general lack of discipline and disrespect for the law.



Your call to action resonates with all South Africans, Mr President. We all want to see it prosper, so that we might thrive as a collective and as individuals. Your call builds on the action initiated by opposition parties and civil society over the course of the past year or so. We all said “we wanna be there” to stay the rot of corruption, and we were there on the streets in our thousands.



We commend your consultative style and welcome the initiatives you mentioned in your state of the nation address, but you did not go far. There must be a broadening of the collective consultative process. Call it what you will - an indaba, convention or a summit - but we need to convene under one roof to discuss the critical challenges facing South Africa.



Contrary to the opinion of some political gurus who said the opposition was exclusively obsessed with getting rid of former President Zuma, we have laid the groundwork for this national dialogue. With the input of some academics, we compiled the following draft problem statement: the reinstatement of our constitutional order and the rule of law; reaffirmation of our founding vision and values; inclusion of economic participation to address inequality by putting measures in place; reversal our economic decline; establishment of a shared consensus on land reform, which should include the rural tenure system, bodies like the Ingonyama Trust, as well as selling of urban land to foreigners; review of the National Development Plan, with regard to its implementation and outcomes; revival of our national morality and the eradication of systemic corruption; reformation of our electoral system to enhance accountability and responsiveness; review of the powers and functions of the President to resolve the overconcentration of power; ...





Please round up, General.





Mnu B H HOLOMISA: Sekunjalo na sisi wam?





Siyabulela. [Kwahlekwa.]





Dr P J GROENEWALD: Voorsitter, ek wil vir die agb President sê dat ek al verskeie kere vanaf hierdie podium van wedersydse respek gepraat het. Om ’n vooruitstrewende Suid-Afrika te skep, moet ons wedersydse respek vir mekaar hê – respek vir mekaar as individue, respek vir mekaar se verskille, en respek vir mekaar se verskillende kulture, geskiedenis en tale.





The preamble of the Constitution puts it very clearly: “We, the people of South Africa, believe that South belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.“






Ek wil vir die agb President duidelik sê dat die Vryheidsfront Plus hande wil vat en aan ’n beter toekoms bou, nie ’n beter verlede nie.





I am going to say this in IsiZulu.





Ake sibambisane. Izandla ziyagezana. [Ihlombe.]





Having said that, I want to say that I am an Afrikaner and a son of the soil of Africa.



Afrikaners and white people want to contribute to a better future for South Africa. We can help to build a better South Africa but then we need to have mutual respect for each other.





Tans is daar ’n aanslag op Afrikaans - in ons skole, in ons universiteite - ten spyte daarvan dat die Grondwet sê dat ons geregtig is op moedertaalonderwys.



Daar kan egter nie sprake van respek wees, as die LUR vir Onderwys in Gauteng Afrikaans met ’n rassekwas wil bykom asof dit wit bevooregting is nie, en dit, terwyl 60% van Afrikaanssprekendes bruinmense is en ’n skool reeds veelrassig is. Dit skep nie respek nie. Dit laat vrae ontstaan.





You have put quite a lot of emphasis on job creation, specifically for the youth and you said and I quote: ...





“Ons bou ’n land waar ’n persoon se vooruitsigte deur eie initiatief en harde werk bepaal word en nie volgens die kleur van hulle vel, geboorteplek, geslag, taal of inkomste van hul ouers nie.” Ek stem daarmee saam.





However, because of affirmative action and broad-based black economic empowerment, white young people are excluded from jobs, bursaries, and opportunities, based on the colour of their skin. Is it fair that a young man or woman who has been born in 1994, in the new



dispensation, is subject to affirmative action and broad- based black economic empowerment? I think it is time for a sunset clause on this matter and we will have to talk.



Black students, obtaining a university degree are more than double the number of white students at the moment. If we want to promote mutual respect for each other, we have to acknowledge merit as criteria to appoint people in positions and to build the economy.





Oor grondhervorming wil ek sê dat die blote aanvaarding van die beginsel van grondonteiening sonder vergoeding negatief vir die ekonomie is. Dit is negatief vir voedselsekerheid. Die vraag is: Wat wil u bereik met onteiening? As dit bloot is om vir mense grond te gee, dan moet u dit sê, want om net grond vir iemand te gee maak nie so ’n persoon ryk nie. U eie Minister van Grondsake en Landelike Ontwikkeling erken dat 90% van die bestaande projekte misluk het. En 93 van die mense wil nie die grond hê nie; hulle wil die geld hê.



Die Vryheidsfront Plus verwerp grondonteiening sonder vergoeding, want dit raak alle eiendomme, of jy op ’n plaas is en of jy in ’n dorp of stad bly. Dit sal die ekonomie nadelig beinvloed en potensiële beleggers in Suid-Afrika afskrik. Ek dank u.



Cllr P TAU: Hon Chairperson of the NCOP, Speaker of the National Assembly, Your Excellency, President Ramaposa, hon members, let me join the millions of our people in congratulating you, hon President, on being elected into the highest office of the Republic and wish you well.

Your election, hon President has indeed created euphoria thereby imposing a sense of urgency on all of us to accelerate the agenda for fundamental socioeconomic transformation.



The 2018 Sona was momentous in emphasizing change, hope and renewal. We believe this message must be felt by people at local level. The extent to which things are changing must resonate with lived experiences of people in various localities, villages and towns of our country. For this to materials local government must play its



critical role in supporting and being part of the broader change rebuilding and hope initiatives of government.



As Salga we welcome the state President’s emphases on the back to basics programme that entails, among others, the principles of Batho Pele. This back to basics approach is our cornerstone in its emphasis on local government’s developmental role. As we know a developmental local government implies a local government committed to work with citizens to find sustainable ways to meet their social, economic and material needs.



Of course, a capable and developmental local government is one that is equipped with adequate financial and institutional capacity. This will include, among others, the ability to leverage national subsidies for capital raising, access to donor and climate funding and a fundamental review of the revenue generation options available to local government.



More than ever, we need capable functional and viable municipalities that are able to deliver on both the objective and subjective expectation of their



constituencies. This will happen when municipalities are better organised, better capacitated and better resourced.



We raised this on numerous occasions that the powers and functions amongst the three spheres must be resolved as a matter of urgency to avoid the various incidences of unfunded mandates; that once these powers and functions have been resolved a thorough going and holistic funding allocation to local government must be attended to. More specifically, we have raised an ongoing concern that the fact that local government receives an average of 9% from the national fiscus.



We do also want to raise some worrisome issue of the ever increasing debts owed to municipalities by government, businesses and households. At the last check, this was sitting at R143 billion. We hope that this august House will deal with some of the proposals and give directives even if through legislation for all parties to work toward the resolution of this matter.



One available and important instrument to re-instil hope and renewal is through social compacts, which are implicitly agreements entered into by diverse stakeholders to build consensus for a shared future.

These compacts are most relevant given our obligation as Salga to effectively manage the integration of space, economies and people.



We pledge as he sector to utilise consultation processes in generating integrated development plans as platforms to cement meaningful partnerships with business, labour, civil society in or communities.



Local government is at the coalface of delivering to our communities some of the most crucial services including water, sanitation and electricity. Recent developments including the impact of climate change which has resulted in severe drought in all our coastal provinces; plus the intensity of rain and changes in rainfall patterns have placed these services under an enormous strain.



These coupled with supply side challenges from national utilities has impacted not only the reliability of



service provision but also on the revenue and thus financial viabilities of our municipalities.



We remain concerned as a sector by the deepening drought crisis in our country. We add our voice to the President’s concern in acknowledging the good efforts made by both consumers and donors in response to the water crisis in various parts of our country. If we do not plan accordingly to effect long-term solutions, we run the risk of worsening our status as a water-scarce country.



As a sector we have also observed significant technical and commercial water losses equating to 38% and an estimated R7,2 billion per annum. The average water consumption in South Africa is 235 litres per capita per day compared to a world average of 185.



On the supply side, various provinces and municipalities are investigating and implementing desalination of sea water and the treatment of acid mine water. Our national awareness campaign is focused on urging our people to use



water sparingly, grey water-usage, plus localisation of storage capacities.



We also believe that there are opportunities for off balance sheet financing solutions to address the nonrevenue water challenges. At our recent NEC OF Salga we have identified the need to pool our resources and capabilities and jointly with government achieved the requisite economies of scale and agglomeration.



The global energy sector is currently experiencing a major transition and disruption. There is a shift away from centralised generation and distribution monopolies to more distributed, user-engaged, digitally integrated energy systems. This shift has the potential to radically alter the way in which the energy sector will function in the future.



The transition in the energy sector is driven by a range of factors such as increasing demands on networks ranging from a reliability and accessibility perspective to technology advances and an increased emphasis on reducing greenhouse gas emissions. These global drivers have



resulted in several megatrends in the industry which are acting as a catalyst for change. These megatrends can be summarised as follows:



The electricity distribution industry is experiencing the delinking of economic growth and electricity demand.

Sales of electricity in the municipalities have shown a sustained downward trend over the past years and have in some cases dropped significantly.



The growth of renewable energy technologies is reshaping energy systems across the globe. In South Africa, which relies on coal-fired power plants for 90% of electricity generation, this trend suggests a critical shift in dynamics, generating numerous risks and opportunities at all levels of the value chain.



Having said so, there is an inherent risk flowing from what in general must be considered a positive development from a climate change mitigation point of view. The growing number of businesses that are operating off grid indicates an increase in consumptions of clean energy



which is ideal if climate change mitigation mechanisms are to be adhered to.



However, the lesser the number of those connected to the grid the lower the revenues for our municipalities; and thus impacting on the financial viability of our municipalities.



We welcome the state President’s bold announcement to implement effective land reform measures to enhance our efforts to transformation and indeed grow our economy. We are indeed pleased that such efforts will consider a basket of solution s rather than placing more emphasis on one element.



As part of the global land tool network South Africa diversify the tools available to transform land ownership and land use. This should include; access to land and tenure of security that involves family and group rights; enumerations for tenure security and the continuum of land title in farmland and informal settlements. [Time expired] [Applause.]



Ms P T VAN DAMME: Hon Chairperson, I would like to join South Africa in congratulating President Cyril Ramaphosa on his election as the Fifth President of the Republic of South Africa. He carries with him the aspirations of

56 million of South Africans who hope that the new dawn has indeed broken. Last week in his state of the nation address, President Ramaphosa went some way in reinstalling this hope in the hearts of the people of our beautiful country - hope that was shattered by Jacob Zuma, aided and abetted by the ANC.



In the speech, I was particularly impressed by President Ramaphosa’s commitment to not tolerate the plunder of public resources.





Uthe: Amasela aba imali kahulumeni mawabanjwe. [Ihlombe.]





He committed to turn the tide of corruption in our public institutions and invited all South Africans to lend a hand. As the official opposition, our leader Mmusi Maimane has already assured President Ramaphosa that he



can count on the DA’s support as long as he acts in the best interest of the people of South Africa. [Applause.] What is in the best interest of the people of South Africa, hon Chairperson, is for politicians, not just government officials, to be held accountable when caught stealing or facilitating the stealing of the people’s money. The DA fully agrees, President Ramaphosa that ...





... amasela aba imali kahulumeni mawabanjwe. Ukungeza kulokho mababoshwe bese beya ejele [tronk toe.]. [Ihlombe.]





The DA has and will continue to lend a hand in making this happen. Many of those “amasela” are high-ranking members of the ANC who sit comfortably in the benches of this House today. We would like to see President Ramaphosa as the leader of the ANC assuring ... [Interjections.] ...



Mr D MNGUNI: On a point of order.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: You are on your feet, sir.



Mr D MNGUNI: Alright, I am rising on Joint Rule 4 (14p) the member is using an offensive language by saying members of the ANC “amasela”. It means that there are thieves. [Interjections.] It is not parliamentary. Thank you, Chair.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: House Chairperson, we had many rulings before in the past that when you refer to the members of the political party, it’s acceptable. When you say to an individual member like Minister X or Minister Y, but to refer generally can never be outside the Rules of the House. [Interjections.]



An HON MEMBER: House Chair.









The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order members! May I make a ruling?



An HON MEMBER: Okay, no problem.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon members do not spoil a good debate. Please keep to the confines of good rules of the debates and let us proceed.



Ms P T VAN DAMME: I am merely quoting the President who said in his speech that ...





... kunamasela eba imali kahulumeni.





Some of them are in the ANC. [Interjections.] It’s a fact. We would like to see President Ramaphosa as the leader of the ANC assuring the public and this House ...



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Can I have less, less talk please! Give the speaker on the podium the chance.



Ms P T VAN DAMME: We would like to see President Ramaphosa to assure us that there will be no political interference in the criminal investigations and



prosecution of these individuals – “amasela”. The law must be allowed to take its course without special treatment for politicians. We would also like to hear President Ramaphosa publicly condemn these individuals by name, something he has not done thus far. Speaking in meandos about the corrupt within your own party is simply not good enough. South Africa deserves straight talk and straight actions from you about corruption. First-in-line must be, Jacob Zuma. We would like to see the Ramaphosa Presidency walking the talk by holding Mr Zuma accountable for the millions he wasted in trying to avoid prosecution.



South Africa also deserves to know how much of its money Mr Zuma spent over the last decade doing so. He must pay every single cent back for his odiferous sagas. Second- in-line to be brought to book is the ANC’s current Secretary- General and Premier of the Free State Ace Magashule, who I was hoping to see on the front benches, but is not here today, who is implicated in the Estina project which saw R220 million meant for poor farmers transferred by Mosebenzi Zwane who is also not here to the Guptas.



Mr D MNGUNI: On a point of order, a Member of Parliament must be referred to as hon member not on the first name basis. [Interjections.]



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Van Damme, I sustain that point of order. Please refer to the members of the House as hon members.



Ms P T VAN DAMME: People in this country are suffering and here we are in Parliament ... [Interjections.] ... [Inaudible.] ... hon or not. There are big issues at stake. [Interjections.]



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order, hon members! Hon Van Damme.



Ms P T VAN DAMME: The contract between Estina and the hon and I use that very loosely Zwane’s department was forwarded to Magashule’s office for legal advice, and it was found that the procurement processes were not followed and that the contract may be invalid, and yet he allowed for it to go ahead. Like hon Mosebenzi Zwane, Ace



Magashule must be charged and prosecuted - top six or not. [Applause.]



Then, hon Speaker and Chairperson, there are Ministers implicated in state capture, Faith Muthambi who knowingly and deliberately shared confidential Cabinet information with the Guptas. Hon Des van Rooyen, who almost turned over the keys of the National Treasury to the Guptas and lied repeatedly about a trip to Dubai paid for by the Guptas. Lynne Brown, who I see is also not here, who facilitated the appointment of the Gupta-linked directors, opening the doors to the Guptas to steal millions from state-owned entities. This is just a list of a few. The list is endless.



Ms M C C PILANE-MAJAKE: Hon Chair, the Joint Rule book section 12 of it says that all other rules are still applicable. I heard you, hon Van Damme making reference to ... [Interjections.]



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member address me.






The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Address me, please.



Ms M C C PILANE-MAJAKE: Hon Van Damme is actually making allegations about the Ministers. She knows if there is anything that she is worried about, it needs to be presented to this House in a form of a substantive motion.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you Ma’am, you are addressing me. [Interjections.]



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: House Chairperson, may I address you please.






The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: The Rule that the member is referring to, refers to discipline in the House, not a point of order in debate. [Interjections.] That’s means that if you are a member of the NCOP or a member of the National Assembly you are required to be disciplined, those rules can apply. You can’t inject the rules of the National Assembly.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you very much. Hon members, please take your seats. Hon Majeke, please take your seat. Hon Shivambu, take your seat. [Interjections.]



Mr N F SHIVAMBU: I am not addressing you.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Please take your seat; I want to address this point of order.



Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Just before the ruling, I think, we must set a ... [Interjections.]



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: No, hon Shivambu take your seat I am addressing this point of order. If you have any additional member, I will give you.



Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Please come back to me immediately after that.



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon members, let the rules of the debate continue. Sometimes it does get uncomfortable, but let us not stifle the debate. When members on the podium get out of order in the extension



of their right to freedom of speech in the House, I shall rule accordingly. Please! [Applause.] Hon Shivambu, do you still have a point of order?



Mr N F SHIVAMBU: No, Chair, we wanted to make a plea to the Whippery of the ruling party that there must not degenerate this debate on state of the state of the nation address. They must not do what they used to do to Jacob Zuma. We were blindly protecting him, calling frivolous points of order when we were supposed to be engaging frankly here. I think they must entrust the Presiding Officers to detect if something wrong is being said. The issue of them standing up and down must be discontinued. The Chief Whip of the Majority Party must take charge and tell those people to keep quiet and relax until you are done with ... [Inaudible.]




The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Shivambu your point is taken.



Ms P T VAN DAMME: We wish you the best of luck, President Ramaphosa in separating the chaff from the wheat, a task



that will quite likely happen on the first of never.



Hon Speaker, the acts of fighting the battle against corruption will not succeed while our crime fighting, investigating and prosecuting authorities continue to be captured. President Ramaphosa must begin the process of untangling the executive capture of these institutions, achieved by his predecessor through the deployment of loyalists in order to put his interests ahead of those of the people of South Africa. First – and it is not even a matter of debate - Shaun Abrahams must hit the road. So must Busisiwe Mkhwebane, who simply cannot continue as Public Protector.



We trust the ANC in Parliament will lend a hand in improving this important Chapter 9-institution by helping to find a more suitable Public Protector. Hon Speaker, it is clear that the independence of the National Prosecuting Authority, NPA, needs to be restored. This can only happen when the head of the NPA is appointed by the National Assembly and not by the President alone.

This will provide the best safeguard for the institution against Presidents appointing malleable flunkies as



National Director of Public Prosecutions, NDPP.



Also, the Minister of Justice should no longer be allowed to exercise final responsibility over the Prosecuting Authority. This section of the Constitution ought to be deleted, so as to bring final clarity on the NPA’s independence. These are but a few of the suggestions the DA has and offers them to the President Ramaphosa in the spirit of lending a hand.



The DA has a whole suite of policies which over the coming months will be augmented. We look forward to engaging with the President and the ANC about these policies. We are thrilled at the new dawn where politics in South Africa will again become about the debate of policies in the marketplace of ideas. As a final plea and a warning, Mr President, do not let your pledge to act against corruption be an empty promise, otherwise come 2019, to quote a former First Lady: “Kuzoshuba darling”. Thank you very much.



Ms T K MAMPURU: Hon Chairperson, hon President, hon Ministers, MECs, special delegates, hon permanent delegates, ladies and gentlemen ...





... baeng ba rena ka mo kalering.





Hon Chairperson, allow me for a moment to speak to the President. President ...





... moopedi o re: “Ke moeti, ke tseleng, ke a feta, ke a tsamaya, le ge tsela e le boima, ke lebile gae.”





South Africa has indeed entered a new era – the era of Comrade Cyril Ramaphosa - the era of swift actions — and it is just fantastic. South Africans are laughing and smiling again. We now have a hope of repeating the rainbow nation. And we can do this if only we want to pick ourselves up and get back to work. We have done it before and we can do it again.





A re tlogeleng go tielana mootlwa ka seatleng. Phošo ga e be phošo. Mme Modise, Mopresidente wa rena ga a tšee kgato.





Mr President, on Friday when concluding your speech, you made reference to Bra Hugh Masekela’s song, Thuma Mina, to show how ready you are to be sent to serve our people. Let me also make reference to another song by Hugh Masekela, Stimela, and say that this train, which is South Africa, is on the move. Hon President ...





... e ba letlabo la pholo yeo e fulago ka go theetša. Ke kgale bo sele, tšwetša tema pele, re dimpša re lapa melala; fegolla se borala.





This train carries South Africans that are committed to work and to make this country better. It has just left the station, but has not picked up much speed and as such it is possible to catch up with it. However, one has to



be quick because once it picks up the speed you won’t be able to catch up and you’ll be left behind.



So, it is upon each one of us to make a choice now — either to ride this train or be left behind at the station. This train is about to pick up the speed and once it does it will leave us forever. We have to accelerate the pace of this train because - as you said in your speech Mr President - through you Chairperson, poverty levels in our country have risen, unemployment has gone up and inequality has persisted. For several years our economy has not grown at the pace needed to create enough jobs or lift our people out of poverty.



As the NCOP we can attest to this assessment because as we go out to the communities through our programmes such as “Taking Parliament to the People” and “Provincial Week”, those are the things and conditions that we witness. These conditions — poverty, inequality and unemployment normally fall within the so-called intangibles, but I can assure you, Mr President, that our people know how these conditions feel like. We also know how they look like, because we can see them.



In his inaugural state of the nation address last week Friday, our brand new President, President Ramaphosa, said the following and I quote:



Since the start of the current Parliament, our public employment programmes have created more than 3,2 million work opportunities. In the context of widespread unemployment, they continue to provide much-needed income, work experience and training.



It is this specific area which is the focus of my debate today, job creation and community work. On the issue of national perspective, Phase III of the Expanded Public Works Programme, EPWP, which started in 2014 aimed to achieve 6 million job opportunities for our people in 2019. The following are the key achievements. Since its inception in 2014, Phase III of the EPWP project has made key achievements in terms of creating job opportunities for our people. To date, more than 3 million job opportunities have been created.





E a itšokotša ANC; e a itšokotša!





The breakdown in terms of sectors is as follows: Infrastructure sector has created more than 1 068 million job opportunities; social sector has created about

600 000 job opportunities; environment and culture sector has created about 678 000 job opportunities; nonstate sector nonprofit organisation has created about 215 work opportunities. Nonstate sector Community Works Programme has created more than 662 000 job opportunities for our people; the provincial departments and municipalities combined have created a total of more than 365 000 job opportunities. Clearly, that is good progress which is worth mentioning.



Over and above the job opportunities which are created by the four sector of the EPWP programme, training is also provided to our people. By the end of 2017, the EPWP programme had provided training to not less than

25 400 participants. Again, that is good progress. It is nice to be a South African.



With regard to key challenges, I must say that admitting one’s failures and the existence of challenges is the



beginning of an honest road towards turning things around. You will agree with me that that is exactly the approach adopted by our new President, Comrade Cyril Ramaphosa, in his state of the nation address. To that end, I must say that while the EPWP programme has made some significant achievements in terms of creating job opportunities and providing training to our people, there are, however, a number of key challenges which the programme is grappling with, and the following are some of them ...





... akere ge o le motho o swanetše gore o itekole pele o ka lekolwa ke batho ba bangwe. Re ka se dule re re ke go go šwaanyana; ge go go ntshonyana go le gona le gona re swanetše re botšeng MaAfrika-Borwa gore re goga boima.





... nonreporting and under-reporting of some of the job opportunities created through the programme; some public bodies still do not incorporate EPWP principles in their planning and budget processes; delays by public bodies to capture their performance data due to lack of capacity in



terms of data capturing and reporting; poor record keeping by some public bodies leading to failure to comply with reporting requirements; lack of adequate technical capacity in public bodies, especially at local government level to implement projects and inadequate training budgets to train participants.



The speedy resolution of these key challenges is very critical and that is what the ANC government under the leadership of President Cyril Ramaphosa will seek to do.



With regard to the provincial perspective - let me talk about the province where I come from - the province of peace. I must indicate up front that Limpopo province has the lowest unemployment rate in the country at 20,8%. In line with the NDP, the Limpopo government developed and introduced the Limpopo Development Plan. The following are some of the key successes recorded to date with regard to job creation initiatives in Limpopo province – [Interjections.] ... for sure you are not a Limpopo resident - excuse me, Madam Chair. Limpopo province created the highest number of jobs in South Africa in the second quarter of 2017, which totals 32 000. The approval



of the Musina-Makhado as a special economic zone, SEZ, is a very good achievement. We are still waiting for Tubatse to be licenced – to also become a special economic zone.



There are key challenges that we are facing. As an honest government, under the leadership of an honest president, President Ramaphosa, we do admit that there are, of course, challenges that we are still grappling with in as far as job creation is concerned in our communities. The following are some of the challenges. Poor economic growth which our country experienced in the past few years; the high poverty levels across provinces in our country; low capacity in terms of designing projects labour-intensively; non-institutionalisation of EPWP projects within municipalities and the country at large; short duration of work for unskilled and semiskilled workers and over reliance on implementing groups and Municipal Infrastructure Grant funding, excluding equitable shares for EPWP implementation.



With regard to interventions and pipeline projects, Limpopo province has put together the following interventions, in order to improve job creation



initiatives in our communities. The province will be strengthening support towards identified growth point areas; reducing unemployment from the current 20,8% to 14%; accelerating infrastructure development programmes aimed at unlocking the economic potential of the province; the Tubatse area will be declared a special economic zone; the Musina SEZ is projected to create about 19 000 direct jobs in the medium and long term; all projects will be designed to comply with EPWP requirements and the Limpopo government has also identified 10 major projects for investment worth no less than R46 billion. This will include the installation of sulphur dioxide abatement equipment by Anglo-American, and the project is valued at R1,3 billion. These are some of the initiatives aimed at creating employment for our people.





Mme Modise, ke rata go go leboga ke be ke bontšhe gore Mopresidente wa rena maloba ge a be a le mo o re boditše gore re kgathe tema. Presidente, re a dumela gore tema re tlile go e kgatha, le ge re na le ditlhotlo. Re kgopela



gore dikgoro tša rena di šome go bontšha gore taba ye re tlile go e kgona.



A ke bontšhe gore kua Limpopo, Mmasepaleng wa Blouberg le Mmasepaleng wa Waterberg - ge o ka sepelela mafelong ale ke mo o tlogo bona gore ...





... those areas can be tropical and very rich.





Dienywa tša go swana le menko, morara le panana di mela gabotse kua; le moringa. Efela se re se hlokago ke maano a go di sepediša [process]. Ke dumelelana le wena Mopresidente ge o re re šomeng; re fetoleng maphelo a batho. E re ke bolele ka Tubatse moo e lego gore go epa diminerale ntle le tumelelo [illegal mining] go iphile maatla; batho ba rena ebile ba hlokafala ba le ka gare ga mešima yona yeo. Ga ke tsebe gore Tona ya tša Bodulobatho yena o tlile go agela batho dintlo kae ka lebaka la gore batho bao ba go epa diminerale ntle le tumelelo ba tsena go gongwe le go gongwe ka dikgerekgere tša bona tša go



šoma, ba bona go ... [Nako e fedile.] Re a leboga. [Legoswi.]



Ms D B NGWENYA: Hon Speaker and hon Chairperson of the NCOP, President Ramaphosa delivered his maiden state of the nation here last Friday, and spoke about many things that excited the nation. He cited the song Thuma Mina by the legendary Bra Hugh Masekela and asked that South Africa must send him, and he will be there for all afflicted by a number of social ills in this country.

Sadly, the President spoke about the pervasive violence perpetrated against women in this country. He never spoke about the gross economic inequalities between men and women in this country. He never spoke about the deep- rooted patriarchy, which breeds toxic notions of masculinity, leading to unmitigated violence against women in this country.



I am here, Mr President, to speak for those women and girls who have for a very long time been forced to keep silent about the struggles they face, just to breathe. I am here to speak for the widows and orphans of the Marikana mineworkers, who perished under a hail of



bullets from police, who were encouraged by his call for concomitant action, and their only sin was only a demand for a living wage of R12 500. [Applause.] These widows and orphans face the daily indignity of having to beg for food, clothes and school fees. Their plight is not that different from that of millions of other women who are forced to go and raise children of white people as domestics and leaving their children on their own to raise themselves because of deep-rooted economic inequalities.



I am here to speak for the almost 36% of unemployed people in this country, many of whom are young people, and the majority of whom are young women. As a result, most of these women are forced into unsustainable livelihood to sustain their lives and are made vulnerable to abuse by these unscrupulous men who use their economic power to sexually abuse these young women.



Unemployment rate is very high in this country, not only because of pervasive corruption in the public sector, as your white friends would like us to believe, but because of their own economic crimes, and because of their



criminal tax evasion through investing in tax heavens to escape from paying their taxes in this country. As you aptly cited Bra Hugh, Mr President, we hope that you shall be there for these women. We want you to be there for rural women, for lesbian and queer women, for sex workers, for widows, for women working in factories and for those women forced by unscrupulous men to sell their bodies to advance in the corporate sector. [Applause.]



We want you to be there for the rural women who have to walk very long distances to access clinics and hospitals in Mbizana, only to find these clinics and hospitals without nurses, doctors and medication. All this while we have a Minister of Health, who seems to know what needs to be done - and speaks about it daily - to eliminate the duality between the public and private health system, but who just can’t seem to get anything done.



We want you to be there for rural women under the repressive stranglehold of untransformed traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape and in KwaZulu-Natal who refuse to view women’s right to access land the same way they view men’s rights. [Applause.] We want you to be



there for the over 50 000 annual victims of sexual offences in South Africa, whose tormentors roam the streets. Amongst some of those violators of women’s rights is one Mduduzi Manana, a supposedly honourable member of this House, and a National Executive Committee, NEC, member Mr President.



We want you to fix the police so that when women go and report these heinous crimes it does not take forever for Mr Mbalula to have Mduduzi Manana arrested, and that people like him do not get out of the criminal justice system with only a slap on the wrist, and then get rewarded with higher positions in political parties. We want you to strengthen the Sexual Offences Unit of the SA Police Services to better enable the police to deal thoroughly with reported cases of sexual violence.



Lastly, Mr President, do not be fooled by your newly acquired friends. The problem in South Africa is not only related to fixing the economy to benefit the elite, the problem relates to deeper structural societal problems.

We need schools that have resources and teachers who can teach our children and not abuse them and turn them into



mothers in a very early age, as it is in the Northern Cape. We need clinics that open 24 hours with sufficient nurses and doctors who care about patients.



As we speak now Mr President, at Bophelong Hospital in Mafikeng, North West, their maternity ward looks like where you would keep your buffalos. New mothers are subjected to the most degrading conditions where they even have to sleep on the floor with their newborn babies. A clinic in Mohlakeng township, where mental patients are given a small container, look after them Mr President. Those are important people of this country. I thank you, Chair. [Time expired.] [Applause.]



The MINISTER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: Hon Chairperson of the NCOP, Mr President, hon members and fellow South Africans, on Friday night, President Ramaphosa set out a broad and inspiring vision for the economy that prioritises jobs, young people and economic inclusion.



There is a new mode of optimism and buoyancy in the country. In the weeks and months ahead, we must build on



that optimism and translate it into more employment, a stronger economy and deeper transformation.



There are positive signs of a confidence boost. Five weeks ago, the competition authorities approved a transaction that would see Old Mutual reversing its decision of 20 years ago, to make London its global headquarters and subject to shareholder approval, they will come back home and use Johannesburg Stock Exchange, JSE, for its primary stock exchange listing, make Joburg the global headquarters of its biggest businesses, bring high-level finance jobs back to South Africa, commit to a new fund of R500 million for developing small businesses, ensure no jobs are lost as a result of this home coming and take its BEE shareholding to the best of class in the industry.



One month ago, a foreign investor committed to the government and the regulator to invest at least

R6 billion to modernise the local Caltex refinery and increase the ownership of South Africans in the business if its bid to buy the Chevron Caltex local businesses is approved.



A few weeks ago, in Davos, the CEO of Coca Cola briefed us on steps they are taking to implement the commitment to localised more of their shareholding by selling 30% of equity in the local operation to black South Africans, including workers and to maintain current employment levels for a five-year period.



The CEO of Anheuser-Busch InBev, AB InBev, another large investor, committed to speed up opportunities for black farmers in the company’s barley and hops supply chain.



On the morning of the state on the nation address itself, Japan’s Isuzu Motors announced their decision to take a 100% ownership of the assembly plant in the Eastern Cape while Chinese carmaker, Beijing Automobile International Corporation, BAIC, reached the halfway mark in constructing the first new light manufacturing assembly plant built in more than 40 years in Nelson Mandela Bay.



These examples shows the positive impact of improved business confidence, effective partnerships and the opportunities that smart investors see in the local market.



Jobs remain our number priority. There are currently 16,2 million South Africans working. Last year, the pace

of job creation was particularly slow while a 100 000 new jobs were created, this lags behind the much larger number of young people who leave schools and universities and need to find economic opportunities – that is our challenge.



Unemployment leaves enormous human resources out of the economy. Millions of young, potentially productive South Africans, who want to build this country. Rising inequality is damaging to the economy and toxic to social cohesion.



To address this, President Ramaphosa’s state of the nation address speech set out a vision on how inclusive growth, employment and bold transformation but also the how to, namely, fixing institutions that are broken or have become sources of corruption, building partnerships with the private sector, organised labour and communities and actually implementing our plans – the National Development Plan, the jobs drivers and getting things done.



To achieve this vision of the state of the nation address, we must work differently. It requires renewal within the state.



In the year ahead, to drive job creation and radical economic transformation, we will focus on expanding our infrastructure, deepening industrialisation, greater economic inclusion, promoting innovation and step up African regional integration.



Our macro economic policy framework will promote faster, more inclusive growth and give priority to job creation. We will implement sector plans that unlock job drivers in the economy, sectors with opportunities to expand the gross domestic product, GDP, and create employment.



In the past year, the government invested more than


R1 billion each working day in new infrastructure like, schools, clinics, power stations, roads and new universities.



The country moved from electricity shortages just two years ago to a surplus today, which provides an excellent



base to bring energy to the homes of more South Africans and attract investors who need energy for their production processes.



In the next 14 months, the nation will invest more than R300 billion as we turn the country into a construction site and build between 100 and 150 new schools, increase the number of tertiary student accommodation beds by over

10 000, increase the supply of energy by more than 1000 megawatts, which includes green energy and connect electricity in the homes of close to a million more residents, lay 600 kilometres of new transmission lines to connect the excluded to the energy grid, build more than 100 000 new houses, complete 20 health facilities including a new hospital, accelerate water infrastructure, assemble 480 new locomotives, 15 000 new taxis locally using South African labour and expand fibre-optic cables and link more citizens to high speed internet access.



Economic infrastructure including tourism infrastructure will be prioritised. The team that President Ramaphosa spoke of, to fast-track new projects will also help to



finalise a longer-term project pipeline and budget processes are being reviewed to address the multiyear cycles of spending in infrastructure.



To fund more economic infrastructure and industrialisation, we will engage the financial sector to help unlock fresh resources and the first meeting will take place within three weeks – part of the discussion on an investment pact.



While we need to raise more funding, we must also ensure that no rand of public money is diverted to corrupt purposes or fraudulent tenders. Corruption cost us in the form of lower growth, fewer jobs, less localisation when we buy locomotives from Spain, fewer houses or classrooms that are built.



State-owned corporations like, Eskom, Prasa, Transet and Denel have been the focus of a number of serious allegations. To root out corruption, the government will ensure that key infrastructure-linked projects are reviewed and Cabinet receives reports and actions by law



enforcement agencies to recover monies improperly paid out and that implicated officials are charged.



Last year, the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission, PICC, and the Industrial Development Corporation, IDC, already started work on the economic cost of corruption and measures to address this, with a strong focus of the state of the nation address on stamping out corruption and state capture, we will do more to combat this cancer in our economy.



The fraud in the accounts of Steinhoff resulted in damage to the savings workers and the reputation of corporations. It points to the serious deficiencies in the work of company auditors and come hot on the heels of questionable conduct by KPMG, McKinsey and other private sector companies in the state capture project as well as widespread collusion and price-fixing in many industries.



The Competition Act has been amended to make corporate collusion a criminal offense for which people must go to jail. Our country needs a renewal in both the public and the private sector to address the corrosive effects of



unethical business practices. The government will step up the review of appropriate guidelines and actions and call upon the private sector and professional standard bodies to do the same.



To transform the construction industry, five of the top seven construction companies, Mr President, will complete partnership agreements to ensure the entry of black South Africans in the sector and expand the turnover. Murray and Roberts has sold its construction business to a black-owned company.



New agreements between industry players to expand annual turnover of seven black-owned construction companies to roughly R7 billion a year within seven years is currently being considered by the Competition Tribunal.



To support economic inclusion, people-centred, radical socioeconomic transformation, the government is taking steps to boost youth entrepreneurs and black industrialists to address levels of economic concentration, establish the national minimum wage and



strengthen collective bargaining and broad-based empowerment.



These efforts are intended to build greater levels of social solidarity within the country to address the deep levels of inequality and to provide an economic underpinning to the vision of a nation united. They are the steps to achieve the Freedom Charter goal – the people share in the country’s wealth.



The Competition Amendment Bill was published on 1 December 2017 and will be brought to Parliament this year. The Bill expands the mandate and the powers of competition authorities to address high levels of economic concentration in South Africa so that we build an economy in which young entrepreneurs and black South Africans are not locked out.



Provisions addressing the dominance by large corporations have been drafted so that small businesses are nurtured. Protections on employment have been enhanced to support workers during mergers. Cabinet approved the Bill for



public consultation and we are in discussion with key stakeholders.



The National Minimum Wage to be introduced on 1 May that hon Mthembu spoke to, will not only leave millions of working families out of poverty and promote economic inclusion but it will also be a wage and spending boost to the economy stimulating aggregate demand.



If we want to capture the economic benefits of that boost, we must encourage retailers to stock locally made products and consumers to buy proudly South African products.



We have written to representatives of the largest retailers this morning, to invite them to meet with us to discuss ways in which we can increase the range of locally made goods on our shop shelves.



Mr President, youth enterprise and opportunity will be promoted through public and private sector initiatives. Our focus will be on four main areas; skills, exposure to work, jobs themselves and entrepreneurial opportunities,



in addition to the new investment in higher education to be announced on Wednesday.



Over the next 12 months, the IDC and Small Enterprise Finance Agency, SEFA, will commit R1,3 billion for youth empowered enterprises. The youth employment service of the private sector will recruit the first intake of youth in the next few months and will be scaled up over the next three years.



The government will publicise this and many other programmes to youth people through road shows in all nine provinces. Following discussions at Nedlac, we will release information on the impact of the youth employment accord and further actions during youth month.



The black industrialists will be supported actively in productive enterprises so that we move away from a model that relies simply on black South Africans owning 5% or 10% in an existing company. This emphasis on bolding new productive capacity and linking this with transformation and our vision is critical. To support this, there is funding of some R30 billion available over the next three



years across the government – in the development finance institutions, DFIs, and the government departments and we will integrate this with the activities of state-owned companies and the private sector.



In the year ahead, the government will open discussion with the business and labour on measures to promote greater worker ownership of shares in enterprises and inclusion of workers on the boards of companies, so that we build our own inclusive South African economic model and deepen the partnership in the economy. Complementing this will be our efforts to promote township and rural enterprises and undertake the structural economy reforms.



In the mining sector, we will move away from the standoff between the government and the industry and forge a new co-operation that focuses on greater local processing of minerals and deeper transformation of the sector, particularly aimed at giving workers a stake in the industry. We will work closely with communities, workers and companies as we finalise the Mining Charter. The proposals for a sovereign wealth fund will be worked on in the period ahead.



Industrial expansion is vital. The government will launch a new auto sector scheme, this year, focusing on jobs and localisation of component manufacturing and greater efforts to expand labour intensive industries, such as clothing and textiles, agriculture and agro processing.



Trade with the rest of Africa already accounts for more than a quarter million direct jobs in South Africa. We will use a combination of the proposed free trade area, investment and cross-border infrastructure facilities to deepen our economic relations with neighbours.



To support innovation, the government will finalise a country strategy on the 4th industrial revolution and expand partnerships with the private sector, universities and research institutions.



Hon members, technology is changing economies and societies in deep and fundamental ways. Retail processes are being automated that will impact on jobs in shops and banks, more distance learning may increasingly replace classroom teaching, medical technologies will change the way in which health problems are diagnosed and treatment



is delivered, smart robots will change factories, driverless cars will impact on urban transport. At the base of this is the development in artificial intelligence and the use of big data.



These technologies will be disruptive at the workplace and in society, yes, they can create new digital divides in and between countries but they also provide enormous potential benefits and properly steered, we can harness technology to our developmental goals and in the service of our people. We should not focus on building a 20th century economy when competitors are building the economy of the future.



The digital economy will be a key driver of the 4th Industrial Revolution and thus bringing data costs down will be a priority in the year ahead.



In the next 12 months, to get South Africa ready for the 4th Industrial Revolution, we will develop a skills framework for the new jobs of the future and a social plan to address the disruptions to labour markets and workplaces that flow from new technologies, we will



invest in reconstruction and development to create the intellectual property base for our economy to benefit from the potential of these new technologies and provide funding for venture-capital projects involved in these new technologies, we will bring down the cost of data through the competition market inquiry into data services, we will expand infrastructure through finalising release of new spectrum, complete digital migration and conclude key policies, including the entry of cross-border e-commerce in South Africa.



To drive this process and promote the wider partnership we need in society, we will work through the Digital Industrial Revolution Commission and through the office of the Speaker; we are arranging a session to brief Parliament on work undertaken on the implications of the 4th Industrial Revolution.



Hon members, I have outlined some of the steps that we will take to give effect to the vision of the state of the nation address. These efforts will reignite confidence and growth and will boost investment. They are an essential part of our growth plan and will also help



South Africa’s sovereign rating so that we move from sub- investment rating to a country that is ready to work, ready to do business and ready for investment.



Two key things will define the approach of the government: firstly, synergy and integration. Our interventions will have limited impact if they are simply a series of separate actions. We therefore plan for the different actions, on youth, the 4th Industrial Revolution, on infrastructure, on industrial expansion, all to be combined and integrated.



Secondly, it is partnership. We will actively involve the private sector and workers through their unions in the economic renewal plans. The summit on jobs and the conference with investors are key forums for building that partnership.



Some opposition speakers have criticised this as too many summits and conferences that we don’t have any plans and that summits are not enough to fix South Africa. We think the concrete plans we have outlined on deconcentration of the economy, on infrastructure, on industrialisation, on



the 4th Industrial Revolution and the NDP is a powerful reply to that criticism. We will convene summits and hold meetings with social partners because we want to do things differently – to draw people in to become part of the solution [Applause.], to mobilise resources that are outside the government because the challenges we face require that all South Africans are part of that solution. That thuma mina [send me] becomes wildly subscribed as a call to national service by those who love their country, black and white, young and old and urban and rural.



In this spirit, we will work closely with social partners on a broader accord to underpin the economic recovery.

Successful social partnering requires trust-building. Trust between South Africans. Trust between business and labour. Trust between the citizens and the government.



Development is not about government doing everything. It is to give our people the freedom to bloom; to unleash and let the talents of South Africans shine, to equip the young with skills so that they can shape the economy, to



protect the vulnerable, to create conditions for decent work opportunities to be created on scale.



In this year that we celebrate 100 years since the birth of Madiba, I am reminded that in 2007, Madiba was given the International Labour Organisation’s, ILO, inaugural Decent Work Prize. An ILO Director-General, Juan Somavia, when handing over the prize, said: “If any person embodies the values of decent work, it is President Mandela.” As a lawyer, an activist, a prisoner, a politician and a statesman, Nelson Mandela has lived the life and the ideals of the ILO through his life-long pursuit of dialogue, understanding, fairness, social justice and above all, dignity.



These ideals and values are what the ANC-led government will be giving effect to in the year ahead. Thank you. [Applause.]



Proceedings suspended at 13:10.



Proceedings resumed at 14:10.



Ms J L FUBBS: Mr Deputy Speaker, Mr President, hon members of this House, fellow South Africans, a developmental state, which is what South Africa is pursuing is one that is determined to influence the direction and pace of economic development by directly intervening in the development process, rather than relying on the uncoordinated influence of market forces to allocate resources.



The establishment of social and economic goals to guide the process of development and social mobilisation is critical as reflected in the National Developmental Plan, NDP. The reconstruction of South Africa’s industrial capacity is essential and manufacturing has been identified as the critical instrument to drive the Industrial Policy Action Plan, Localisation and Local Procurement with enabling legislation and strategic designations.



South Africa’s challenges as you pointed out Mr President in the state of the nation address are poverty, high unemployment and inequality. However, Mr President, as you acknowledge, we can address this through increased



labour absorbing economic growth. Statistics South Africa's figures for December show that the current unemployment rate is currently at 26.7%.



So, creating labour absorbing economic growth calls for a commitment for all sectors of the economy, the public and private sector so that we are able to work together, including agro-tourism and a processing and tourism.



The presidency of President Ramaphosa in the steps of Mandela has ushered in an era defined by integrity, selfless service, commitment and one that has never tolerated the plunder of public resources, nor the theft by corporate criminals of hard-earned savings of ordinary people.



The manufacturing sector has the largest multiplier effect of all sectors in the economy, meaning that in every R1 of investment, there is R1,13 in real value.



Between September and December 2017, 1,8 million people were employed in this sector and the GDP contributed manufacturing by 13,7%.



But in recent years, due to domestic and international issues, South Africa has experienced slow growth. So, government has seen the need to stimulate the sector from domestic demand, leveraging government expenditure through the Local Procurement Policy.



The ANCs vision for the South African economy is guided by the Freedom Charter and the clarion call that “the people shall share in the country’s wealth”. A country wanting to create a developmental state, we know, uses state resources to address poverty and expand economic development.



Now one of South Africa's greatest resources is its buying power through government expenditure which Local Procurement Policy aims to do and aims to capitalise on this and the state-owned entities as well, including public infrastructure investment. Government spending on locally produced goods will increase local demand and significantly expand local suppliers leading to economic growth.



A strong domestic demand for local production ensures that all local manufacturers build their capacity by supplying local demand and developing competitiveness for exporting their products. So, goods produced in South Africa, and never let us forget this, create jobs and more jobs.



So, we are using yet another very sharp instrument, namely, designations in local procurement. Local public procurement focuses on goods that the government procures mostly for its service delivery. We need national. We need provincial. We need municipalities. We need state- owned entities. We need all departments in the public sector to be totally committed to this.



Now already in South Africa, we are focussing on key industrial sectors, rail rolling stock, bus fleets, transport infrastructure, automotive, clothing, textiles, leather and footwear. Why are we doing this because these are the products that the South African government buys the most off? It buys the bedding and clothing for hospitals, uniforms and shoes and cars for the police and the defence force.



But there are many other issues. There is bus bodies, canned processed vegetables, rail rolling stock, textiles, clothing, solar water heaters, set-top boxes, certain pharmaceutical products, furniture products, electrical and telecom cables, residential meters etc, and we all have wheelie bins.



In the tenders when South Africa plans to buy these goods, we will ensure the government of President Ramaphosa that the changes in state-owned entities ensure that all tenders will be very specific on locally manufactured products with prescribed minimum threshold.



We know that the Regulation 14 and Preferential Procurement deal with non-compliance. But no, we don’t want to wield the whip every five minutes. We know you know this. We believe that you will in this new government with a new leadership, you will feel willing to implement this.



The organ of state can cancel the contract if there is non-compliance. Never let us to get that. The Public Procurement Bill that is now being led by National



Treasury is going to tackle the area of non-compliance and this will be beefed up, including areas for non- compliance. But let us not just point to the issues that have beset us. But yes, there have been successes, the Bus Recapitalisation scheme and the textile industry.

Right here in the Western Cape was so depressed at one stage and where is it now. It is managing to compete more effectively.



However, government cannot impose location policy on the private sector. This is under the World Trade Organisation Rules. But what we are going to do, we are going to pursue the private sector that it is in their own interest to increase their profits and to actually pursue our own retailers and manufactures and buy local. [Applause.] What will this achieve? The goods are here on the sport, you don’t have to wait for them, they wait here. We need to set up that signage and encourage the private sector. We all say, there are enough incentives at the moment.



Public Finance Management Act 1 of 1999 provides a regulatory framework for supply chain management at



national and provincial and the municipality does it with a municipality Act. Then we have other issues. I mention designations and how shop this is. We have already designated 21 products and we will continue to designate more strategic products because localisation will create more inclusive economy. We want a more inclusive economy. The black industrialists programme is going a long way in accelerating radical economic transformation and changing the ownership patterns of the country’s economy and ensuring that black industrialists are not simply conflicting but play a meaningful role in the manufacturing sector. An amount of R500 million has been spent on those incentives with 30 black industrialists to date.



But let us come to tourism, a labour intensive sector. May I interrupt my input at this point to convey my condolences, Madiba’s condolences to the family of the late Beatrice Ngcobo, who often assisted me with my Zulu. We got to know each other very well. She was passionate about tourism. She was passionate with her work in the community and she will be a great loss to her community,



to this Parliament and to her family, no doubt. So, Madiba’s condolences there.



Indeed, tourism is a labour intensive sector with many spin-offs never mind the foreign direct investments, FDIs, and so on but there are many opportunities in the SMMEs, guest houses, bed-and-breakfast, hotels, lodges, backpackers and the like, tour operators and so on.



Currently, we may not realise this, but there are 7 000 direct jobs - put in the multiplier factor and what do you get - almost double. It is part of the services sector and we know globally the services sector is becoming more and more important. But we have a comparative advantage. We have the most beautiful countryside and the most hospitable people, people from every province and group. We have a huge variety of fauna and flora. We may have forgotten that we actually have, I think, it is nine heritage sites. Apart from that, we are one of the most sought after conference and sporting areas for huge conferences and various other events.



Now I believe Mr President, we can enhance the support for tourism in this area by asking all South Africans to open not only their homes but their hearts up to the world. We are passionate about this. May I add that last year, we increased the number of tourists by 12,8%. We are going to step up security.



The ANC Conference has resolved that security for tourists must be revisited in our policies as this is a requirement. We have taken this at the ANC Conference. Then may I say, yes, we are not continuing just to promote it, we need radical transformation.



As Mandela said, there is no easy walk to freedom anywhere, so too, there is no easy walk to radical transformation. So, our government, the ANC’s government is asking all of us to join hands. A new dawn is here.

President Ramaphosa is restoring hope and ushering in a new era.






Muphuresidennde Vho Ramaphosa vha ḓo tendelana na nṋe uri hezwi zwi nga itiwa khwine nga u sika mishumo minzhi. [U fhululedza.]





I thank you.



Ms N W A MAZZONE: Deputy Speaker, fellow Members of Parliament, hon President, today I stand here as an incredibly proud South African, a proud Member of the National Assembly of Parliament and a very proud member of the Portfolio Committee of Public Enterprises, or as we call ourselves, team South Africa.



To the brave men and woman of South Africa, who despite facing tremendous pressure, potential job loss and alienation from certain sectors, have still boldly spoken out against, and exposed corruption, state capture, nepotism, cronyism and mismanagement.



To you all I say, thank you. Thank you on behalf of South Africa for your determination to look after the South African coffers, and for your relentless patriotism. I



particularly though want to single out an unsung hero of this tale, a man of such virtue, such bravery and so proud of his country, that when he was offered a bribe and propositioned with money, the likes of which we could only dream of in the case of winning the lotto, he said no! I choose South Africa; I choose country duty. To you Adv Vanara, I say thank you. [Applause.] May the Gods bless you and may our children learn about how you helped save South Africa from being sold off piece by piece. You are sir, a hero.



Our state-owned entities, SOEs, are completely dysfunctional. They have been captured, lock, stock and barrel. They are a source of great shame and massive concern for our economy. The amount of money that has been siphoned off to various politicians, key-players and the Gupta family is absolutely obscene.



Deputy Speaker, I find it quite bizarre and more than a little disturbing that many of these key politicians are sitting along side us in this very House today. We cannot deny that in these benches sit Ministers who held secret



meetings in Switzerland to decide the fate of certain mines and coal contracts to Eskom.



Certain Ministers are alleged to have met with the Gupta family to take instructions regarding the composition of the boards of Eskom, Denel, SA Airways, SAA, SA Xpress, SAX and Transnet, to name a few. Board members have claimed to have been summonsed to Minster’s houses to receive instructions, and most disturbing of all, an ex board CEO of Eskom has claimed to have been summonsed to the ex President’s household and told by a fellow board member what the President wanted him to do in order to aid the Gupta family.



A Minister in these very benches has also been accused — and look, let’s be honest - actually admitted to approaching the evidence leader of the state capture enquiry into Eskom, offering him a substantial bribe, which was not accepted, to collapse the enquiry and in fact, not let it even get started.



I am quite sure that the President has to agree with me, this is not an acceptable situation. Our government must



operate and function here, in South Africa, and not the Oberoi Hotel in Dubai. We cannot be expected to believe the President’s commitment to root out corruption and stop state capture in its tracks until these Ministers are given their marching orders and feel the full might of the law being thrown at them. To be a Member of Parliament is a great honour. Let us re-earn the right to be called hon members.



Last week, I took an early morning walk along the Sea Point Promenade. It has become popular. In fact, it is quite the place to be seen these days. I put my headphones on while I was contemplating just how close our SOEs came to complete collapsion. A song by the South African rock star, Arno Carstens, came on.



It is a song called Emergency and the chorus goes like this: “How long, too long, Right now, this is an emergency.”



How long, too long,


Right now


this is an emergency.



This is exactly the current state of our SOEs. We are in a state of emergency. Mr President, we need more Phakamani Hadebes and Jabu Mabuzas to walk in and take no prisoners. What has happened at Eskom is epic. It now needs to happen at Denel, Transnet, SAA and SAX. The rich simply cannot keep getting richer while the poor become poorer.



It is up to us to do this. South Africans, we have to do this! Deputy Speaker, through you, let me tell the President, we are here to help you. There is absolutely nothing wrong with South Africa that cannot be fixed by what is right in South Africa. South Africans are kind; we are brave, we are resilient and we are determined.

South Arica, we’ve got this! It is now up to the President to follow through on him fixing his ministries and he will have our undivided, unwavering, and full support in fixing the SOEs.



Deputy Speaker, in my closing remark and again through you, if I leave our President with one thought, let the thought be this: Mr President, on behalf of 54 million South Africans, I beg of you, leave this House today,



walk straight into Minister Lynn Brown’s office and say the following eight words to her: Minister Brown, you are the weakest link. Goodbye. [Applause.]





Nks N N MAFU: Mongameli weSizwe ohloniphekileyo, Mnu Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa, aBaphathiswa namaSekela akhoyo apha,iinkulumbuso zamaphondo kunye noosomlomo nabathunywa, oosodolophu abakhoyo kunye nabameli boomasipala , amaLungu ePalamente ahloniphekileyo eziNdlu zombini, iindwendwe nabantu baseMzantsi Afrika ngokubanzi. Masiqale sibulele Mongameli intetho othe wayenza ngoLwesihlanu evuselele abantu boMzantsi Afrika babonakala benethemba kananjalo. Sibulela kananjalo uNxamalala, uMongameli uJacob Zuma, ngomsebenzi awenzileyo. Uhlale kakuhle Nxamalala. [Uwelewele.]



Sekela Somlomo, umbutho wesizwe i-ANC uthabathe isigqibo sokuba lo nyaka ube ngunyaka ojolise ekudaleni imisebenzi kananjalo ikwangunyaka wokubhiyozela nokhumbula iminyaka elikhulu yofafa olude, uSopitsho, uNgqolomsila, unyana kaMandela, Aah Dalibhunga!!! nguMongameli wokuqala woMzantsi Afrika owasiphathela inkululeko. Sikhumbula



esenza intetho yakhe phaya phesheya kolwandle ngomhla we-


3 kweyoMdumba wama-2005, kumsitho owayenesihloko esithi, “Senza intlupheko into yayizolo” apho wathetha wenjenje, “niyazi ukuba ndisandulu’ukuthatha umhlala phantsi kodwa akakho umntu onokuphumla kuphele kusekho intlupheko nokungalingani elizweni. Kufuneka silwe nentlupheko ngohlobo esalwa ngalo nengcinezelo kunye nobukhoboka. Ngexesha kubonakala inkqubela elizweni kwezobuchwephetsha nezenzululwazi intlupheko yona iye ithatha unyawo. Abantu basentolongweni yentlupheko kwaye ayikho inkululeko entluphekweni, eli lixesha lokuba sibakhulule entluphekweni.



Sikwakhumbula iqhawekazi uThole, uGqagqane, uMaNdlangisa intombi yakwaThethiwe, uMama uNontsikeleo Albertina Sisulu, naye ongegqiba iminyaka elikhulu ngomhla wamashumi amabini ananye ku Okthobha kulo nyaka ukuba ebesaphila. Sazi kamhlophe ukuba intlupheko apha emzantsi Afrika ubuso bayo ngumama, kwaye namama, umama ongum- Afika. Akakho ke umntu oyiphile wayilwa kananjalo ingcinezelo kweli njengoMama uSisulu. Uqaqambe ngakumbi ekulweni ingcinezelo yamakhosikazi ephindwe kathathu, ngokobuni, ngokwesizwe nangobuhlanga. Liqhawekazi eli



elalimane lisitsho kancane ukuba ayikho inkululeko onokuphumelela ngaphandle kwenkululeko yoomama. Uninzi lwethu luthabathe inxaxheba kumzabalazo wenkululeko ngenxa yeempembelelo zakhe kunye kuba wayeneemfundiso ezazisithi, idabi lenkululeko lifuna amakhosikazi phambili. Ukuze simkhumbule ngokupheleleyo kufuneka iimizabalazo yoomama ibeyimpilo yokulwa intlupheko, ukungalingani, nokuswela iimisebenzi. Watsho nokutsho ukuba ukungalingani ukuba akuliwa akusokuze sikwazi ukubulwa ngokupheleleyo ubundlobongela obujoliswe kubantu besifazane nabantwana. Kule minyaka siphila kuyo, le ngxaki, ibalasele apha eMzantsi Afrika kwaye iyaxhalabisa.



Sitshilo phaya eMonti kumsitho wokuzalwa kukaKhongolose, ukuba sishukumisa amathambo, sifuna iintsikelelo njengoko sibeka abantu phambili. Ukuba ke qakuyazoi le nto, phaya kwizibhalo ezingcwele uMprofeti nguHezekile, isahluko sama-37 kumqolo we-7, hamba ke uye kuyifunda ukuze nawe ukwazi uvuseleleka.






We all know that revolutionaries, even modest ones, are made not in our dreams but in concrete historical situations. We also know that political power will not be enough if we do not tackle the economy in order to deal with poverty, unemployment and inequality; otherwise, national democratic revolution will remain in danger. It is a well-known fact that inequalities persist in South Africa and we boast the highest unemployment rate in the world due to the injustices of the past amongst others.



An aggressive state intervention is needed and I believe some of those were highlighted by the hon President in his speech. We now need to critically tease them out through a programme of action for the government. Then we can talk of a developmental state in progress with development objectives.



We have directed public resources towards tackling poverty, building houses for the poor, electrifying houses, providing water to millions of additional households, redistributing land, improving education and health, and providing more than 17 million social grants to almost 12 million South Africans. Though much has been



done in service delivery, the basic conditions of many South Africans with its high levels in poverty, unemployment and inequalities is of great concern.



The ANC-led government from its inception guided by the ANC policies has always prioritised the quality of life of our people. For instance, in 1955 Kliptown, the ANC declared through the Freedom Charter that South Africa belongs to all who live in it black and white, and we are still in 2018 committed to this call.



Reconstruction and Development Program state clearly that attacking poverty and deprivation needs to be the ANC first priority. It further says linking reconstruction and development as part of an integrated process is critical, which will lead to reconstruct family life and community life as part of addressing the triple challenges.



In 2004, the ANC in its election manifesto spoke about a peoples contract to create work and fight poverty. The ANC has always put people’s interest at the top of its agenda. Given the legacy of inequality and poverty it is



not surprising that the reduction of poverty and hunger, the delivery of essential services and the provision of decent work will always be a consistent theme for us as the ANC.



A detailed blueprint of how the country can eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by the year 2030 was adopted by both the government and the ANC in 2012. That blueprint is none other than the National Development Plan, NDP. It also says too many people are trapped in poverty; we remain a highly unequal society, too few South Africans works. Clearly, therefore economic structure needs to change.



While we welcome that 17 million South Africans depend on social grants, this must not be a permanent feature. We need to instill to our people that they are potential producers. This is not a solution into our economic problems and is not sustainable. It is merely a palliative until a better answer is found. Poverty relief must be accompanied by enhancing people’s productive capacities.



The ANC-led government must strengthen the free basic services programme, which currently supports 3,5 million indigent households. What is vital is to continuously monitor these households so that if their economic status changes for better they can exit the programme in order to create space for the worse. Currently, these families occupy a permanent position because the economy cannot absorb them, but this also is not sustainable.



The Expanded Public Works Programme which government has been implementing for some time is a welcome relief for the poor households. Its end product must be about building the economy while meeting basic needs. The social sector summit on tackling poverty should not lose sight of the feminisation of poverty which needs to be dealt with.



The character of the national democratic revolution states clearly all manifestations and consequences of patriarchy. We must confront the seeming resurgence of patriarchy and backward attitudes towards the role of women in society. The summit must discuss creating, cultural and material conditions that will allow the



abilities of women to flourish and enrich the life of the nation. Triumph over poverty is not an option but a must. The ANC also commits to practical measures aimed at the full realisation of women’s leadership potential and ways of making sure that violence against women and children is dealt with decisively.



We welcome the proposal of a job summit; women and youth must have an audible voice in this summit as they are the most affected. We hope that the private sector will be generous in its commitment to help the country turn the tide. More people working mean economic growth for the country. Decisions taken in this summit must be binding. This summit must not be allowed to be a talk shop, comrade President. Workers are the backbone of any country’s economy.



The youth employment service initiative, must better educate develop, train and empower young people, and enable them to participate in the reconstruction of the society through involvement in service projects such as improving infrastructure.



Patriotism must be a critical for our youth. The technical knowledge that they acquire here must be put to the service of the people. Young people of our country must be the center of our economic agenda. The target of

1 million in three years is commendable, maybe we can do more. This reinforces the conference resolution to priorities effective public employment programmes, internship, job placement, youth entrepreneurship and set aside programmes



Apartheid thrived based on forced cheap migrant labour. Economic activity in rural areas must be prioritised because this will impact positively on other challenges that we have such as rapid urbanisation which leads to growing informal settlements.



The announcement by the President that the minimal wage is being implemented on 1st May 2018 is welcomed. While we know that this is not ideal we applaud the intervention in mitigating poverty. What we request, hon President, is the close monitoring of this. Many at times, employers do not implement directives from



government and there are no consequences, this must come to an end.



All other proposals by the President that are directed on job creation - we talking here about paying attention on tourism industry and investment conference - must be programmatic. This will have a positive impact on the country’s economy outlook. These two proposals have a lot to do on how the world sees us. Nobody would want to come to South Africa if we don’t have a proper programme around tourism, emphasising those experiences only our country can offer. Yet, no one would want to invest in South Africa if we do not create positive climate conducive for investment.



South Africa does not live in an Ireland; that is why at this point in time, I would like to dedicate my speech to a young girl of 16-years-old from Palestine who has been languishing in the Isreal jail because she had to call for a free Palestine. We call upon United Nations to act in line with the declaration that what is happening in Palestine is a crime against humanity. [Applause.] Just



as apartheid was, we call for the immediate release of Ahed Tamimi.





Urhulumente we-ANC uyabanakekela abantu bomZantsi Afrika, nangona ekhona amagingxigingxi. Siyazi ukuba silapha ngenxa yenu. Siyazi ukuba nani niyawuthanda umbutho wenu i-ANC. Sizizithunywa zenu njengoko etshilo uMongameli.

Asithi xa kukho ingxaki sifake intloko esantini, siza nesisombululo. Ningahambi nithuma abantu abazakuthi nisithi kubo mabaye eNiniva bona baye eTalashishi. Lunye ke uhlobo enisithuma ngalo singuKhongolose, kukuba nisivotele kuvoto oluzayo lwama-2019.



Sikulungene ukungena kuwo omane amagumbi elilizwe lethu, sikhokhelwa nguMongameli uCyril Ramaphosa. Ningalahli ithemba nihambe nizilahlela kooYona beli lizwe, phofu befuna ukuya nani baye eTalashishi; mabahambe bodwa, bangahambi nani. I-ANC izalwa njengo 1912, injongo yayo kukuthumakala. Yiyo loo nto uMadiba noMama uAlbertina Sisulu baba zizithunywa eziqavileyi ngexesha lomzabalazo wokutshikilela urhulumente wobandlululo ngowe-1952



Sithumeni bantu boMzantsi Afrika. Asibuyi mva. Sibheka phambili. Siphucula iimpilo ...



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, please take your seat.



Mr DLAMINI: Ndifuna ukulungisa umama kuba i-ANC ayizelwanga 1952, izalwe ngo1912 mama. Enkosi.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member that is not a point of order.





Nks N N MAFU: I-ANC izalelwe ukuba abantu boMzantsi Afrika bayithume. Sitsho kuni ke bantu bakuthi ukuba sithumeni kuba asibuyi mva koko sibheka phambili nokuphucula iimpilo zenu sisebenzisana nani. Yi-ANC yenu le; nathi singabenu. ndiyabulela. [Uwelewele.] [Kwaqhwatywa.]





Mnu Z N MBHELE: Ngiyabonga Sekela Somlomo,






I wish to start by acknowledging the President’s pledge in his state of the nation address to ensure a focus on better distribution of personnel and other resources to police stations. The Democratic Alliance has long diagnosed that a key obstacle to having an effective police service that reduces crime is the four U’s of underresourcing, understaffing, undertraining and underequipping at station level.



This has often resulted in a shortage of personnel to staff community service centres across the country, which means that far too often members of the public walk in to police stations only to find an empty front desk. These are the people for whom the DA fights to ensure a more effective police service.



Underequipping has resulted in a shortage of vehicles to conduct crime prevention sector patrols and to respond to dispatch call-outs to crime scenes. It is not uncommon for our people to have to wait three or four hours or more for the police to arrive after a call to the 10111 hotline.



Just last year, I had to assist with the case of a family in Nyanga where they waited more than 12 hours overnight for the police to arrive after they had reported the rape of their young daughter. It was only after I contacted the station commander requesting urgent action that a vehicle was dispatched. It is for families like these for whom the DA fights to ensure a more effective police service.



Therefore addressing the four U’s at station level will go some way to reducing the unresponsiveness and unprofessionalism found in too many stations which are meant to be the coalface of police service delivery.

Police stations are places to which the public should feel they can go when they are at their most vulnerable and leave feeling better that the violation of their rights will result in justice being done, especially for marginalised people like lesbian, gay and transgender individuals and sex workers.



Instead, for many, a police station is the last place they would want to go to, and they go only when they absolutely need to. The prospect of having to enter a



police station is a source of anxiety and the experience of it is one of frustration.



But, Mr President, getting more personnel and vehicles to stations will only be the first step in a long road to improving the SA Police Service, SAPS. That alone will do little good if our detective service remains in distress, with investigators being overburdened with caseloads of between 100 and 150 dockets, with some investigators having to deal with as many as 300 dockets. It is for these officers, left to languish under unsuitable working conditions, that the DA fights to ensure a more effective police service.



Addressing the four U’s alone will do little good if our crime intelligence remains in crisis, with incompetent leadership, floundering in dysfunction and its resources being mismanaged. An effective Crime Intelligence Division is the only way to tackle and reduce organised crime because the syndicates driving it must be identified, tracked, infiltrated, disrupted and neutralised to stop their criminal activities.



I believe that most Members of this House seek the same ends, namely improved governance and delivery. While the governing party has the opportunity to do so as a result of being in power, the opposition also seeks to contribute by proposing reforms and alternative policies which we hope to persuade the government to adopt or at least consider.



So, Mr President, in the spirit of the optimism and hope of which you spoke in your state of the nation address, and encouraged by the confidence you seek to inspire, I would like to table what we in the DA believe is still missing from your plans to fight crime.



Firstly, we would like to see you impress upon the Police Minister the urgency of instituting a National Policing Board, as recommended in the National Development Plan, NDP. This would be a multidisciplinary, independent body of experts who would set and review standards for, as well as playing a key role in, senior appointments of the police top brass in order to address what the NDP itself calls the “the serial crisis of top leadership in the police”.



The age of discretionary appointments, opening the door to favouritism and cronyism, must come to an end in the police service. All selection and promotion processes must happen on the basis of merit to ensure fit-for- purpose, qualified and competent police leadership. This fundamental reform must be the foundation for the professionalisation of the police service because almost everything else to improve police performance depends on it.



Secondly, we are calling for a concerted effort to entrench specialisation in the police service through the capacitation of existing specialised units, such as the Family Violence, Child protection and Sexual Offences, FCS, and Stock Theft units, coupled with the creation of sorely needed new units that the DA has long advocated for, especially Rural Safety Units to combat violent crimes on farms and smallholdings, as well as Anti-Gang units in the Western and Eastern Cape.



Thirdly, Mr President, we are advocating for expedited implementation of localisation in the management of the police service, empowering station and cluster commanders



with decision-making authority and the means to devise and drive customised crime-fighting strategies that are customised to their contexts, without being hamstrung by overly centralised bureaucracy, but held properly accountable for their performance, in line with international best practice.



If these three fundamental pillars of police reform are implemented, we will support them wholeheartedly because they will lead to improved policing and reductions in crime.



However, where your government falls short, we will point out what is wrong, as is our duty as the opposition. We will not relent in our efforts to ensure adequate care for our cops as well as adequate care for crime victims in order to realise the DA’s values of freedom, fairness and opportunity.





NgoLwesihlanu odlule uMongameli uthe, masimthume.






With these proposals from the DA ...





... sifuna ukumthuma ...





... in the right direction.





Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Hon President, congratulations on your elevation ... [Interjections.] ... to the high Office.



Hon President ... [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, the member has not even started speaking! Order, please!



Mr M G P LEKOTA: We also add our voice of appreciation for you announcing the century of Nelson Mandela and Albertina Sisulu.



Mr H P CHAUKE: Deputy Speaker!



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Sorry, hon Lekota. Please take your seat. Yes?



Mr H P CHAUKE: On a point of order, Deputy Speaker. We did not hear hon Lekota when he was congratulating the President. His voice was very low. We thought he could raise his voice properly.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: I think the President heard me, Deputy Speaker.



We also add our voice to the appreciation of you announcing the century of President Mandela and Albertina Sisulu. These are two of the giants of our history, from whom we have learnt a lot, and to whom we are extremely appreciative.



Last Thursday, we joined you at when you took the Oath of Office. You announced the following to the Chief Justice: that you would obey, observe, uphold and maintain the Constitution.



The next day, Friday, in the evening, you announced in your speech that would expropriate land without compensation. The question that confronts us is that this Constitution – if it is this Constitution that you were swearing allegiance to – says at section 25 that none may be deprived of their property. It also says that where expropriation happens, it must be with compensation.



The question therefore that must arise is whether you took your oath to this Constitution, or to another constitution. [Interjections.] Because, Sir, we must raise the question. [Interjections.] We must raise the question. If you are ... [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, please take your seat. Yes, what is the point of order?



Dr M Q NDLOZI: Deputy Speaker, I wanted to ask if hon Lekota has been paid by fascist of the nationalist party to come and squash the land programme of our people.

Let’s not ... [Inaudible.] ... very dangerous.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, let’s not ...



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Comrade Chair ... [Inaudible.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Honourable ...



Dr M Q NDLOZI: What alternative do you have for us to get the land back? [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member ... [Interjections.]



Dr M Q NDLOZI: What did you go to Robben Island to do? [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Honourable ... [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Something is wrong with this guy. [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi ... [Interjections.]



Dr M NDLOZI: What were you doing on Robben Island? [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi ...



Dr M Q NDLOZI: What were you doing on Robben Island?



Mr M G P LEKOTA: This time is ... [Inaudible.] I’m now left with 45 ... [Inaudible.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi ... [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: This is sabotage. This is one forty- five! I haven’t spoken for a minute, and this thing shows one forty-five left. [Interjections.] This is sabotage!

I’ve been watching this thing! [Interjections.] [Laughter.] It’s only ... I haven’t spoken for a minute, and this thing has one minute forty-five left! No, something must be corrected. You must correct this! You give me four minutes and, in no time, this thing jumps to one forty-five! It can’t be like that. [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota ...



Mr M G P LEKOTA: No, it cannot be like that, Sir.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Honourable ... [Interjections.] Hon member ... [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: You cannot say that I’ve spoken for a minute. Four minutes have gone down to one minute forty- five! [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota ... [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: No, Sir! [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, let’s explain it to you, Sir. As soon as anybody rises on a point of order, the clock is stopped. [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: But it says ...                                [Interjections.] [Inaudible.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Even as you are talking now, it has been stopped. It hasn’t moved.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: No, but I have not spoken for a minute. Now I’m left with one forty-five.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, no. Hon Lekota ... [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: How can it be one forty-five? Anybody who is honest ... This is not one forty-five left. I can’t be left with one forty-five. [Interjections.]



Mr J MALEMA: Deputy Speaker ...



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes. Please take your seat. What’s your point of order, hon member?



Mr J S MALEMA: No, we want to offer him extra minutes on condition he says the right things about land. [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: No, no no!



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, no! Hon Lekota, that clock only works ... As you notice now, it’s stopped when you speak.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: I could not have spoken for ... [Interjections.] [Inaudible.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, you can’t be sitting there complaining, hon Lekota. Please proceed. [Interjections.] Hon Lekota?



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Deputy President, I have to raise this question ... [Interjections.] Are you going to take the properties of the great-grandchildren of the Indian indentured labourers who came here? [Interjections.]



Mr H P CHAUKE: Order, speaker! [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Whose properties are you to take? Are you going to take the properties of the French Huguenots and German refugees who came here running away from religious wars in Europe? [Interjections.]






Mr H P CHAUKE: Order! Point of order! [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Whose properties are you going to take? [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What’s your point of order? Hon Lekota ... [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Is it going to be the properties of the great-grandchildren of the slaves that came from the Malay Peninsula ...






The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota? Hon Lekota ...



Mr M G P LEKOTA: ... and from the Phillipines?






Mr M G P LEKOTA: Whose properties are you going to take? [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, please take your seat.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Please, you must let us know.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What’s your point of order?



An HON MEMBER: The point of order, Deputy Speaker, is that we have just been addressed ... there was a state of the nation address not long ago by the President of the country. We don’t have the Deputy President in the House here. Hon Lekota must just get up to date with the processes.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, that’s okay! That’s okay. Take your seat, hon member. It has been corrected. Take your seat. Go ahead, hon Lekota.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Hon President, I apologise for that. I do want to ask these questions. Are you going to take the properties of the great-grandchildren ...






Mr M G P LEKOTA: [Interjections.] ... of the Indians who came here ... [Interjections.] ... to grow sugar cane in Natal? [Interjections.]






Mr M G P LEKOTA: And if so, why? [Interjections.] Are you going to take the properties of the people who arrived here as slaves from the Malay Peninsula ... [Interjections.]






The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, order! [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: ... whose leader, Abdurahman Moturu ... [Inaudible.] ... was laid to rest on Robben Island? [Interjections.]






Mr M G P LEKOTA: Whose properties are going to be taken? [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota ... [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: And who are you going to give this ... [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, there’s a ... Hon Shenge wants to take your ... What’s the point of order, hon member?



Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Deputy Speaker, I was just saying that I can hardly hear what Mr Lekota is saying. I find what my colleagues are doing quite distasteful. It is not democratic. Why are you here? If he’s talking out of his turn or talking through his head, let’s hear that and then respond to it. I just want to hear. I have nothing against you being angry about what he is saying, but I would like to hear the full thing.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes. Thank you. Can we please work with that? I think hon Buthelezi is correct. Go ahead, hon Lekota.



Mr J S MALEMA: But the answer is still yes. You must stop asking questions. We have given you the answer. Yes! [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Malema, no one gave you the authority to do that. Go ahead, hon Lekota.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Well, Deputy President, in that case ... [Interjections.] ... are you going to ... [Interjections.] Are you going to amend the Bill of Rights ... [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: It’s the President, hon member.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Are you going to amend the Bill of Rights, comrade President, so that South Africa must know that this Constitution is no longer relevant under your leadership? [Interjections.] Are you going to take the Bill of Rights? [Interjections.] Are you going to take our rights under the Bill of Rights? [Interjections.] We really need to know that reply, and we cannot not ask that question today. We ask it and we want to know. [Interjections.]



Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker!



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota ...



Mr M G P LEKOTA: If you are going to give this ... [Interjections.] [Inaudible.] ... something, you are



going to the land to our people. Now, please tell us who is not “our people” in this country. [Interjections.] Who is “our people”? Who is not “our people”? Who is ... [Interjections.]



I’m not one of you!



Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker ...



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What are you rising on, hon member?



Mr M G P LEKOTA: It’s a matter that the President will have to answer. [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Matiase? Hon Lekota!



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Who is not “our people”?



Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker! [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Who is “other people”? [Interjections.] This Constitution says all of us are South Africans and



all of us have the same rights. [Interjections.] So, leave the howlers aside.



Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker! [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, please take your seat. [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Who are you going to give the land to? You take it from whom? [Interjections.] And to whom are you going to give it? [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota ... [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: We want your answer. [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Take your seat. What are you rising on, hon member?



Mr N S MATIASE: I want to check if Mr Terror Lekota can take a question.






Mr M G P LEKOTA: I am asking the questions. You can answer them! [Laughter.] [Interjections.] [Applause.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Please be seated, hon member.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: President, if you are going to take the land, are you going to give it to the Basotho, or are you going to give it to which section of the population? [Interjections.]



Mr M L W FILTANE: Point of order, Chair. [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Who is “our people”? I must ask you ... [Interjections.] [Inaudible.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, hon members, allow the member to finish? [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Who is “our people”? Who is not “our people”? [Interjections.]



Mr M L W FILTANE: Point of order, Chair. [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: The National Party used to say, some are Europeans and other are non-Europeans. [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota ...



Mr M L W FILTANE: Point of order, Chair. [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Now, who is “our people, and who is not “our people”? [Interjections.] I want to know that. [Interjections.] No, my time is not up! [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, just hold on. What’s that point of order, Sir?



Mr M L W FILTANE: Thanks for the opportunity, Chair. I’ve always said that your sessions are always keeping us awake. Thank you! [Laughter.]



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, please continue.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: Sir, I still want to know whether the President will take the properties of the great- grandchildren of the French Huguenots ...






Mr M G P LEKOTA: ... the German refugees ...






Mr M G P LEKOTA: ... all of these people who came here.






The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Your time has expired now, Sir.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: The people that came to Kimberley to dig for diamonds.






The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, your time has expired.



Mr M G P LEKOTA: The people that came here to dig for gold.






The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, we are switching off your mic! [Interjections.]



Mr M G P LEKOTA: [Inaudible] ... because their roots lie outside of here.



The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, your time has expired, Sir. [Interjections.]



Mr M GUNGUBELE: Thank you, hon Deputy Speaker. Hon Speaker of the NA, hon Chairperson of the NCOP, Your Excellency, the President of the Republic of South Africa, I salute all of you.



The President spoke about change, renewal and hope. This presupposes a commitment and to conditions of peace and clarity without which human prosperity cannot be realised.



The ANC understood such above would not be possible without trust among South Africans; a trust which is an outcome of earning. When there is a trust it is because that relationship is grounded voluntarily to be strong.



The ANC realised that, Mr President, trust bond was necessary which found expression in our Constitution in general. Constitution succeeds to be a bond only when it is consistently adhered to.



I’m saying this because human beings in general always struggle to trust one another and they find it difficult to live amongst one another; and the law comes as an intervention to ensure that human beings are forced mechanically by law to live together and learn about one another overtime.



Constitution trust bond is a platform for growing our bond which has been bastardised by racism, tribalism and other forms of ethnicity or ethnic division, at times including religion that bond which is humanity; but the modern era of human relationship roots the growth of human bond in laws. That is why it is important to respect the law.



Our forebears understood logically and scientifically why laws should be adhered to for sustainable nationhood.

Therefore, Constitution is our primary root of trust



towards the ultimate well of humanity. This challenge is very important because when we speak about racism, we are not speaking about a race; we are speaking about a system irrespective of from which direction it is coming.



Now, the ANC has envisaged a role of state-owned enterprises within the framework of a developmental state. And in terms of this framework according to the ANC, state-owned enterprises, SOEs, and development finance institutions, DFIs, are not created to maximise profit or incur loses. Rather they exist to drive the transformation and development.



Their dual mandate is to achieve a balance between the required level of self-funding and undertaking developmental projects that the private sector would ordinarily not invest in.



Indeed, some of our big public companies are located strategically in sectors of significance in our economy; amongst others is Eskom in energy, Telkom in communication, and Transnet in transport.



This gives these public companies opportunities when properly run to ensure that in the area of communication, communication is adequate. In the area of transport goods and services are optimally moved, and in the area of communication, communication is smooth.



It is correct to say that apartheid used SOEs for jobs, for services and for procurement. At all material times Mr President when we talk about SOEs, whatever we criticise amongst them, the biggest question is this clarity of our stringing objectives, because conventionally they have survived the liberalisation in the globe because of their relevance in contributing and creating more jobs, enhancing services ensuring that we procure strategically.



It is undisputable evidence that between Eskom and Transnet almost 100 people are employed in relatively secure and well-paying jobs; and according to Statistics SA, this is almost 10% of workers in the formal non- agricultural sector.



International experience has taught us that, even in the most liberalized economies, state-owned enterprises continue to thrive and support the development of other sectors of the economy.



Historically, in the developed countries in North America, Europe and the East, SOE’s and public investment have led the Innovations, Research and Development that have facilitated the establishment of most of the well- known global brands?



Let me give some examples: Apple is a perfect example that supports my argument. Every technology that gives the iPhone its smartphone capabilities owes its vision and funding to the state. These include: the Internet, Global Positioning System, GPS, touch-screen displays, and even the voice-activated smartphone assistant.



The US Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency bankrolled the development of the Internet, while the Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, and the military funded GPS.



It is a little known fact that the nine biggest auto manufacturer by volume globally, Renault is an SOE owned by the French government. The company was expropriated without compensation by the government.



By the way if the member, hon Lekota, reads our Constitution he will discover that expropriation without compensation is allowed on particular conditions.



The 10th largest banks in the world, with total assets worth over 2 trillion US dollars are the Post Bank of Japan, a country considered to be a bastion of liberalization. In spite of the challenges it is facing currently, Eskom remains in the Top 10 of largest electricity public utilities in the world in terms of generation capacity and sales.



The decay in our large SOE’s such as Prasa is also alarming. A typical example of this is the decision taken by Metrorail-Western Cape in December last year to suspend all trains running on the central line in Cape Town, which services the areas where millions of working-



class and poor people live such as Khayelitsha, Philippi, Mitchells Plain, Bishop Lavis and Langa.



This has obviously had a devastating impact on our people and the economy. In our search for solutions, we need to ask difficult questions: How did we arrive at the state of our SOE’s which is pertaining now? How did our biggest SOE’s lend in the situation they are in today?



We are confident that the Judicial Inquiry into corporate capture will answer some of these questions. I would argue that there has been a lapse Mr President, in governance and oversight on these companies over many years; and governance is also, in terms of the law another trust bond in the commercial sector.



The quality of governance in the state and SOE‘s constitutes perhaps the single most important factor that informs the decision-making by investors, both foreign and domestic when they judge a country as a possible destination for investment.



Our former President, Mr Thabo Mbeki, captured this challenge that our government must deal with if we want to attract larger volumes of investment:



The world investor community has understandably asked that as Africans we must establish the conditions to enable them to take rational business decisions to make long-term investments in Africa.



This implies in a nutshell that in the eyes of investors, the credibility of our country depends on the sense that they get of the clarity, stability and predictability of our legal system; democratic government principles, policies and processes; and the governance systems of our large SOE’s.



This is particularly relevant to South Africa as a developing economy, considering that for the past few decades, global growth has been driven by the robust levels of demand from emerging economies.



This is evinced by the portfolio and flow of Foreign Direct Investment, FDI. The hon President, in his address



to this joint sitting of Parliament said that government will intervene decisively to stabilize and revitalize our state owned enterprises.



The performance of some of these SOE‘s has placed tremendous pressure on the fiscus. Indeed, we are encouraged by some of the changes we have witnessed at Eskom, and Parliament must take some credit for the action we have taken through more enhanced oversight state-owned entities, including Eskom.



Eskom’s interim financial statements released last month by the new board and management make for some depressing reading. The deep crisis includes the drop in sales, overdue debt owed to the utility by municipalities running into billions of rand as well as Eskom’s staggering government guaranteed debt of R367 billion, a R34 billion increase from a year ago.



This situation is clearly unsustainable. State-owned enterprises must be strategically positioned to generate the revenues sufficient to cover the costs associated



with executing their mandates. They cannot be allowed to become a permanent drain on the fiscus.



Hon Speaker and Chairperson of the NCOP, I would like to make some concrete proposals to contribute to the ongoing debate on the call by the President that we need to stabilize and revitalize our SOE’s: First proposals is the audit of all SOE’s; government needs to undertake a thorough systematic audit of all the SOE‘s we have in all spheres of government.



This should be done in order to establish their purpose and rationale of their existence and whether there is a case to sustain all of them, based on evidence; with the strategic intensive mind of contributing in job creation and ensuring that services are improved and procuring strategically.



Government as the owner and shareholder in SOE’s must establish a structured and obligatory process through which it periodically reviews the relevance and significance of the SOE’s.



The second proposal, hon President, is on the Oversight of the SOES by the government that hosts entities: In order to achieve good governance, SOE’s must exist within a known and clear legal framework. This means that the boards and managers must first and foremost discharge their legal duties without succumbing to undue influence.



Government must establish appropriate structures and processes, with effective checks and balances which enable the directors and management to discharge their legal responsibilities.



The President has already spelled out that the directors must stay out of operational duties of managers such as supply chain management.



The third proposal is the Established Monitoring and Evaluation Framework, M & E: The success of an M & E framework depends on the clarification of the roles of the Shareholder, Boards and Management etc. The powers and responsibilities of these important role-players must be clarified.



The lack of effective M & E systems is what has opened the door to corporate capture and massive corruption, for the example the R1,6 billion transferred from Eskom to Mac Kinsey and Trillian without proper contracts; and Metrorail services, and so on.



All what we are calling for hon President is that, if we want a trust between us and investors, trust between us and the citizenry the law that governs, that ensures that governance imperatives are adhere to, those must be in place. Our oversight must be effective.



Some of the departments have oversight juniors that do not work at all. Some have got oversight juniors that function very minimally; unless departments that hosts entities adhere to these governance imperatives, trust by the broader society and investors is not going to work; because to actually appeal to investors, it is critical that issues like tax policies, fiscal policies and co- operate governance are actually in place and understood. It is only that trust that will unleash the energies of the investors into our economy.



Having said all that, Siyabulela Mongameli. [Applause.]



Mr M KHAWULA: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Chairperson, Your Excellency, the President of South Africa, Mr President, your election as the President of the Republic has inspired hope and given a sense of courage about the future to many South Africans.



This is only because your predecessor and his administration did a very good job in running down South Africa to near collapse. I presume, after your predecessor’s exit, circumstances have made it a relatively easier job to run South Africa and be judged successful.



It is for this reason that South Africans should not make a mistake of judging you, Mr President, on the basis of the dismal performance of your predecessor. Hon Deputy Speaker, allow me to pay tribute to uMntwana waKwaPhindangene, Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi, for his persistent fatherly guidance in this House over years that the House was engulfed by the apparent troubles of the departed President. Thank you very much, Shenge!



Your state of the nation address, sona, touched on many critical areas of concern that have remained worrisome to many South Africans. There was only an exception of a few critical areas missing, for example, the concern of the tight control of our borders; women and child abuse which is reflective of the decay of our moral standards and the eruption of xenophobic related confrontations in some parts of the country.



Hon President, good leaders surround themselves with other good leaders and good people of honesty, truthfulness and integrity. The people of South Africa are passionately and eagerly waiting to see the President giving this country a new image, an image of hope and prosperity. So far this has been successfully voiced out in your words.



We now need a good team around you; a team of men and women of integrity and selflessness in order for your state of the nation address to put wheels in motion and rescue South Africa. South Africa is blessed with such people of goodwill and integrity. In uprooting the



negative influences, you will need to be very firm, very brave and decisive.



You will cross paths with your own comrades, your own disciples in your team and your organisation. You will turn friends into enemies. But for the sake of South Africa, if it is for the good of the country, please do it. The core issues that you touched upon in your speech are: The sluggish economic growth; state capture; the cancer of corruption; decay of the rule of law; rising unemployment levels; bloated government in order to please friends and comrades; the land issue and lack of effective accountability.



These are all the issues that the opposition has been raising both in the National Assembly and the NCOP for the past nine years. Each time these issues were raised, the ANC would stand up and defend them. Therefore, today we welcome this Damascene Moment that has struck the governing party. Moreover and significantly, the difference this time around is that the Head of State himself has raised these issues.



This reminds me of what Prince Buthelezi once said and I quote: “Giving the problem a new name does not necessarily solve the problem.” Hon President, the challenge will not only be with how national government gets restructured in order to successfully confront these creeping problems. A lot of government decay has been allowed to take place unchallenged in the provinces; a lot of government decay has been allowed to take place unchallenged at local government level.



The extraordinary powers given by the ruling party to its provincial and regional secretaries leaves a lot to be desired in relation to corruption. I am leaving you with this phrase which Umntwana waKwaPhindangene has taught us in the IFP: “Doing what is right because it is the right thing to do.” This is what has to be done! Thank you, sir!



Dr M Q NDLOZI: Chairperson!



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Is that a point of order?



Dr M Q NDLOZI: Yes, Chairperson. I just want to comment. I want to appreciate really the great conduct of mama Bathabile Dlamini and thank the ANC conference for humbling her. We are having a great time in Parliament for real. She has been well-behaved. Thanks to all the delegates of the ANC that went to conference to humble mama Bathabile Dlamini. We are having a great time in Parliament. [Laughter.]



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, hon Ndlozi, please take your seat!



Rev K R J MESHOE: House Chairperson, hon President Ramaphosa and hon members, the excitement, hope and great expectation that filled this House on Friday night during the state of the nation address reminded me of the days when the late former President, Nelson Mandela, was with us in the House. Thank you, Mr President, for giving hope to the people of South Africa.



After making a befitting tribute to Madiba, the President made a commitment to ethical behaviour and ethical leadership. The absence of these two critical essentials



in the previous administration, are among the foundational causes of the capturing of the state of our country.



Even though it was encouraging to hear the President promise that the tide of corruption in our public institutions will be turned, I wondered whether he will have sufficient support to succeed because corruption has now become culture in some of our government departments and institutions. Corruption has become so endemic, that trustworthy officials and police officers have become fewer and fewer by the day.



The ACDP calls on President Ramaphosa to show his intention to urgently root out corruption by starting with his Cabinet. On Wednesday, the ACDP want to see a new Minister of Finance giving the Budget Speech. We want to see captured Ministers and Deputy Ministers who are entangled in a web of corruption investigated and arrested as soon as possible. Justice must be seen to be done, and done without fear or favour.



The President also promised to address concerns about political instability, and to ensure that there was policy certainty and consistency. This, we believe, is crucial to ensure economic growth. While the ACDP believes that government must have a just and fair land redistribution programme, we are convinced that the expropriation of land without compensation will create policy uncertainty, and will potentially hinder the expected flow of new investors into our country.



We believe that government ignored warnings a few years ago when there were signs that we would run out of water in Cape Town and that obviously was totally unacceptable. But, what is even more devastating is to hear that both national and Western Cape Provincial governments have refused help from internationally acclaimed Israeli water technicians to prevent water shortages.



I know that movements such as the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions, BDS, and other anti-Israel organisations are urging government to boycott Israel because of the apartheid lie. Surely, it is irresponsible for government to refuse help from experts that would benefit all



people, particularly the poor and the vulnerable, because of narrow political agendas.



I therefore want to appeal to you, our President, not to be influenced by people who are hateful more than they love our people. The politics of hatred will not help our country. Hatred does not build, it destroys; hatred does not unite, it divides and hinders progress and prosperity. Political agendas of every kind have brought anxiety and much suffering in many parts of the world, including in this beautiful city of Cape Town.



The ACDP calls on government to be humble and ask for help from people with a proven track record; people who live in a desert and yet have no water shortages. Mr President, we welcome your commitment to reinforce ethical behaviour and ethical leadership. We urge you to pursue truth, righteousness and justice for all, irrespective of race, socioeconomic status or party affiliation.



As you do, the ACDP together with millions of South Africans, will also say, send me! With the Almighty God



at our helm, we will work together towards creating a beautiful and prosperous South Africa for all. We commit our help, our contribution and the Lord bless you as you do your best to make sure that South Africa becomes a winning country. Thank you, God bless!



Mr G G HILL-LEWIS: Deputy Speaker, let me start by saying that our colleague, David Maynier, has had a personal tragedy in his family this afternoon and he is unable to be here. Our thoughts and prayers are with him and his family at this time. I also want to say that it is wonderful to speak in this debate for the first time as a Member of Parliament with a President who is actually presidential and I congratulate you, President Ramaphosa, on your election last week as President of the Republic of South Africa.



We are now emerging from a nine-year long nightmare which has shattered public trust in us in this institution, shattered the economy and shattered the lives of millions of ordinary people in South Africa. There must still be consequences for those who were responsible. There can be no immunity for any person.



While the wheels of justice turn, - as they will - it is up to us in the here and now to pick up the pieces and rebuild. We can fix South Africa and we can do it now.

After his own country had just emerged from a long period of self-inflicted harm and divisiveness, the great American statesman Abraham Lincoln said:



Our occasion is piled high with difficulty and we must rise with the occasion. As our circumstance is new, so we must think anew and act anew.



Indeed, Sir, our occasion is piled high with difficulty. We have weak economic growth, we have little money left and that little we had we used to bailout state-owned enterprises, we have budget deficit blow outs and a ballooning national debt. Moody’s has triggered us for a review for a downgrade, circling us like sharks, monitoring our every move and ready to downgrade us to junk status.



We are left with millions of people, most of whom are young people who do not have jobs and have given up looking for jobs. Again, we are left with millions of



people, most of whom are young people, who live without dignity in the pain and struggle of daily poverty, without independence, without hope and without freedom. Those are the people, the left out and the forgotten, who need us to fix South Africa now. That is why President Ramaphosa was right to call on us to seize the moment to make a meaningful difference in the lives of ordinary people in our country. He set out a vision of a new path for growth and employment. Indeed, our case is new and we must think anew and act anew. Tough decisions and bold leadership is required. We must be prepared to challenge the dogmas of the past which are not suited to our stormy present.



The President will need to challenge the dogmas of the past that still define policy in his own party and which are not suited to our stormy present; dogmas which consign poor – mainly black South Africans - to permanent tenancy and dependency on the state and not as empowered individuals imbued with their own agency and potential; and dogmas which see more state as the answer to everything rather than more creativity, innovation, competition and efficiency. We have a window of



opportunity now, Sir, to challenge that which has been received wisdom over the last ten years and think afresh. Let us seize that moment.



Summits, conferences and dialogues are not sufficient to inspire hope among unemployed young people. It will take bold leadership to say to your union colleagues that the youth wage subsidy is the very best way to get young people into jobs now - not five years from now, right now. [Applause.] It will take bold leadership to slash the size of your government, cut the waste, the luxury and the thousands of esoteric programmes that suck resources and redirect those billions to the youth wage subsidy to help young people to get into work now. It doesn’t matter what party the idea comes from, Mr President. All that counts is whether it works. The youth wage subsidy does work. If you bring a Bill that establishes a national and scaled up youth wage subsidy to this House, you will see first hand of our commitment to renewal, Mr President.



Deputy Speaker, the greatest courage of all will be required to uproot the corrupt system that has been



carefully built over this past decade in his own party. That corrupt system is walled-in and buttressed and well defended. It has police officers, prosecutors and tax officials on its side in doing its work. It is a fortress and will require all of your effort and all of your boldness to tear down. And let me say, Sir, that we will help you and we are already helping you. Where we won government in 2016, we are tearing down this corrupt system.



In Johannesburg, Mayor Herman Mashaba, is investigating R14 billion in corrupt tenders. He has charged more than

400 officials already. Many of whom have been arrested - are in prison. In Tshwane, Mayor Solly Msimanga, has reduced irregular expenditure by R600 million in one year. Just as we will applaud every effort you show to seriously root out this corrupt system, so we hope that you will support our efforts to fight the corrupt system in your party and in the state where we are able to do so.



It is true, Mr President, that we are entering a period of renewal. Not just a renewal of hope, but also a



renewal of thinking. As the Apostle Paul in the Book of Romans, wrote to the church in Rome wrote to the church in Rome, be transformed by the renewal of your mind. This must be a time for new ideas about how to give hope to young people.



Let us not fall back on the dogmas of the past. Let’s reject the currency of populists and demagogues who take up. Let us take up the serious work of building a prosperous shared future for all. Let us make the argument with confidence and passion that the Constitution is both our cornerstone and our guiding light. With some bold and courageous leadership, drawing on the best ideas in the country, no matter where they come from, we can give hope to the millions of young South Africans who do not have jobs. Let’s fix South Africa, now. [Applause.]



Mr B HLONGWA: Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, the Speaker of the NA, the Chairperson of the NCOP, Your Excellency President of our great republic, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, leaders of all political parties, representatives of organised local government, hon



members and the people of South Africa, I greet you all. On 24 May 1994, our revered founding President Nelson Rholihlahla Mandela, in whose legacy we have recommitted our ourselves through the address delivered by His Excellency President Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa, stood before this very august House and delivered his inaugural state of the nation.



Invoking the spirit of another revered South African, Madiba referred to the celebrated writings of Ingrid Jonker as he laid the cornerstone alongside which many more bricks were to be set in place and cemented as we traversed the journey of rebuilding of our country from the brutality of our past, much of which inspired the rich body of poetry penned by Ingrid Jonker.



Indeed in 1994, the nation stood on the crossroad. The 1994 breakthrough presented the genuine foundation from which to achieve the South Africa envisioned in the Freedom Charter; the South Africa that belonged to all South Africans black and white based on the will of the people. That First Parliament itself was the metaphoric embodiment of the will of the people.



In that maiden address, referring to one of the key foundational elements required for this work of rebuilding, Madiba expressed the call by saying:



We are confident that, motivated by the desire to serve the people, the public service will discharge its responsibilities with diligence, with sensitivity and enthusiasm, among other things paying attention to the important goal of increasing efficiency and productivity.



Over the years that followed, that call evolved and shaped our conceptualisation of the South African developmental state; a state that has the capability and competence to intervene decisively in the economy and in society in order to undermine the multigenerational and multidimensional poverty that has systematically engulfed the majority. The state was therefore, of necessity, charged with the duty to all South Africans to redress the historical inequities of the past, foster inclusive job-creation growth, and create an environment in which all people are able to realise their full potential.



A rich body of literature exists on the constructions of a developmental state. Much of the literature nuances the notion of a developmental state differently. However, the seminal bonds of convergence is, that successful developmental states require amongst others, strong and decisive leadership; and an integrated and coherent architecture for public administration, including state- owned enterprises. This, of course, should apply to subnational levels of government.



A developmental state must always have measureable goals and outcomes; a social compact amongst the state, civil society, labour and business anchored by the broadest possible mobilisation of general populace behind the development vision. In simple terms, as we in the ANC would put if we were to ask the question on whether we have indeed succeeded in building a developmental state, noting that ours is a developmental state under construction. One of the key issues that we have set on site was that we will determine the developmental state on the basis of firstly, its strategic orientation; secondly, its technical ability; and thirdly, its organisational capability.



In his state of the nation address last week, President Ramaphosa affirmed the proposition that the project of building a developmental state remains incomplete. There remains a symptomatic unevenness in the capacity and performance across local, provincial and national governments.



The National Development Plan, NDP, ascribes this to a multiplicity of factors, including instability of public service management, compounded by the weakness in consciously cultivating a cadreship of skilled public servants; the erosion of accountability and sound ethical corporate governance principles; as well as the often undue-political interference in the administration.



It is in this context that we must welcome the decision by His Excellency the State President on the imminent review of the configuration number and size of national government departments as well as the governance model and ethics frameworks of state-owned enterprise, SOEs and other agencies.



The ethical foundations of the public service have been profoundly shaken by the recent succession of revelations, resulting in the establishment of a Commission of Enquiry into State Capture, at the agitation of the ANC and civil society.



Amongst others, the NDP called for action that will enable people to do their jobs by strengthening skills; enhancing morale; clarifying lines of accountability; and placing the needs of the people at the core of the public service. One of the recommendations emanating out of the NDP was the need to introduce a set of measures designed to stabilise the political administrative interface.



Allow me with the few minutes that I have left to express myself. I personally take no joy in witnessing amongst us some of the leaders that we held in such esteem, such as hon Lekota, losing it. The sad thing is that when political consciousness leaves you, it does not give you notice; it just goes. I would believe that in attempting to ensure that Parliament does what it must do, and in calling for patriotism as many members in this House have done, all of us will join hands in the first instance and



ensure that there is no single rational South African who will question the need to visit the land question. [Applause.] We might debate the modalities but no rational South African will question the need for addressing the national question.



It is our strong conviction that the review you have referred to should and must enable us to make decisive interventions to ensure that our SOEs’ terms of reference are aligned to our strategic objectives, and that they become catalysts in driving the economic growth and investments in productive infrastructure.



Our firm conviction is that the current moment in our political history provides an important opportunity for putting the project of a developmental state back on track. Some might have tried to repurpose the state; others might have tried to derail it altogether while others might have tried to capture it totally. However, at this moment as we stand here, the people of South Africa in all organisations, including civil society have said no; not under our watch. We are pleased that not



only for the record and for history, but we will ensure that never and never again.



As I take my seat, indeed the new dawn is upon us, now is the time.





Isikhathi sifikile.





Ke nako.





Nkari ifikile.





Ixesha lifikile, mazijike izinto. Enkosi. [Kwaqhwatywa.]



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you very much hon members. It has been brought to my attention that some members find it very difficult to follow the debate because of the level at which members are conversing. You are allowed to converse but just allow other members to



be able to hear. You will be surprised that the note that I got says, on your left hand side. [Interjections.] I just thought that I must bring it to the attention of members.



Mr S M JAFTA: Hon Deputy Chairperson, hon President, your address on Friday raised many concerns shared by the majority of South Africans. It is for this reason that the AIC is persuaded that we have to unite as political parties represented in this House and support the President’s pursuit for a developmental state.



When you urged all South Africans to send you, you signed a social contract on that day. You committed to the agenda of democratic, nonsexist, nonracial and a prosperous South Africa. More broadly, you undertook to build an inclusive economy, a fitting outfit that your predecessor progressively failed to master. Yes, we know






... ukuba ningumgubo wengxowa enye ...





... because you come from the same party but we do not want to believe that, as each individual is unique. In your maiden speech you spoke about the need to improve the tourism sector including the need to position South Africa as an ideal tourism destination. You further addressed government’s commitment to uprooting the scourge of corruption, financial crimes and illicit financial irregularities.



You have to instil ethical leadership across the spheres of government. It is our considered view that the President needs to expedite his meetings with the leaders of all spheres of government, managers and premiers to commit them to the new dawn he referred to in his address.



We are, of course, mindful of the fact that we have many sound policies with little implementation. For the state apparatus to work, all organs of state and their spheres must have the requisite capacity and ethical commitment to selfless service to the poor. We are pleased with the announcement and commitment to free higher education. Our



education system has to be improved to meet the demands of the fourth industrial revolution.



The health care system has to improve. The piloting of the National Health Insurance, NHI, can no longer be deferred. The AIC has further proposed that the mental care be amended to help avert the Esidimeni episode. In the same vein the efforts of the national Department of Health under the leadership of hon Minister Motsoaledi to calibrate the health care system is noted. We hope that the Minister will improve the health care facilities.



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Hon Deputy Chairperson, on a point of order: I just want to ask the hon member on the podium if Matatiele has come back.



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Can I check with him whether he will be prepared to take a question?



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Did you get Matatiele yet from the ANC?



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, you are out of order now because I should have first ascertained



with the member whether he is prepared to take a question.



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: I apologise Deputy Chair, but Matatiele, Matatiele.



Mr S M JAFTA: Though I can answer any question, Deputy Chair, I do not usually answer anything. [Interjections.]



We hope that the Minister will help to improve the health care system. We take pride in the leadership of President Ramaphosa. The writing is on the wall, hon President.





Siyakuthuma. Enkosi.





Hon Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, His Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa, hon Cyril Ramaphosa, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, distinguished guests ladies and Gentlemen in the gallery fellow South Africans.



It is indeed an honour to take part in this debate of the state of the nation address tabled by the honourable President. One already feels recharged, re-energised to lend a helping hand, assisting in putting some of the building blocks in the Constitution and building of a democratic, united, nonsexist, nonracial and prosperous South African nation. A road that surely is not a sprint, but a long haul.



One was excited when we have the state of the nation address to see even my friend, the hon Commander in Chief, CiC, clapping all the time that night. This year

... [Interjections.]



Mr G A GARDEE: Hon Deputy Chair!





Minister, can you take a seat. Is that a point of order, hon member?



Mr G A GARDEE: Yes, thank you. I was not sure whether he is standing up or seated.





that is not a point of order. The hon Deputy Minister is on his feet addressing the House.





... I am nearer the ground, hon Gardee.



Hon MEMBERS: [Laughter.]





This year is an important year. One feels very re- energised on this historic important year celebrating two remarkable individuals who immensely contributed to the freedom we enjoy today. I speak here of the hon former President Nelson Mandela, the founding president of democratic South Africa, whose 100 year anniversary we are celebrating this year. In whatever we do, we are guided by his far-sightedness, his noble demeanour and desire to create a peaceful South African nation. A combatant in real life and a patriot to the end.



Deputy Chair, I here also refer to the mother of the nation, umama uNontsikeleIo Albertina Sisulu, a leader of



our people, a humble, hard-working servant of our people. In her honour, I want to quote from the bible. I want to refer you. Even if you can read it at home.





Umfazi Onesidima: lmizekeliso 31, verse 10 "Umfazi onesidima ngubani na ongamfumanayo? Lingaphezulu nakwikorale* ixabiso lakhe.

Unjengeenqanawe zabarhwebi


ukuya kuthabatha kude ukudla kwakhe. Isandla sakhe usitwabululela olusizana. Bubuxoki ubuhle, ngamampunge ubunzwakazi; ngumfazi owoyika uYehova yedwa oyakudunyiswa. Mnikeni kwiziqhamo zezandle zakhe, zimdumise emasangweni izenzo zakhe. Azolulele izandla zakhe kumahlwempu".





As I honour her, I honour and salute all the women of our country and agree that freedom is incomplete without the emancipation of women. Thandi Modise, the first uMkhonto weSizwe, MK, women prisoner to be arrested, Baleka Mbete, Nomaindiya Mfeketho who grew up her two month old child on section 29 in detention, Nomvula Mokonyane, Lindiwe



Zulu, Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, Lindiwe Sisulu, Zoliswa Kota-Fredericks, Elsie Coleman, Dipuo-Letsatsi Duba, Thembi Majola Ayanda Dlodlo and many others. I mention these women because... [Interjections.]





hon members.





... today, it is easy to dismiss them as peace time revolutionaries. These are gallant women who fought for freedom.



Hon MEMBERS: [Applause.]



Before I forget, as a Gugulethu boy, Mr President, I also want to indicate that it is the 60th anniversary of the Gugulethu Township this year. A township, whose people were victims of the 1913 Land Act and the Group Areas Act. I salute them for their bravery and resilience during those difficult times and I wish them well in their celebrations this year.



I so wish that the hon Lekota was still around here.                                                       The land question as well as agrarian reform remains one the most emotive issues in our country. It is one of those issues, if not carefully handled, can break our resolve towards building a new democratic society.



The colonial conquest was one of the most painful and brutal period meted against the indigenous people by apartheid and colonialism. There’s a lot of literature that records this pain. Needless to say there is also a lot of dispossession which took place that is not recorded. Without opening old wounds, it’s important to forgive but never to forget the thorny roads travelled. For example, the Glen Gray Act of 1894 sought to limit the number of African people who could own land including the size of such land and the amount of livestock on it.



Another telling example is the one I want to share with this House by Paul Kruger, in his memoirs when describing a battle against King MosheshHe said and I quote:



From there, the commando marched further towards the direction of Moshesh’s town. We came upon a strong



kaffir force of about 20 000 men. We held a council of war in which it was decided that the burghers of the Transvaal should receive farms in the territory which was now about to be freed from the enemy and hold them under the laws of the Orange Free State. An attack - I repeat, an attack was made on the Malap Mountains and met with perfect success. The enemy was driven off African people. A large number of his men killed and wounded and a quantity of cattle captured. We counted no less than 8000 head of cattle, 30000 sheep and a few hundred horses.



If you take just this example, you will agree that the battles of dispossession were indeed vicious. All these was consolidated with the 1913 Land Act, where 87% of the land was given to minority of our population.



The first Secretary General of the ANC - Sol Plaatjie in his seminal work “Native Life in South Africa” properly captures these when commenting on the 1913 Land Act he says and I quote:



Awakening on Friday June 20, 1913, the South African native found himself not actually a slave, but a pariah in the country of his




If we then fast-forward and get to Kliptown 1955. Partly, the cries of our people regarding landlessness found expression in the Freedom Charter which stated:



“The land shall be shared amongst those who work it. Restrictions of land ownership on a racial basis shall be ended, and all the land re-divided amongst those who work it to banish famine and land hunger.”



The Freedom Charter, places a huge responsibility on the governing party. This historic document has been the founding document informing the strategic direction and policies of the ANC.



On the 13th of January this year, during the 106 celebrations, our President recommitted the ANC to the vision and values of the Freedom Charter when he said:



“The ANC was formed to heal the wounds that had been inflicted upon our people by colonial conquest.”



Having stated the above, as the ANC-led government we are still saying the resolution of the land question requires that all stakeholders approach it with some level of maturity and sensitivity.



After 1994, the democratic government decided to follow a process of redress in the road to a creation of an equal society. In doing so, we committed to work with other compatriots to undo the damage caused by apartheid and colonialism. A lot has been done in word and deed in improving the lives of our people. This work includes measures to curb the ownership of our land by foreign nationals.



The establishment of the office of the Valuer-General saving our government not less than 174 million. The introduction of the so-called, 50/50 programme, strengthening of relative rights of people working the land. The one house-hold one hectare programme, work on



the establishment of Agri-parks has begun in earnest and the restitution programme with all its teething problems.



I also want to refer to the issue of Ingonyama Trust. I just want to say that – with all humility, there is no decision by our government to take away land from the Ingonyama Trust. What has really happened is that there has been – Parliament created a high level panel team that went throughout the country listening to the comments of our people. There has been no decision... I really want to raise this to my elder – with all due respect and probably we should treat with caution the issue of the land question across the board. And there is no decision that will be imposed by this government.

Anything will be discussed both in Parliament and by all of us fellow South Africans.



We do acknowledge that after 23 years in power there is a lot that still needs to be done. We are still ... [Interjections.]





you just take a seat.



Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Deputy Chair, I rise on a point of order. I wanted to know whether the hon member can take a question from me?





Minister, are you prepared to take a question?





Yes, baba.



Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon colleague, I wanted to know whether that panel is more authoritative as an arm of government than this Parliament because this Parliament amended the act and said it was okay.



Judge Jerome Ngwenya for instance, was not put there by the KwaZulu-Natal government but by this Parliament.

Which is more authoritative? That panel - and moreover, it is your ANC at your conferences that were baying for this amendment before the panel.










Deputy Chairperson, the panel has been formed by Parliament through the office of the Speaker. And that panel and its recommendations will be a matter of discussions among all South Africans. I just want to stress that when we discuss our issues there should be no grey areas of issues that cannot be touched and discussed.



I further wanted to say, we are still grappling with the legacy of colonialism and apartheid. The most pressing challenges still remain poverty, inequality and unemployment. Large tracts of land are still in the hands of a few people.



We undertook a land that indicated that a land is mostly skewed even at this day in history towards the minority of our people. We went to a conference as the ruling party and we had a discussion and we had a firm resolution was taken and that resolution refers specifically to the expropriation of land without compensation. This is a decision we have taken.



In March this year, we are convening a workshop. And in that particular workshop we will not be watering down the resolution. We will be discussing about the modalities of implementing this particular resolution.



Hon Deputy Chair, I want to indicate that we are a responsible government. We know how our people suffered and are still suffering because of the land question. We believe in the principle of the rule of law. All these will be co-ordinated not with anarchy. But we are not going to water down. The issue is, there should be redress in our country. We should create an equal society. We are quite a forgiving nation.



In fact, on the election of the President, I listened to the FFP, and this language of a civil war does not sit well with me. We should not use that language. This is our country. You know, when we say we want to live together with fellow compatriots, it is because we have forgotten about the S.S. Mendi, bravery of our people who died. It is not because we have forgotten about James Masimini and his colleagues who went through the Wanky campaign fighting for freedom. It is not because we have



forgotten how Ashley Kriel was killed. It is not because we have forgotten about the brutality of the apartheid machinery that rolled its trucks across the borders into Mozambique and Lesotho killing our people. But we are guided by a spirit of building a South African nation.



Hon MEMBERS: [Applause.]



In the first place, when we took arms we said, hon President, we are taking up arms because we love peace. We took up arms to bring peace to our country. And we said that when an opportunity does arise for us to resolve the South African problems peacefully, we will grab that opportunity with both hands. This is why we did not opt for the Nuremberg Trials at the time of the dawning of democracy in this country. We opted for a negotiated settlement in this country, not because we had forgotten what had happened to us. But we know we are not cowards, we know that we are creating a future for our country and generations to come.



As I conclude, we are guided by the spirit of the icon Nelson Mandela Madiba who said... [Interjections.]



Mr J S MALEMA: Chair!








Mr J S MALEMA: Are you taking notes, hon President? We are choosing Minsters now.



Hon MEMBERS: [Laughing.]





... [Interjections.]



Mr J S MALEMA: Note, note. Potential! Potential.





that is not a point of order. Deputy Minister, can you continue with the debate.





that is not a point of order. Deputy Minister, can you continue with the debate.





... I must say that’ s below the belt ... [Interjections.]





would wonder whether the hon Gardee agrees with the Commander in Chief.



Mr G A GARDEE: Agreed, Deputy Chairperson. Very much agreed to.



Hon MEMBERS: [Laughing.]





Minister, can you continue.





... we are guided by the noble spirit of Madiba who said:



“As I walked out of the door towards the gate that would lead to my freedom, I knew if I didn't leave my bitterness and hatred behind, I'd still be in prison.”



And so hon members, as South Africans, black and white we must forge ahead - united in our diversity to find an everlasting solution for our dear country.



We are proud that as we undertake this journey we are led by you honourable President, who friends and foe alike acknowledge and agree on the critical role you played in bringing about this Constitution.



Lastly, all of our work should ultimately be guided by the noble words of Nelson Mandela in his inauguration on

10 May 1994 when he said:



“Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.” Thank you. [Applause.]



Mr M A PLOUAMMA: Hon President and the hon Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, I have never seen you smile like this. It is like you just got married. [Laughter.] I hope you are truly married to our people and you really deserve this opportunity. Use it to serve our people with



your whole being. I want you to write an SMS to these Ministers: Minister Zwane, Minister Van Rooyen and Minister Mahlobo, also known as, Aka, rhino horns and say to them, “Atul Gupta is running, when will you start running?” Say again to them: “You are a true example of unethical leadership I spoke about on Friday and do this country a favour, resign and follow your master who has become the shame of the Republic of South Africa”.



You have made mistakes like all of us. Your spirit and soul were nearly amputated while serving under former President Zuma. Use your presidency to correct the wrongs of Marikana. While we accept the implementation of minimum wage, you should have made pronouncement on banning labour brokers and outsourcing. This is not a wind of change or a new dawn, but a cleansing ceremony of our country. Former President, Jacob Zuma, did not mess this country alone, the ANC, Congress of SA Trade Unions, Cosatu and SA Communist Party, SACP, were accomplices.



Our people are naked without land. We were stripped of our dignity and manhood. You can’t put commas or buts.



Who are you trying to please, multinationals or corporate? Do not allow yourself to be captured so early.



While we want investors, we should not sacrifice our independence because that will be another form of enslavement. On behalf of AgangSA, we wish you the best. Serve our country, you have our support.



Lastly, when you pray, ask for the bravery of Thomas Sankara and Amica Cabral. Distance yourself from neoliberalism, be a true African, serve South Africa with dignity and return this country fully to her people.

Thank you very much.



Mr G K Y CACHALIA: Deputy House Chairperson, I would like to congratulate the President on his state of the nation address, SONA, and election. It came across well and many people may now believe that he walks on water. It was however, an articulation of a wish list by a President who is prisoner of his unity slate in the very same ANC that has created a complete absence of fiscal and technical space. This will guarantee that these wishes remain pipe dreams. The President finds himself between



the rock of the loony left and the hard place of the Zuma rump. And so, he speaks of hope. Yes, hope is necessary and good, but it is not sufficient.



Let us be clear that hope is not a strategy, it needs to be grounded in reality. Hope and history need to rhyme to create a real future. We struggle with slow growth, stubborn inflation and macroeconomic imbalances. What has the ANC done? With this President as handmaiden, it has overseen the most massive deindustrialisation of our country. In response, he seeks to build on this flawed legacy. Witness for example, the most expensive and least effective special economic zones, SEZ, programme in the world which he aims to roll out. Savings are down and foreign direct investmentFDI, has shrunk and consumers are negative about their financial and economic position. We recorded a 69% drop in South Africa’s net foreign direct investment in 2015. We are witness to runaway cost inflation in our parastatals and while this ANC constantly berates monopoly capital, it continues to invest in corrupt and inefficient monopolies that are unable to produce public goods at low cost and worse, continues to fund this folly with high taxes. We squander



our opportunities. Durban, for example, is the most expensive port in the world. South Africa is located along one of the busiest international shipping trade routes which make it an ideal halfway station for international trade. But this opportunity has not been harnessed. With over 9 000 ships coming in and out of the country’s ports every year, it is concerning that only one is registered with South Africa.



Not even a low rand has heralded the beginning of a turnaround. Hon Patel, one swallow does not a summer make nor does on a wing or a prayer. We play a lip service to the reduction of red tape. Our labour productivity is pitiful. His response is a jobs summit, and yet it is another talk shop along with the creation of a youth working group to solve unemployment. The trouble is, not only are jobs in short supply, but those that are available tend to be in the gift of the givers - to cronies. If hot air could drive our economy, we’d be in the fast lane. Unfortunately, we languish in the slow lane.



While we convene yet another investment conference to target local and foreign investors, who – make no mistake

- are mindful of past and present policy failures? What this new ANC is going to do to meet the challenges is, a continuation of the failed black economic empowerment, BEE, policies that have created rent-seeking elite; entrenching inflexible labour regime that empowers a shrinking labour aristocracy at the expense of millions of unemployed; punitive measures aimed at companies perceived to resist radical economic transformation; the creation of a 100 black industrialists instead of a million entrepreneurs? Overseeing the continued demise of our manufacturing capacity because of a poor investment environment and a strangling a labour regime; fostering unsustainable incentives that will fail on any long-term cost-benefit analysis; continuation of policies that have shrunk the contribution of mining to the gross domestic products, GDP, over many years by 2% by ill thought through charters and Bills; rolling out a similarly punitive financial charters that will impact the one sector that has delivered over 160% growth in contribution to the GDP over a similar period, the financial sector; and a policy of land expropriation



without compensation that will damage agricultural production and destroy food security and not to speak of the message it sends to investors or the moral repugnancy therein.



He then continues providing scant details on his various proposals with regard to small business while these buckling under the burden of crippling regulatory regimes. And then the response to the one sector — tourism — that has the promise of massive multiplier growth simply wishes that it would double in size because the President says we are the most beautiful country and the most hospitable people in the world. Of course, that’s true, but this requires a deliverable plan. For all the messages of hope, he’s woefully thin on real plans.



The DA, by comparison has plans. We will provide policy direction and coherence on the economy. We will manage public money better, increase investment and savings, support redress measures to broaden participation in the economy and we will boost free trade with other countries especially our African neighbours. We will do this where



we govern and now we are ready to do it on a national stage. We need more, Mr President.



In conclusion, let me leave you with a headline news: State of the nation address was a lobola payment of half a buffalo. This beautiful country needs more. I thank you. [Applause.]




Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, Your Excellency hon President of the Republic and distinguished members of the Joint Sitting, I was looking at the faces of the benches on my left as the last speaker was going through his remarks. It was also written all over their faces they do not believe in the things this guy was saying. [Laughter.] But anyway!



Distinguished members, the elegantly crafted vision statement of our National Development Plan, which I prefer to call it Vision 2030, says, and I quote:



We the people of South Africa have journeyed far since the long lines of our first democratic election of 27 April 1994, when we elected a government for us all. We have agreed to change our narrative of conquest, oppression, resistance and victory. We began to tell a new story of life in a developing democracy. We began to share freedom and the uncertainties of living with it and in it. We felt our way towards a new sense of ourselves: trying, succeeding, and making mistakes. Our new story is open ended with temporary destinations, only for new paths to open up once more. It is a story of unfolding learning. Even when we flounder, we remain hopeful. In this story, we always arrive and depart. We have come some way.



Deputy Chair, this philosophical submission contained in our National Development Plan is indeed pregnant with the truth. We are barely two months into the New Year, however so much has already happened. In this regard, permit me to dedicate my speech in this debate of the state of the nation address by the President, to two celebrated cultural luminaries of our time, Bra Willie



and Bra Hugh - Professor Keorapetse Kgositsile and Ramapolo Hugh Masekela of the Stimela sa Kwa-Guqa testament. Their untimely departure from among the living has robbed us of rare quality and has left the flair of our people jaded. Through their immense talents, forthright manner and undying love for their country, they fought for the right of our people to self- determination and social justice. May their spirits continue to roam peacefully over this land everlastingly!



It is fair to say that to every dark cloud there is always a silver lining. Every crisis situation presents a rare opportunity for a speedy and bigger advance. The measures President Matamela Ramaphosa is contemplating to facilitate dialogue to get our country on a new growth path, higher employment levels and transformation, are well placed and deserve support.



In contemporary political philosophy, the view that democracy is best seen as government by discussion, has gained widespread support, argues Amartya Sen, one of the leading contemporary thinkers on issues of developmental



in human society. It is an antithesis to the older more formal view that democracy is elections and ballots.



I was tempted to treat with scepticism media reports which suggested that there are opposition leaders who have dismissed as an excuse your strategy, Comrade President, to drive solutions in the different government sector endeavours through people-centred and people- driven initiatives. But then if there are leaders who want to expose themselves that they are actually career politicians or they are clueless or have no intention of grappling with the fundamental challenges of remaking our society, and the centrality of dialogue in that mission, I only hope that people are watching and are listening.



Our Constitution states that the basis of our national security must reflect the resolve of South Africans as individuals and as a nation to live as equals, to live in peace and harmony, to be free from fear and want and to seek a better life. Your intention therefore Comrade President to get social partners in our country to collaborate in building a social compact on which we will create drivers of economic recovery, is most welcome.



The events leading up to the opening of Parliament last week and developments in the country in general, underpinned the inspirational truth that, amidst all the negativity and apprehension around the much talked-about transition of the past weeks, our democracy actually demonstrated that it is maturing and it has come of age. In this regard, the professionalism of the leadership command of our armed forces, the SA National Defence Force stands in bold relieve and deserves the admiration of this Parliament.



The architecture of our defence establishment makes the SA National Defence Force not just a national strategic asset to our democracy. It is a vital cock to the sustenance of democracies of our geopolitical region. The SA National Defence Force has been involved in extensive security sector reform programmes in the Southern African Development Community, SADC, region such as Lesotho and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, DRC.



The December Nasrec conference of the ANC noted the ongoing challenges facing our country which must receive urgent attention. These include the continuing decline of



national resources dedicated to the defence function; continuing lawlessness and impunity which threatens the authority of the state; the porousness of our borders which undermines our territorial integrity; dangerously sluggish economic growth; and espionage, cyber war threat; and potential acts of terror. Among urgent undertakings in this regard, is the need to enjoin Cabinet to take a long-term view regarding the financial implications of safeguarding South Africa’s territorial integrity; the financial conundrum of our Defence Review; and the gaps, deficiencies and the unintended negative consequences of theory and practice around South Africa’s military veterans.



A transformed judicial system and a resilient and corruption-free criminal justice system is central to our quest of realising the vision we set ourselves in the National Development Plan towards ensuring that all South Africans are free and feel safe.



The ANC has just emerged from its national conference in December 2017 at which we agreed on measures that are necessary for the acceleration of existing policies,



including those relating to the transformation of the judicial system. The President’s state of the nation address has set the tone for the renewal of the state machinery in all its ramifications for the realisation of the transformation policies adopted by the ANC. In the justice sector this entails the acceleration of the transformation of the judicial system in order to strengthen and protect the independence of the judiciary; to safeguard the rule of law and revamp the criminal and civil justice system, in particular to deal effectively with corruption and fraud within the public and private sector.



As South Africans we must first have confidence in our justice system for investor confidence in our economy to be strong. It is when the economy thrives that the much needed jobs can be created to enable people to be employed and thus ensure a better life for all.



We have made significant strides towards the realisation of a transformed judiciary. The ANC government has passed a maze of progressive laws, amongst others, the Constitution Seventeenth Amendment of 2012 and the



Superior Courts Act of 2013, to enhance the independence of the judiciary and the courts. The Constitution’s amendments, in particular, affirms the Constitutional Court as the highest court in the land and the Chief Justice as the head of the judiciary. It is without doubt that our judiciary, courts and institutions supporting constitutional democracy have demonstrated their resilience and independence guided by our world-renowned Constitution



The judgment of the Constitutional Court and the remedial actions of the Public Protector, even on contentious matters involving government and Parliament, bears testimony of this. It is important therefore that we acknowledge the important role our courts and constitutional institutions play in upholding the rule of law and their courage in defending the Constitution and its values, at times against the might of the executive and this honourable House as well.



The Freedom Charter committed all South Africans to work for a land where all shall be equal before the law.

Consistent with this sentiment, our Vision 2030 asserts



that we must all assist the institutions we have creatively redesigned to meet our varied needs to be set against corruption and dehumanising actions. We have made the laws by which we want ourselves to live. We hold the Constitution of our country as the covenant guide to a fair society. Since 1994, we have changed the laws to obey our Constitution. Now we live it, justice rules, because just laws make community possible. The law enables us to live together fulfilling our mutual obligations and responsibilities in the shared public spaces of mutual affiliation.



In her preface to the State of Capture report, the erstwhile Public Protector, Ms Thuli Madonsela, made the following remarks, and I quote:



One of the crucial elements of our constitutional vision is to make a decisive break from the unchecked abuse of state power and resources that was virtually institutionalised during the apartheid era. To achieve this goal, we adopted accountability, the rule of law and the supremacy of the Constitution as values of our constitutional



democracy. For this reason, public office bearers ignore their constitutional obligations at their peril. This is so because constitutionalism, accountability and the rule of law constitute the sharp and mighty sword that stands ready to chop the ugly head of impunity off its stiffened neck.

Certain values in the Constitution have been designated as foundational to our democracy.



The appointment of the judicial commission into state capture, corruption and fraud in the public sector and organs of state is in compliance with the North Gauteng High Court and the remedial action of the former Public Protector. All the necessary regulatory frameworks have been put in place for the commission headed by the Deputy Chief Justice Zondo to commence with its huge task as the President has already commented. The Hon President has reiterated the importance of the commission in uncovering the truth on what has been reported widely in the media.



The ANC government will live no stone unturned in ensuring that the commission performs its functions unhindered. There must not be any fear that any of the



regulatory instruments will hinder the commission from performing its functions or unduly protecting those who are implicated. As the hon President mentioned in his state of the nation address, Sona, the criminal justice system and its law enforcement agencies will continue to carry out their responsibilities and thus compliment the work of the commission.



Recently, South Africans have noted some commendable work from the side of the police and the National Prosecuting Authority relating to state capture. There is truth in the assertion that the 2017 ANC elective national conference cleared some hurdles and obstacles in the investigation of these matters and has South Africa on a path to recovery, and most particularly, that of its economy. This is evidence that the winds of change are upon us and there is impetus that we do things differently so that we can get appropriate results. And that is evident. I watched in this debate and the hon leader of the EFF, the Commander-in-chief, CIC, only used nine minutes of his 14 minutes that was at his disposal. Indeed, the winds of change are blowing.



Corruption knows no colour, creed or political affiliation. It cuts across political spectrum. The incidents which surfaced recently in relation to the Western Cape metro attest to this reality.



South Africa ranks amongst the highest countries when it comes to inequality and it has shown that depressed socioeconomic conditions under which many of our people live breeds crime. It is for this reason that we adopted a radical socioeconomic transformation agenda to reverse inequality and combat crime and corruption. Fighting crime and corruption is essential to the development of our economy and the safety and wellbeing of its citizens and require the collaboration and co-operation of all law enforcement agencies.



The integrated plan to fight crime includes the transformation of the integrated justice system, combating gender-based violence and sexual offences, and preventing violent service delivery protest-related crime, taxi violence, corruption and economic crimes. It is every citizen’s right to protest peacefully and unarmed in raising concerns on any matter they wish to



bring to the attention of the authorities. The purpose of the integrated operational plan is to integrate all the existing efforts to address the identified threats and criminal activities, to eliminate duplication, fragmentation and silo approaches.



Central to the transformation of the criminal justice system is our endeavour to ensure intelligence-led, well investigated and prosecution guided investigations followed by ensuring speedy trial readiness and adjudication of cases in appropriate court forums such as the specialised commercial crime courts. From the perspective of the judiciary the Chief Justice has established structures in the form of provincial efficiency enhancement committee which he chairs and the provincial efficiency enhancement committees chaired by Judge President in each province. These committees ensure co-ordination of stakeholders in the implementation of measures that are aimed at improving court efficiency.



Building safer communities also means ending gender-based violence. We have also implemented and we are continuing to promote a special focus on victim empowerment and



ensuring that victims and witnesses are treated fairly and are fully supported through amongst others our The Service Charter for Victims of Crime in South Africa. A 2016 report by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation found that the two main drivers of intimate femicide are jealousy and possessiveness. These feelings are rooted in notions of masculinity where men see women as their property which they need to maintain power and control over. These men often use guns to intimidate their partners, especially when they threaten to leave the abusive relationships. Alcohol and drug abuse is linked with an increased risk of all forms of interpersonal violence.



Access to justice is a fundamental universal human right without which the rights in the Bill of Rights will be meaningless. There are various measures and programmes underway which seek to enhance access to justice which require acceleration. Among these programmes are the rationalisation of courts’ jurisdictional areas in order to reverse the vast distortions in settlement patterns of the past, resulting in the legacy of spatial injustices. To date integrated and inclusive magisterial districts



have been implemented in all provinces except in the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu Natal and Western Cape. The roll- out to the latter provinces will be completed in the 2018-19 financial year.



The construction of the Limpopo High Court which started operating in January 2016... [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: As such, conclude hon Minister.




conclusion, allow me to conclude by quoting from the selected poems of Professor Kgositsile, a sermon to Nelson Mandela, and it says:



Blessed are the dehumanised for they have nothing to loose but their patience.



Thank you very much.



Mr M WATERS: Chairperson, on a point of order.



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: On what point are you rising?



Mr M WATERS: I am rising on the fact that you gave the hon speaker some extra minutes. Normally, when people get to their time which is indicated here on the panel, you have to stop them. There is no latitude to allow people to carry on and on, that is why we have speaking times.

So I am asking you to adhere to the time, please.



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Okay, that’s fine. It’s a fair comment. Take into account that the presiding officer can use his own discretion in such a matter. That is why I am saying that I take the point and I did caution the Deputy Minister that his time has expired.



Ms T M MBABAMA: Hon Deputy Chair of the NCOP...





... bantu baseMzantsi Afrika...






... after 40 years of paying rents and being promised ownership and the handing over of the title deeds by the ANC government, Ntate Rakgatsi is now being evicted from his farm in northern Limpopo by a government which has broken its promise. Mr Simon Mokhosane applied for his farm through the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development subprogramme, LRAD, from the government.

Instead of a title deed, he is offered a lease agreement on a different farm by corrupt officials.



Dr M P Khumalo’s father was brutally murdered on a farm in Piet Retief after he secured mining rights on his farm. The case is still unsolved Jola. The people of Gwatyu farms in the Eastern Cape, came to Cape Town at great expense and threaten to march to Parliament during the Minister’s Budget Vote on the 26 April 2016. They were speedily rounded up and promised recourse in writing by officials from the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform. Yet, nothing has happened to date. Instead they are being pushed from pillar to post buy a government who says they stand for the people.



These are but a few out of the hundreds of horrific realities where land reform is being bungled by corrupt ANC government officials. Public hearings by both the high level panel and the Committee on Rural Development and Land Reform have proven that the people on the ground are extremely angry and tired of being exploited.



Land reform in our country has been obstructed by corrupt government officials aided by the highest office in the land. Removing the head is not enough, Mr President. The rot still stands. The DA believes strongly in the values of fairness, freedom and opportunity for all and agrees that historical injustice needs to be resolved but not with the further injustice. Expropriation of the land without compensation would be trying to fix one wrong with another wrong.



We need top recognise the largest systemic problems of corruption, poor leadership and poor policy implementations that have resulted in land reform ultimately failing in South Africa. There is nothing wrong with Section 25 of the Constitution, Mr President. It does not need to be amended.



A director at the Centre for Constitutional Rights, Ms Dube, states that it is an established principle that expropriation is likely to be unfair in the absence of compensation. This is true, she says, even in jurisdictions including Austria and Ireland, where their property clauses do not specifically require compensation.



What you do need to do Mr President is to start a genuine state audit on land so that we know who owns what land in South Africa. The decision to implement expropriation without compensation has unfortunately been made without access to this critical information. You should also stop the state from perpetuating trusteeship by buying land in the state’s name as is currently being done by the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform and forcing beneficiaries to lease it from the state. Is this not tantamount to the 99 year lease of apartheid South Africa?



Mr President, you need to facilitate title deeds to all people living on communal land especially in the former homelands. Believe me, the majority of black people do



not want to be commercial farmers but we do want to own and manage our own piece of ground.





Bantu bakuthi, ukuxuthwa komhlaba ngaphandle kwembuyekezo kuthetha ukuba urhulumente we-ANC uza kuthatha umhlaba wabantu akugqiba angabahlawuli. UMongameli welizwe lethu uCyril Ramaphosa ufuna ukwenza into eyenziwa ngowayesakuba nguMongameli waseZimbabwe uRobert Mugabe.

Masikhumbule ukuba ukuxuthwa komhlaba eZimbabwe kwanceda kuphela abo babekufutshane neqela elilawulayo iZanu-PF...





... and the political elites.





Abantu abantsundu abahluphekayo basa qhubeka benganamhlaba kwela lizwe.





If we are not careful, the same will happen in South Africa. Expropriation without compensation is not the solution to our land question and pretending it is will



only lead to distrust and disaster, instead let us correct the wrongs and award people like Ntate Rakgatsi the land that they deserve. [Applause.]



Mr L R MBINDA: Hon Deputy Chair, this month the PAC is commemorating the 40 th anniversary of the founding member of the PAC, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe. It is worth noting, Mr President, the policy inconsistence with regards to fee tertiary education. What your predecessor told the nation last year is totally different to what you have told us during the state of the nation address.



Although the announcement was made on free tertiary education, university management seems not to be aware or government officials are not giving the necessary support. There is still a lot of confusion and PAC does not believe that there should be segregation in education. We will appreciate if you could heed to our call for free education from grade R to tertiary level.



You came up gun blazing on corruption on Friday but the proof of the pudding is in the eating. As the PAC we are wondering if you will be able to deal with corruption



properly under the current system of neo-colonialism. This country is a neo-colonialist state which is controlled by the imperialists who determine on who should be in charge of South Africa.



You should have linked the land ownership and agrarian policies to the resolution of the national question, on the land issue. You cannot speak about the expropriation of land without compensation and radical economic transformation without repelling Section 25 of the Constitution which deals with property clause and willing-buyer, ‘willing-seller’ principle. You need a workshop. [laughter.]



You need to devise a vehicle that will ensure that those who own the land must willingly, productively and progressively hand over the land to its rightful indigenous people, in order for the ruling party to fulfil its dream. The same model should be applied to other sectors of the economy. The economic development with the importance of ending poverty, inequality and unemployment will be realised if you do that with the economically and socially marginalised Africans having



access to financial institutions and human capital. Africans need to be productive in their own right and not only be used as merely labourers but as owners of production.



As the PAC we are not convinced that your programmes and policies differ to the ones of your predecessors. I want to ask a question. Is the ruling party prepared to commit to progressively realise the seizure of the economic power? [Time expired.]





Mnu L B GAEHLER: Mongameli siyi-UDM sikunqwenelela okuhle ngokubekwa kwakho. Sithi enkosi.





Mr President, we welcome your commitment to make Public Service work. Therefore, we call on you to professionalise service delivery as a function of public servants. They are employed to serve the people, not to be served by the people. We must, as you have promised, make sure that Public Service is not a dumping site of unqualified, incompetent and lazy people, who are a



product of your party’s deployment policy. This must come to an end now.



Secondly, we welcome your commitment towards the small business development. Accordingly, we suggest that there must be consequences for failing to pay service providers within the specified time. There must be consequences for those who fail to implement government policy. For example, if a service provider is not paid within 30 days, there must be an interest accrued and such must be taken from the salary of the defaulting government official.



As you establish your advisory streams, we call on you to ensure that this good initiative is not merely a payback for loyalty to you or your party. Therefore, you must tap into the rich knowledge, expertise and wisdom of the society at large beyond party political confines.



Industrialisation must not fly above the head of the majority of our people. It must originate and be driven from below. Your administration must invest in local economic development and prioritise rural economy.



We are in this morass, as a consequence of poor management of state affairs by the governing party.



However, you must be able to acknowledge this in order to steer the country on the correct course. It should be said that charity begins at home; cleansing must begin at home too. You must take the lead and deal decisively with those who commit crime against the people of South Africa. South Africans must be shifted from greed and corruption in which they have been accustomed to by the previous leadership and now focus on creating a society that we can all identify with and be proud to promote.



If I judged correctly, I would say approximately 80% of your speech concentrated on economic matters and need for entrepreneurial revitalisation. We welcome your message of charting a new path for our country and imprinting footprints for what you call our future greatness. The idea of concentrating on jobs, especially to tackle youth and unemployment, is well advised.





Unxilile. [Uwelewele.]





I become concerned when politicians mention Expanded Public Works ...





hear you correctly saying that unxilile? [You are drunk]...



Mnu L B GAEHLER: Hayi, ndithe ndinxilile.





I apologise I said ndinxilile. [I am drunk]





Unxilile nangoku.





... as part of tackling unemployment, as if they were sustainable jobs. These dig a hole and fill it kind of jobs; they are great as emergency bailouts but are not real sustainable jobs. If we going to create real low skill jobs we must, as you have emphasized, you need to look deeper at construction and agriculture. We must



couple it with the agenda of modernising our schools, building new community medical clinics that would expand access to quality low-cost care. We must include them on plans to upgrade broken down electrical substations.



The job summit and investment conference are good ideas - provided it is not a whitewash in the manner in which government currently conducts its public consultations without effecting any suggestions from the public. You need to take seriously other people’s views, especially when they conflict with yours, because that is the only way you will also test and strengthen yours. Do not come with the dismissive attitude of thinking that the voice of experts on the field carries more weight. Often it is people on the ground, who know where it pinches and how to solve it. I am also sure opposition parties, like the UDM, who’ve been calling for an Economic Indaba will support you on this. Thank you.



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you very much. Hon members, I am sitting with an overwhelming request from Members of Parliament for a 15 minutes comfort break. So, I will grant that 15 minutes comfort break and



then the bells will be rung for the resumption of the debate. Thank you very much.



[Comfort Break – 15 Minutes.]





Ms K JOOSTE: Agb Speaker, agb lede van die Huis, dames en here, om genoeg te hê om te eet, is sekerlik ons mees basiese behoefte.





If we don’t eat properly, we cannot function normally. The value of basic food security should not be underestimated. It is the foundation of all freedom. If people do not have enough to eat, it is highly unlikely that they will enjoy any other rights. For this reason, section 27 of the Constitution entrenches the right of everyone to food, water and social security. To this end,

18 million South African receive a grant every month, but the fact that grants were paid so little attention in the state of nation address is worrying.



Even if the President by some miracle rooted out all corruption and gave two million unemployed South Africans a job tomorrow, there will still be almost seven million unemployed South Africans.



We are all excited about this new window of opportunity that has been created by the election of a new President, but it is important for politicians to be honest about the severity of the unemployment crisis, as well as the ability of programmes such as the EPWP programme or the minimum wage to lift people out of poverty. This is not to be negative, but unless we are honest about the impact of certain policies, we cannot move forward and find better solutions.



Thirty million South Africans have to make ends meet with less than R1 000 a month. Millions go to bed hungry and every day four children die of malnutrition-related causes.



The simple truth is that not everyone that wants a job will be able to find one in the near future. Even if a person is lucky enough to find work, and is paid R3 500 a



month, it is not enough to lift a family of four out of poverty.



This causes an enormous amount of frustration and anger, particularly amongst men, because masculinity — for better or for worse -is linked to work and a man's ability to provide. Women and children bear the brunt of this built-up frustration. It plays out in domestic violence and abuse in homes, which are unfortunately areas that cannot be policed.



I think we agree on the importance of economy development and job creation. My question is what happens in the mean time? What happens to the mother whose child dies tonight because she was not able to buy enough food. What happens to the pregnant woman who is really hungry? What happens to her unborn baby? What happens to the grandmother that is just tired of all the stress? What happens to the man that stood the entire day at the traffic light waiting for a job or trying to sell something?






Ekonomiese ontwikkeling en die skep van werk is baie belangrik, maar ongelukkig kan dit nie die onmiddellike behoeftes van miljoene Suid-Afriakners aanspreek nie.

Maar daar is gelukkig ’n oplossing: Ons kan toelaes beter aanwend.



Die grootste probleem met die toelaes is nie die uitbetaling daarvan nie. Dit is eintlik ook nie dat die hof se sperdatums nie bereik word nie.



Die grootste probleem met die toelaestelel is dat die beginsels waarop dit gegrond is, met ander woorde, wie kry wat en vir hoe lank, uit die tydperk van industralisasie en die welsynsstaat dateer. Daai model is net eenvoudig nie meer van toepassing nie.





The unprecedented levels of long-term unemployment are necessitating drastic changes in the way we think about social grants. We need total change; we need a 21st century social assistance system that speaks to the problems of the 21st century.



We believe that the first step in creating this system is to align the child grant to an objective measure of what it actually costs to feed a child. A nutritious diet is extremely important for a developing child and crucial for the first two years. If malnutrition happens in that period and goes untreated and undetected, the developmental damage is permanent. It calls for decisive political action because if we don’t intervene, investments in the economy, health and education are severely undermined.



The manner in which women have been managing the current R380 child grant really speaks to their financial resourcefulness. It has proven to be far more effective than any other government programme aimed at feeding people. The least we can do is to align it to what it actually costs to feed a child.



Women are under enormous pressure and they are literally sacrificing their bodies by eating the leftovers of the little they have so that their children can eat better. The sad part is that this strategy is not even working.



Twenty-seven percent of children under the age of five are stunted, nearly 30% of boys and 25% of girls.



The biggest cause of death amongst women is noncommunicable diseases and it is the effect of women’s inability to buy nutritious food.



It is unacceptable that the most vulnerable are denied the most basic things in life because of an economic crisis they did not create. {Applause.]



The MINISTER OF BASIC EDUCATION: Chair, His Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa, Ministers and Deputy Ministers present, chairperson of the SA Local Government Association, Salga, mayors and executive mayors present, hon members from the National Assembly and the NCOP, invited guests and fellow South Africans, it is indeed a great honour for me to respond to the state of the nation address read last Friday by our President.



During his state of the nation address, His Excellency announced that within the next 150 days, South Africa,



the African continent and the world at large will be celebrating the centenarian of Isithwalandwe, Seaparankoe, President Nelson Mandela – uMadiba umde ngentonga. [Madiba was tall.] President Ramaphosa also announced that we will also be celebrating the centenary anniversary of another giant of our struggle – umama Albertina Sisulu.



Who can forget what the former — not the current — President of the United States of America, President Barack Obama, said when he eulogised Madiba at Madiba’s memorial service? He said that Madiba was, a giant of history, who moved a nation toward justice, and in the process moved billions around the world.” President Obama summed up Madiba’s contribution to humanity when he declared that he was, the last great liberator of the 20th century.” Madiba was indeed a brave, kind-spirited, courageous, and magnanimous leader and father. He knew that public power was held in trust for the benefit of the people, not for personal gain. All in all, Madiba was an exemplar of probity, benevolence, selflessness and courage in the true sense. These are the core values that must underlie the renewal of our nation.



We also want to acknowledge umama Albertina Sisulu’s principled, selfless and courageous life, her great work and sacrifices, and her impeccable leadership. Umama Sisulu was a woman and a mother, whose strength and steadfastness, through her lifetime of political struggle, cannot be forgotten.



In the context of this debate, I want to quote the words of the great statesman Madiba when he said, “Education is the most powerful weapon we can use to change the world.” How true! If we are to revitalise and renew our country, education is one of the most important weapons. All of us as a nation must agree that education is at the heart of building such a South African nation in the reconstruction of a cohesive society.



I want to argue that we will never be able to successfully achieve and sustain radical economic transformation without radical social transformation.



The state of the nation address was saturated with the urgent need for youth employment. Looking at the targets set for 2030 by the UN Educational, Scientific and



Cultural Organisation, Unesco, it compels all nations of the world to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education; promote lifelong learning opportunities for all, including substantially increasing the number of youth and adults who have relevant skills, including technical and vocational skills for employment, decent jobs and entrepreneurship; eliminating gender disparities in education; and ensuring equal access for all vulnerable people, including persons with disabilities.



Our own National Development Plan, NDP, in its Vision 2030 enjoins us as a country to ensure that the different paths of the education system work together, allowing learners to take different paths that offer high quality learning opportunities. One of the main targets set in the Department of Higher Education is that by 2030 they should be able to produce 30 000 graduate internships annually.



The education sector has a very big contribution to make in the pursuit of the vision that the President has set for us. It is in light of this role that the Department of Basic Education, amongst others, has been rolling out



a Three Stream curriculum Model to provide learners with opportunities to choose career pathways that are in keeping with their individual interests, aptitudes and abilities.



Over a number of years our curriculum offerings focused on the academic stream. The new model features three streams of education, namely an academic stream which is mainly the curriculum that we are offering in our schools, vocational and occupational streams. Basically, the academic pathway is largely a theoretical programme, which mainly prepares learners for higher education studies at the end of 12 years of schooling. The vocational pathway is a programme made up of subjects with at least a 50% practical component, mainly for artisanship and professions. The occupational pathway is a programme made up of subjects consisting of at least a 75% practical component and mainly prepares learners for the world of work. As an education sector, we will provide more information on these three curriculum streams during the department’s budget speech.



The Three Stream Model is about radical change to the education and training landscape in our country, which inter alia, strengthens the focus of focus schools such as aviation schools and schools specialising in information technology. One of the most important implications brought about by this fundamental change to the education and training system is that, for instance Technical Vocational Education and Training, TVET, colleges may now have to operate only at levels 5 and 6 which are offered as postschooling phases. All technical and vocational training must happen at the basic education level. This will reduce the pressure on universities and provide an accredited exit qualification from TVET colleges.



In fact, our education system should continue to equip learners with unprecedented skill sets, competencies and personality traits, emphasising soft skills which are very hard to inculcate, providing transition between the school and the world of work, creating technology-enabled platforms and new forms of collaboration to keep pace with innovations and a combination of technologies.



In pursuance of all this, as a sector we are progressively forging partnerships with quality councils, corporates and industries to strengthen and support the implementation of technical and vocational education and training on an ongoing basis.



Moving forward, the sector is working very hard on extending partnerships to include the strengthening of apprenticeship programmes through contributions from business and industry, and also include workplace learning experiences or to create simulations at the workplace. This extension of the partnerships should also address the proposed professionalisation of artisans and technicians, especially those who are currently employed in our schools offering high quality technical education but who are not trained as educators and therefore are regarded as unqualified teachers. We are working with universities to make sure that we can give them skills around classroom practices and general pedagogy.



One of our major focuses as a sector is to respond to the Fourth Industrial Revolution which is bringing with it disruptive digital technologies and trends which are



changing the way we live and work. Globally, countries are being challenged to respond to the opportunities and risks presented by the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

Advanced technologies such as automation, artificial intelligence, robotics, nanotechnology, 3D-printing and autonomous vehicles will demand nonroutine, interpersonal and analytical skills, social skills such as persuasion, emotional and social intelligence, creativity, agility and adaptability. Furthermore, creative and critical thinking, communication, media literacy and ethics are also demanded.



Emerging unprecedented skill sets, which will be met through metalearning, creative problem solving and collaboration, and learning to apply knowledge in new and different ways, has to be provided to our learners. The literature that we are working through as a department — again Mr President, we have been engaging with international and local experts — on the implications of the Fourth Industrial Revolution on education, says that in addition to the three Rs which are the foundation of education, which are reading, writing and arithmetic, there will also be a need to add more of the four Cs,



which are collaboration, communication, critical thinking and creativity. That is why as a sector we are no longer talking about Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics, Stem, but we are talking about streams. In addition to Science, Technology and Mathematics, we have to ensure that our curriculum also accommodates arts as a priority subject to add on innovations.



The key feature of the Fourth Industrial Revolution is what is called creative destruction, in which old ways of doing things is destroyed and replaced by more modern, efficient and usually digitised solutions. This creative destruction, brought about by the Fourth Industrial Revolution, calls for the urgency to modernise our education and training sector, from Basic Education to Higher Education, in terms of our skills, our human supply but also our infrastructure.



At the Basic Education level, the modernisation of the classroom has become a phenomenon of the global society. As a result we are also updating our norms and standards of school infrastructure to accommodate the needs of a



different classroom to deal with the Fourth Industrial Revolution.



Teaching approaches are beginning to change in all countries, especially leading countries in education such as Finland and Singapore. South Africa cannot be left out. The progress we are seeing in Gauteng and the Western Cape, vis-à-vis the modernisation of the classroom, with other provinces like the Free State following suit, is encouraging to say the least. The alignment of content and teaching methodologies to real life situations in the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution is therefore imperative.



On the Science and Technology in education front, government has already finalised detailed plans with key stakeholders, using the Operation Phakisa methodology, to enable the successful use of information communication technologies, ICTs, in education. This includes the provision of core connectivity to schools, the development of learner materials, the more effective use of ICTs in the administration and evidence-based improvement of the education system, and the preparation



of teachers for an education system more strongly underpinned by ICTs. Without ensuring that our teachers are at the centre of these changes, there is very little we can achieve as a sector.



With respect to technological capability, government has been investing in building core capabilities in areas crucial for the Fourth Industrial Revolution. We have managed to develop significant capabilities in areas ranging from data science, storage and processing, to additive manufacturing as well as robotics, as I’ve mentioned. In all of these areas, South Africa benefits from mutually beneficial and active partnerships with researchers in the country and technologists from other parts of the world.



We have attracted substantial investments from multinational companies, including our local companies, for research and development in areas key to the Fourth Industrial Revolution. We are currently investigating ways of consolidating and strengthening current investments to allow South Africans to use these capabilities in industry and to support the improvement



of government functions and services, especially in education.



The education sector is indeed positioning itself to address the argument that by 2030 over 800 million young people across the globe will not have the basic skills needed to keep up with knowledge-based technology.



It is also noted that by 2030, we are told that two billion of the current jobs will disappear. So, we are told that skills, amongst others, of the changing world, will focus more on information management skills, communication, problem solving, critical thinking, creativity, innovation, autonomy, collaboration and teamwork, media literacy, ICT literacy, flexibility and adaptability, initiative, social and cross-cultural productivity and accountability.



The department is therefore preparing learners for the Fourth Industrial Revolution through a number of initiatives which include, amongst others, the revision of our school curriculum and including all sorts of skills that we have worked out are needed in the sector.



Since the launch of Operation Phakisa ... [Interjections.] ... I mentioned that; you were not listening. Since the launch of Operation Phakisa we have made some great strides, including much better collaboration and harmonisation, horizontally and vertically across the government; the details on sector alignment and collaboration with strategic partners; the digitisation of textbooks and workbooks; the provisioning of ICT devices; teacher and professional development using ICTs; and the progress made in the drafting of the ICT strategy.



We therefore agree with President Ramaphosa when he opined that our prosperity as a nation is dependent on our ability to take full advantage of the rapid technological change. The envisaged Digital Industrial Revolution Commission will indeed accelerate our quest to implement Operation Phakisa.



His Excellency identified an urgent need to develop our capabilities in the areas of science, technology and innovation. Indeed, the NDP demands much higher



scientific literacy in South Africa than is currently the case.



Annually, through its efforts the Department of Science and Technology, amongst many other programmes that we run will them collaboratively, provides more than two million people, including young people, an opportunity to learn about science and technology.



[Interjections.] I mentioned it, wena!



At the last Joint Sitting, the President indicated that President Jacob Zuma announced that government will be phasing in fully subsidised free higher education and training for poor and working class South Africans over a five-year period. He continued to say:



Starting this year in 2018, free higher education and training will be available to first-year students from households with a gross combined annual income of up to R350 000.



I wish to remind this august Joint Sitting and the country at large that the Freedom Charter promised that:



Education shall be free, compulsory, universal and equal for all children; Higher education and technical training shall be opened to all by means of state allowances and scholarships awarded on the basis of merit.



So, government has been working consistently to grow universities as well as TVET colleges, to open up spaces for young people to study, so that we can fulfil the promise of the Freedom Charter.



While much has been done over the past 23 years of our democratic dispensation to increase funding for poor students through the National Student Financial Aid Scheme, NSFAS, and Funza Lushaka, access to these opportunities and funding has been consistently growing to support poor learners. However, the overall funding has been inadequate and thus we fully welcome the announcement that was made by President Zuma. Mr President, I am very proud that under former President



Zuma this government did well to extend access to higher education and training to the poor and working class.



We wish to encourage our students at universities and TVET colleges to take advantage of this funding scheme and to apply themselves in their studies. As a nation, we must reap from what they have planted.



Allow me to conclude by emphasising the need to improve the quality of learning and teaching. I have to read this slowly so that people on my side ... We have to work to improve the quality of learning and teaching outcomes across our schools. This is an imperative if we are to tackle the triple challenges of poverty and inequality and stimulate our economic growth and development, and help ourselves to leapfrog towards a just, equitable and nonracial society, and a prosperous South Africa that we are yearning for.



We must ensure that more learners reach the basic levels of literacy and numeracy in the Foundation Phase. This is an over-riding determinant of how successful learners will be in the 12 years of their long walk to matric and



largely determines whether learners will cope with schooling at all or run the risk of dropping out and adding to the huge number of young unemployed people. We must make sure that early grade learning and teaching is a priority.



It’s a pity that I’m running out of time moruti. [reverend] I was going to respond to your take around the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study, Pirls, report by saying to you, don’t read headlines; read the full story. You are talking while I’m responding to you. That is also rude, tata moruti. [reverend]



Next time I want to educate you more about the Pirls report, tata moruti [reverend] because you read out of context. You misquoted and you missed the crux. If you have ambitions of leading in 2019 you might as well start reading full reports and not take matters from slogans. [Applause.]



The last thing I want to say is that nowhere in the report that I commissioned which was led by Prof Volmink



does it indicate a specific union was found to have a policy and practice ...



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon Minister, your time has now expired.



The MINISTER OF BASIC EDUCATION: I have five seconds. So there is no report that found that there was a union

... [Interjections.] ... and therefore your castigation of the SA Democratic Teachers Union, Sadtu, is your own indaba. [problem.] Don’t bring us into it. There is no evidence for your story.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon Minister, your time has expired.



Mr N T GODI: Hon House Chair, comrades and hon members, “True leadership demands complete subjugation of self and above all, a consuming love for one’s people”. These are the immortal words from our great leader Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe who passed away 40 years ago, whose life and ideals we celebrate always. Sons and daughters of the soil shall beat salvation drum from shore to shore, from



door to door until his ideal of Africa for the Africans; Africans for humanity and humanity for God become common cause amongst our people in the farms, villages, slums, townships and suburbs.



Comrade President, we congratulate you on your election and speech. However, as the APC, we fundamentally differ with your thesis that underpinned your state of the nation address that I quote: We are diverse people, but one nation. How so? What are the economics social cultural and historical factors that make us this nation? Is it the racism that African professional students, urban and rural proletariat suffer daily? Or the refusal by white capital to invest in this democracy? Or having 92,8% of white voters voting for the DA in 2014? Is this the one nationhood - the reconciliation? To us it is white ganging up against majority rule.



To us the basis of nationhood is the 90% indigenous African majority with anyone who accepts the democratic rule of the African majority, pledge their only loyalty to Africa and work for its development being regarded and accepted as Africans. The notion of the rainbow nation is



a total fallacy. We cannot accept the sugar-coated pill of continued white privilege and domination. We cannot live on feel good and baseless hope.



Finally, Comrade President, the wretched of the earth, Africans who are neglected, humiliated and undermined and whose plight must be urgently addressed: Home base caregivers; human immunodeficiency virus, HIV, councillors; pre-school teachers; Expanded Public Works Programme, EPWP, workers; headmen and headwomen; secretaries to Amakhosi in KwaZulu-Natal; workers on starvation wages outsourced to labour brokers; mining communities; ex-mineworkers; and our people in the farms, villages and townships - like Lindley in Nketoana in the Free State. Hope and change must be measured on how the material condition of the working poor has changed for the better. I thank you.



Mr A F MAHLALELA: Hon House Chair, hon Speaker, hon Chairperson of the NCOP, Your Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa, hon Ministers, Deputy Ministers and hon members, “The biggest enemy of health in the developing world is poverty”. This is what the



former Secretary General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, said on 17 May 2001 to the 54th World Health Assembly.



The view that good health is good for individuals, families, societies and central to economic development is well established globally and not contested. In fact, the World Health Organisation noted that and I quote, “Better health is central to human happiness and wellbeing. It also makes an important contribution to economic progress, as healthy populations live longer, are more productive, and save more.”



It is therefore not surprising that both the Millennium Development Goals and the Sustainable Development Goals include health as goals. In addition, the National Development Plan notes that the importance of creating the conditions for people to develop their capabilities to the fullest, including: ensuring political freedom and cultural human rights providing social services like education, health care, public transport, social security and safety nets.



Health is a human right which is enshrined in various global institutions such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 25 of the Universal Declaration states that and I quote:



Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and wellbeing of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.



It is clear therefore that human rights are central to health and the provision of health services. The poor health outcomes are not necessarily an exclusively reflection of the health systems alone.



There is a vast range of genetic, socioeconomic and behavioural factors influencing a population’s health status, and of such factors that drive poor health outcomes are present in South Africa. These issues



include but not limited to housing, access to clean water and sanitation, clean environment, poor diets amongst others. These social determinants of health create high- levels of need for health care services, imposing heavy burdens on the country’s health professions.



Our own constitutional mandate in relation to health care is properly articulated in section 27 of the Constitution which provides that and I quote, “Everyone has the right to have access to health care services, including reproductive health care”. It further stipulates that, “The state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to progressively realise these rights and no one may be refused emergency medical treatment.”



There is a general agreement that this constitutional requirement that there is universal access to health services is appropriate. There are however differences especially to some in this House in the current interpretation of the constitutional requirement of universal access - that is in terms of the model of how it should be designed to achieve universal health care.



There are those who are for a liberal model which is aimed at perpetuating the current status quo.



The World health Organisation postulates that the goal of universal health care services is improving equality in the use of health services, improving service quality and improving financial protection. The affordability of health care services is a key factor in assessing the extent to which a society can be said to have a universal health care service.



Despite the significant burden of disease from HIV which is coupled with very high rates of TB, of which according to the World health Organisation, South Africa has the third highest incidence of TB in the world after India and China, we have made progress in the past few years. [Applause.]



We must however admit that we are still faced with many challenges in this regard and therefore much more still needs to be done in order to ensure that we build a resilient health care service. The 90-90-90 strategy by



2020 will go a long way in eliminating the scourge of HIV.



The World Health Organisation lists six building blocks of a health system. These are: governance and leadership; service delivery, health workforce; health information system, access to essential medicines and financing.

Without these ingredients, we cannot have a resilient health system.



In the past few years, the world has come to the realisation that these building blocks must be considered within the context of universal health coverage - that is the provision of health services to everyone based on the need and not the ability to pay. Access therefore refers to people’s ability to obtain and appropriately use quality health services, since having access to health care is a right for everybody.



The concept of universal health coverage takes the form of a universal health insurance in our country. The National Health Insurance, NHI, will make the health system resilient and fair. There is sufficient consensus



that the NHI should seek to achieve various principles of which key amongst them includes: the right to access health care, social security, equity, treating health care as a public goods, affordability etc.



Our current health system is decidedly unfair. Massive inequality exist between the public and the private health sectors, where less than 20% of the private health sector has access to approximately half of the country’s gross domestic product, GDP, spend on health. The bulk of the expenditure is due to hospital costs and medical aid costs. The cost of health care is escalating at unacceptable levels because of the existence of a two- tiered health care system that is not integrated to benefit the whole population, but is designed in a manner that enables to benefit the elite few.



The public health on the other hand, with the same amount of money has to provide a health service to the remaining more than 80% of the population relies on the public sector. This level of inequity is naturally wrong, unacceptable and must be abolished as a matter of extreme urgency. [Applause.]



The fiscal federalism in the allocation of health funding that has been introduced since the establishment of the new democratic dispensation has exacerbated the realisation of a comprehensive and integrated system as envisaged in the White Paper on the transformation of the health care system.



The process as outlined by the President of establishing the NHI is a means to address the financial allocation of resources across levels of government, correcting management problems, reducing disparities in access to quality health care and focussing on the health outcomes.



It is in this context that as members of the ANC, we highly welcome and support the process that the President has clarified to this House of the introduction of the universal health care system through the introduction of the National Health Insurance legislation which will soon be tabled before Parliament. [Applause.] We want to assure you Mr President that we are ready to make sure that that legislation is processed and passed when it comes before this House. So that we are able to introduce



this national health care insurance to our people. [Applause.]



The NHI White Paper outlines how we intend to correct this unjust situation. All funding for health services will be pooled - including your own medical aid and mine

  • and distributed to both public and private providers to provide services at the same level of quality to all South Africans.



The full implementation of the NHI will require that all South Africans work together with government. This means that employers, people who are currently medical aid members - that is yourself hon members - organised labour and health professionals must be prepared to pool these resources for the common good. When people are sick, they must be able to be provided with that service on an equal basis. The primary responsibility is to ensure that we provide and create a healthy nation.



The NHI requires the full participation of all health professionals, including those in the private sector. We must use the skills of all the health professionals at



all levels of care. Since the International Conference on Primary Health Care held in Alma-Ata in 1978, there has been global agreement of the importance of primary health care as the foundation for our health system.



It is clear that for the NHI to work for everyone we must strengthen primary health care, PHC. Improving the quality of care in the public sector facilities remains an absolute priority of government. The Department of Health has started with a process to improve quality of services by introducing two key initiatives, of which one of them is the introduction of the Office of Health Standard Compliance, OHSC and the Ideal Clinic initiative as part of the Operation Phakisa.



As part of the OHSC development, a set of national core standards were developed, against which all facilities in South Africa are currently being assessed. The Ideal Clinic initiative provides detailed benchmark for what is regarded as a well-functioning clinic or primary health care facility.



This integrated approach will ensure that our people get the best possible care when they visit primary health care facilities. It will also help us to ensure that patients do not bypass clinics and seek care in hospitals for primary health care. At this point in time 1 270 clinics have all the components necessary to ensure that they are ideal. We must move with great speed to ensure that the remaining clinics reach ideal clinic status as soon as possible. It is critical that our people experience Ideal Clinics as a whole. This will be proof that our clinics are providing the best quality care.



A good primary health care system does not only depend on clinics. We must all focus on prevention of diseases and the promotion of health. Our country is confronted with a rapidly growing rate of noncommunicable diseases, NCDs, resulting largely from lifestyle changes that include obesity - we know that we are the most obese nation amongst the world - smoking, abuse of alcohol consumption, unhealthy diet and lack of exercise. This results towards a range of diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, cancer and cardiovascular diseases. This leads to premature deaths and high absenteeism which in



turn contribute to low productivity at work and therefore slow economic growth.



Tackling these risk factors is a whole of government and whole of society responsibility. To avoid the NCD tsunami in our country, we must take a very robust approach on how to deal with these risk factors. This includes engaging the food industry to ensure that they produce healthy food which is affordable less sugar, less salt, regulated advertising of tobacco and alcohol.



Cancer has become the latest opportunistic disease that kills people infected with HIV. As announced by the President Ramaphosa, the Department of Health with its partners will launch a national cancer campaign this year. The campaign must focus on the risk factors for the various cancers to increase awareness of these risk factors. The campaign must also focus on the importance of self-examination where possible, as well as early detection and treatment. Critically, our people must also have the information to help them to prevent cancer in the first place. The general risk factors that apply to NCDs, also apply to cancer.



Therefore, this requires government departments to work synergistically so that we package the services that can be provided to every South African. However, government alone will not be able to ensure a healthy environment - we also need the private sector. The food and beverage industry for example, must ensure that healthy and nutritious foods are provided to the markets and that unhealthy food and beverages are not made available in the markets. If they do not take responsibility, government will have to strengthen its regulations.



Despite all the measures that we can take to prevent diseases, we must know that at the end of the day people do get sick. When this happens we must be able to provide patients with the best possible clinical care in our hospitals. This means ensuring that we have skilled health professionals. Our procurement systems must be improved and our financial management systems must also make sure that is improved so that we are able to pay service providers within 30 days after they have provided the services.



We must improve our own infrastructure. One of the challenges of providing health care services is the escalating costs and litigations. The prices of medicine, diagnostic technologies as well as the remuneration of health workers are all increasing above general inflation. We have to put measures in place to contain costs and this is what we intend to do by the introduction of the NHI.



To inspire us to work hard and work collectively to implement the NHI and to ensure that that we have a resilient health system based on human rights principles, let me end by quoting from the icon the former President Madiba when he said, “Health cannot be a question of income; it is a fundamental human right.” I thank you. [Applause.]



Mr Y CASSIM: Hon House Chair, hon President, members of the National Assembly and the NCOP, fellow South Africans, I greet you with the universal greeting of peace. As-saalamu-alay-kum wa rahmatullahi wa barakatuh [Peace and mercy and blessings of Allah be upon you.]



Hon President, on Friday evening I sat on my bench and instead of playing Candy Crush, I listened intently to your state of the nation address. You see, hon President, as a young South African, I must hope. Like millions of young South Africans across our beautiful land, I am thirsty for hope; I yearn for a new beginning and I want to be led. And so, I listened with hopeful ears for leadership, brave and courageous, the kind our generation needs so desperately.



You made some of the right noises and there were some welcome announcements which we appreciate, but ultimately there was one glaring issue which enjoyed nothing neither bold nor courageous. In celebrating the centenary of Nelson Mandela, it is an issue that one cannot simply continue with the status quo.



For it was Madiba that said that, “no country can really develop unless its citizens are educated,” and that it is through education that the daughter of a peasant can become a doctor; that the son of a mine worker can become the head of the mine and that a child of farmworkers can become the President of a great nation.



And yet, Mr President, you would have us believe that our basic education outcomes are improving, quoting the increase in the matric pass rates. The reality is that the real matric pass rate is at 37,3%. This is not an improvement. In fact, it is worse off from last year’s real pass rate of 40,2%.



What this means is that of the over 1,3 million South Africans who were in Grade 10 in 2015, over 900 000 could not get a matric pass, and only 153 610 managed to attain a bachelor’s pass. The most tragic part about all of this is that the circumstances of one’s birth and the legacies of the past continue to determine success in our unfair society.



That a black child is still more likely to grow up in poverty than a white child; that four out of every five Grade 4 learners are illiterate, and even of those fortunate enough to get to matric and pass to enter a university, half will drop out before they reach their second year, whilst 60% of Technical Vocational Education and Training, TVET colleges are dysfunctional, with a pass rate of less than 40%.



I am sure you will agree with me that our generation deserves more. You very eloquently in the words of the late great Bra Hugh Masekela, asked the nation to send you. I am grateful for that plea, for we must urgently send you. We must send you to sit in the classes of one of the over 5000 teaches who are not qualified to educate our children; we must send you to feel the anguish experienced by our educators who South African Democratic Teachers Union, Sadtu, have been found complacent in the demands of payments for sex for jobs or promotions.



We must send you to walk, not down the Sea Point Promenade, but with our children who must walk over 10km just to get to school where they will have their only meal for the day; we must send you to spend a night in one of the stinking residences at the Walter Sisulu University, which has no running water; we must send you so that you may fully comprehend the conditions that the ANC has kept our people in so that you may appreciate the urgency for bold and decisive action.



The number one problems facing our basic education system is that trade union bosses from Sadtu have captured that



system. You may have felt that you had to praise them when you spoke at their congress last year in order to be elected as the ANC President, but our children cannot afford the placation of Sadtu any longer.



South Africa has the highest number of teaching days lost to strikes in the continent. Thus, we need policies and legislation that regulates teachers’ strikes so that no child loses their right to a decent basic education. We need bold new reforms to improve the quality of teaching, whether site Sadtu likes them or not.



This should include implementing the teaching competency tests and Principal Performance Agreements that have been blocked by Sadtu for over five years. It should also include the introduction of a National Education Inspectorate at arm’s length from government with the power to assess teaching and learning in the classroom.



Teachers who do not have the right qualifications to teach should not be allowed to teach. To bridge the skills gap, an aggressive headhunt of excellent Mathematics and Science teachers from all over the



African continent must begin in earnest. Teacher-training colleges must be brought back to give teachers the practical skills they need to make a meaningful impact in the classroom.



The creation of collaboration schools can harness value from NGOs and the private sector as we have done here in the Western Cape. Schools must be incentivised to retain learners rather than cull them. A bold new offer would be the introduction of a voluntary year of National Civilian Service for unemployed matriculants and a free year of skills training for our youth.



Our TVET colleges must be overhauled with updated curricula, classrooms and equipment so as to be institutions of choice. The historic debt being carried by poor university students must be dealt with as it continues to burden our students and institutions. The self-serving fiefdoms of the Sector Education and Training Authorities, Setas, and the National Youth Development Agency, NYDA, must be scraped, so that the limited resources meant to skill and develop our youth



are used to do so rather than to continue serving the patronage networks of the ANC.



Mr President, after nine years of Zuma and ANC’s failure, bold and courageous leadership is required now more than ever, and for the sake of my generation and the generations to come, I would like to ask you, to please agree that lending a hand will not be enough. Thank you.



Ms L C DLAMINI: Hon Chair, my greetings to the President, our Ministers, hon members, special delegates, the concept hon President of “thuma mina” has become so popular in this debate. I am tempted to start there, but I will come back to that one. Our country has entered a period of change and we stand at the edge of the new dawn. It is for us to seize this moment fully and ensure that it is turned into a moment that will propel us to towards a nation, registering progress and development in improving the lives of our people for the better.



We need to therefore approach this new dawn with new thinking a progressive outlook and ensure that as we progress through this period, greater bonds of human and



social solidarity amongst our people and the nation shall be achieved, and will make us stronger when the testing times arrive and make us better equipped to deal with this. For all of this, we have the state of the nation address to thank for its guidance.



Whilst change does produce uncertainty, and anxiety, this natural phenomenon offers great opportunities for renewal, revitalisation and progress. Our determination to overcome the challenges that lie ahead of us and convinced that by working together we will build the fair and just and decent society to which Nelson Mandela dedicated his life.



Having said that hon House Chair, before I delve into the subject of economy, I have to contextualise the status quo that our people find themselves in. It is important to note that, our people, the majority of South Africans, did not, either choose or wish to be relocated to townships. It is also in the response to those members who pretend as if our people’s land was not expropriated from our people without compensation. Our people owned



land before they were brutally uprooted from their only homes and land they had known without any compensation.





Ngakho ke kuyathusa ukuzwa ukuthi kunabantu la eNdlini abenza sengathi ukuphangwa komhlaba ngokusemthethweni ngaphandle kwesinxephezelo yinto entsha efika noMongameli. Kuyasethusa ke loko Mongameli.





In his state of the nation address the President made reference to a number of socioeconomic transformation issues designed to create more inclusive economic growth. The reference to “using competition policy to open up markets to new black entrants, and investing in the development of businesses in the townships and rural areas” is central to ensuring greater inclusive growth in the economy. The significant participation and meaningful inclusion of the people in the townships into the mainstream economy of a metro, a province through their own township enterprises that are supported by the government and big business is a critical factor for the success of inclusive local economic growth in township



and rural areas. To build a modern South Africa the best foundation is our own traditions and culture. The best tools are our own hands, minds and skills, and the best material is our own ideas, wishes and aspirations.



The townships must be self-sufficient and vibrant economic. Therefore support from government is required. The state of the nation address specifically addresses this when it speaks to: Infrastructure support for rural and township economic development, prioritising the roll out of bulk infrastructure in rural areas, for example construction of new dams and irrigation, rail, roads, communications and fertilisers. Infrastructure investment is key to our efforts to grow the rural and township economy, create jobs, empower small businesses and provide services to our people. The new investment in roads, power stations, schools and other infrastructure will greatly assist in this regard.



One of the areas that has been of great concern in our oversight visits, hon President, has been the feedback from entrepreneurs both in the townships and rural areas that some of the projects take time to get off the



ground, leaving communities frustrated and many eventually drop out of the project and seek alternatives as the ability to wait is not economically viable. We are saying that must be dealt with.



In addressing this, we are greatly encouraged by the announcement in the state of the nation address that the President will assemble a team to speed up the implementation of new projects, particularly water projects, health facilities and road maintenance. We understand this to mean that the lessons have been learnt in our experience in building new infrastructure, which will inform our way ahead.



The ANC policy and vision is support of vibrant and sustainable enterprises as part of building an inclusive, labour absorbing and growing economy. At a broader level, both regional and district economies benefit from the transformation of townships into sites for productive activities, contributing to socially inclusive wealth creation and helping to foster sustainable livelihoods through job creation, social cohesion and active citizenship. We therefore, hon President, request that



you look at the manner in which the National Development Agency and the Department of Social Development ... We have a data base of people who are getting social grants in that department which form basis for the development of people to help them to be out of the grants and free some money for the other activities, but engage in economic ...





Nk H O MKHALIPHI: Imizuzu emithathu kudala iphelile.





According to the programme is Shai-Emam. So, three minutes is gone.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, it is hon Dlamini. Order members!



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Where? [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Order, members! It is 10 minutes. It is hon Dlamini’s time.



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: In the programme here is Shaik-Emam and he has three minutes. Three minutes is gone. What is happening, Chair.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): No, I am assisting you. Order, members! The speaker on the podium its hon Dlamini allocated time for 10 minutes.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, may I just beg your indulgency because this is what is going to happen when the speaking order has changed. Usually there is a consultation with the Whips ... [Interjections.]










The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Hon Dlamini was supposed to speak four speakers ago. I don’t know where she was, but clearly she wasn’t here and other speakers were taken. When the order is going to change I think that the Table staff or the governing party Whips need to



consult with the other Whips to avoid this type of situation.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): It’s a valid point. Can you continue hon Dlamini.



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Don’t just rush to say she must continue, update us how many minutes does she have because we don’t know. [Interjections.] She will go on and on until when because if Shaik-Emam was on the podium he would have been allocated three minutes. We don’t know whether this is Mrs Shaik-Emam or what is happening.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): The Speaker at the podium is hon Dlamini. She has been allocated 10 minutes. Can you continue, hon Dlamini.



Ms L C DLAMINI: Public procurement can significantly change the structure of the economy by supporting enterprises across the value chain of production. To achieve this, provincial and local spheres government in particular, have an important role in opening up procurement processes through the review of procurement



guidelines and creating a list of ring-fenced goods and services to be procured from rural and township entrepreneurs. They are being supported to secure community markets through the formation of consumer co- operatives like Spaza shops, shisa nyama and those women who are doing sewing if their goods could be procured by government it will open the markets for them.



Hon Chair I want to conclude by also sending the hon President that as we deal with the leadership and governance ...





... ngicela ukukuthuma nami Mongameli. Ngikuthuma ku- Metro City ...





... to deal with the anomaly of government that with have there, where you have a mayor who is not accountable to any party. A mayor who faced a vote of no confidence from her own party and won, but now where is she accountable to. [Laughter.]





Ngako, ngiyakutfuma-ke nami Mengameli kutsi ase uhambe uyesibutela kutsi, kwentekani laphaya? Ngiyabonga kakhulu.



Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: House Chair, Mr President, hon members and distinguished guests in the gallery, allow me, on behalf of the NFP, to congratulate the President.



Mr President, I am sure that former President Nelson Mandela would be smiling in his grave because it is my understanding that you were the first choice for President after his term of office. [Interjections.] After having listened to your state of the nation address, clearly there has been an air of optimism, not only in our country but internationally.



However, Mr President, there are a few issues. The first is the issue of leadership. You are judged by the friends you keep and, Mr President, governments and parliaments are like businesses: Whilst in business, you are there to make money, and in Parliament you are there and judged by the success of what the people on the ground achieve. It



means you have to ensure that whoever you choose to be part of your Cabinet has integrity, capacity, and capability.



Mr President, we talk about corruption in the country and state capture. Yes, indeed, it is a serious problem, and we are impressed that you want to deal with this matter hands on, but let us not forget about the corruption on my left. [Interjections.] Let us not forget about the state capture on my left. We have just heard about the water crisis that is created by them in order to give the business to Israel so they can get R600 million for the election in 2019. [Applause.] [Interjections.] I want to ask the following question: Why is corruption such a serious challenge when it is with the blacks and not a serious challenge when it is with the colonialists and the whites? [Interjections.] Why is it not treated the same?



Why hasn’t anyone on this side complained about the evergreen contracts, the 30- and 40-year contracts? Why haven’t they complained, Mr President? Why haven’t they complained about the bankrupt state of this country that



they handed over to us? Why have they not complained about all the contracts and monies that were embezzled before 1994, including the properties we are still looking for? [Interjections.] Why don’t they talk about it, Mr President?



You spoke about the land. The one thing I did not hear


... [Interjections.] ... and there is the opportunism. Here on the side of hypocrisy at its highest level, they want to talk about the Ingonyama Trust. Rightfully, we must not interfere with that. What about the Khoi and the San they have stolen the land from? [Interjections.] Why don’t they return the land? That is where we need to start. They are occupying land that belongs to the Khoi and the San! We need to deal with it. Mr President, thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Interjections.] [Applause.]





Mnr J W W JULIUS: Voorsitter, agb President, agb lede, ons gaste, en mede-Suid-Afrikaners, laat my toe om die President geluk te wens met sy hernude belofte om korrupsie hok te slaan. Ons het baie lank gewag om te



hoor dat die regering nou daadwerklik gaan optree teen korrupsie in ons land. As opposisie sal ons u ondersteun, maar ook aanspreeklik hou op hierdie belofte.



Ek doen ook verder ’n beroep op provinsiale en plaaslike regerings, wanneer hulle hul redes lewer in die komende weke, om ’n hernude belofte te maak om korrupsie hok te slaan in daardie regerings.





Mr President, we also need a revitalised focus on conducting lifestyle audits. I didn’t hear you mention lifestyle audits. There are politicians and officials living well above their income and means. Some of them are sitting here in this House as we speak. After you have dealt with all the corruption charges, I am sure the jails will be full, and these benches will be empty. [Interjections.] I am dead certain of that.



I also wish to congratulate and thank the coalition parties in local government under DA-led administrations where we are bringing services back to the people. The DA already started combating corruption a long time ago when



we took over from ANC administrations. In Johannesburg under Mayor Mashaba, 1 920 open investigations are currently under way. [Interjections.] We have uncovered a web of corruption among staff members.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr A J Nyambi): Sorry, hon Julius. Hon members, heckling is allowed, but you cannot drown out the speaker. [Interjections.] Please continue, hon Julius.



Mr J W W JULIUS: House Chair, we have uncovered a web of corruption among staff members, dating back to 2014.

Where the ANC chose to hide corruption, the DA is uncovering it.



In Tshwane, Mayor Msimanga inherited an inefficient bureaucracy with 998 staff members in the mayor’s office, the majority of those officials being ANC members receiving salaries for doing absolutely nothing. [Interjections.] Two special investigations have been launched to deal specifically with priority corruption. I can tell you now ...





... Pappa wag vir jou.





You are going straight to jail – from here all the way down to local government. [Interjections.]



In Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality, Mayor Trollip uncovered numerous questionable contracts, one being the supply of light bulbs at R600 each – R600 for one light bulb! That is flying in the face of our unemployed and the vulnerable in our communities. The same former mayor also bought a front cover of a magazine at R250 000 to display his face. We uncovered it! Mr President, we have already started. I believe that you are coming onboard to end this corruption in this country. Thank you for that. We have already started. I am quite sure there are countless similar cases being overlooked in these governments.



Mr President, you didn’t include border control in your address. Can we please include border control? It is vitally important, especially the upcoming Bill. Many



South Africans are hopeful for the future and, since you humbly asked us to send you to tackle some of our greatest troubles, we would like to remind you that we did send you. However, for many years, the ANC remained quiet and instead chose to let us deal with our troubles on our own. You are here today because, Mr President, we had to save ourselves from the Zuma administration. [Interjections.] We need change, or we will save ourselves again. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]






Mr F BEUKMAN: President Cyril Ramaphosa — President of the Republic of South Africa, colleagues, comrades and fellow South Africans - Now is the time to lend a hand. That was the clarion call of the President in his historic speech on Friday night. From the side of the ANC we say - Now is the time to lend a hand in the fight against crime, corruption and the looting of state resources.



We say Mr President we agree that now is the time to restore confidence in the public institutions and state



agencies in the criminal justice system. Now is the time to lend a hand. In his speech, the President said the following:



This is the year in which we will turn the tide of corruption in our public institutions. The criminal justice institutions have been taking initiatives that will enable us to deal effectively with corruption.



The President also made the important point that the Commission on State Capture is not displacing the regular work of the country’s law enforcement agencies in investigating and prosecuting all acts of corruption. The ANC fully supports the statement of our President. The primary constitutional and legislative duty of the SAPS including the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation, DPCI, National Prosecuting Authority, NPA including the Asset Forfeiture Unit, AFU Special Investigating Unit, SIU and Financial Intelligence Centre, FIC and others who deal with investigations related to crime, corruption, money laundering, organised



crime and tender fraud should be executed with diligence and speed.



The President in his capacity as President of the ANC said the following in the January 8 statement at East London:



Strong and efficient law enforcement agencies are critical to the fight against corruption and crime generally, and to the restoration of the integrity and legitimacy of the state.



In this regard, the ANC is of the firm view that the country’s intelligence services, the police and prosecutorial authorities should be strengthened and fortified to act with professionalism, and without fear, favour or prejudice.



Chairperson, we need in the first instance - leaders - women and men of integrity- in the said institutions who are beyond reproach, fit and proper persons who subscribe to the values of Act 108 of 1996 - the Constitution. And can make decisions without fear, favour or prejudice.



They must indeed be able to pass the through the eye of the needle-test. If there are compromised individuals in these critical posts, they should leave voluntary and immediately, or be removed by the relevant executive authorities in terms of the applicable rules and legislative prescripts.



We need talented and patriotic South Africans appointed in these key posts who will act in the interest of the Republic and not at the behest of dubious commercial or private interest or dither due to other pressures. The posts of the head of the Hawks and the head of Crime Intelligence were advertised in the Sunday newspapers two weeks ago. We need South Africans with integrity, vision, skills and professionalism to fill these vacancies.



Secondly, we need to move with speed to amend outdated legislation like the South African Police Service Act of 1995 to strengthen law enforcement in the Republic, but also civilian oversight.



Thirdly, the founding fathers and mothers of our Constitution and our President of the Republic is indeed



a profound founding father of our Constitution in their wisdom made provision for independent oversight institutions, distinct from the legislature who should oversee law enforcement agencies.



Mr President, we should also consider additional measures to further strengthen institutions like the Inspector- General for Intelligence and the Independent Police Investigative Directorate and the DPCI.



Madam Speaker now is the time also for the Commissioners, Director of Public Prosecutions and heads of institutions to stand up and be counted in the fight against crime, corruption and state capture. From the side of the ANC we say step up your efforts to deal with corruption. Our people want to see that perpetrators of crime who plundered the state coffers are arrested and prosecuted in the relevant fora and courts. Our law enforcement agencies should interact with Interpol and their counterparts in other jurisdictions to ensure that all fugitives with relation to state capture are apprehended and brought to book.



2018 is the year of the first President of the Republic, President Nelson Mandela. I want to quote from his three hour speech on 20 April 1964 from the dock of the Rivonia Trial:



The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices - submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. We shall not submit and we have no choice but to hit back by all means in our power in defence of our people, our future and our freedom.



Chairperson we are at the same crossroads. The fight in 2018 is against crime and corruption. We cannot submit to crime, corruption and state capture. We must hit back to ensure that the values enshrined in our Constitution prevail.



Chairperson, from an international perspective, the most significant crime threat to countries including South Africa in the next ten years will be cybercrime. The Hawks needs to ensure that the capacity and training of staff for the cyber crime centre be prioritized during



this financial year. The law enforcement environment is a fast changing and evolving area. Criminals have adapted to and embraced the technological advances of the 21st century. The South African Banking Risk Information Centre estimates that the country loses R2,2 billion to internet fraud and phishing attacks annually - that’s about R5,5 million a day.



According to the Norton Cyber Security Insights report, over 8,8 million South Africans were the target of online or cyber crime in 2016. We must plan and prepare for the future.



Chairperson serious organised crime and serious corruption is a real and imminent danger to the basic foundations of our constitutional state, and building a resilient anti-corruption system. Fighting corruption requires an anti-corruption system that is well resourced, operates freely from political interference, and has the support of all citizens.



The National Planning Commission of which hon President Ramaphosa was the Vice Chairperson proposed the



following; strengthen the multi agency anti corruption system; strengthen the protection of whistle blowers; greater central oversight over the awarding of tenders with long duration; and empower the tender compliance monitoring office to investigate corruption and the value for money of tenders. The current multi agency anti corruption system must be strengthened by better co- operation and the setting of well defined targets to be achieved as outcomes.



The President emphasized on Friday evening that we must fight corruption, fraud and collusion in the private sector with the same purposes and intensity. Our law enforcement agencies with specific reference to the DPCI and Commercial Crime Detective Unit of SAPS must further develop the necessary capacity and expertise to deal with complex private sector crime investigations.



We welcome the investigation launched by the DPCI into the Steinhoff matter and other private sector related cases. We need to see prosecution-driven investigations. We need to see arrests. We need to see successful prosecutions. Economic crimes in the private sector that



robs millions of South Africans from their hard earned savings and pension fund investments should never be tolerated. We need to deal decisively with pertinent organised crimes like illegal mining, illicit flows and illegal cigarette smuggling that cost the national fiscus millions, and probably billions of rand of revenue.



The NDP is very clear on page 391:



We must re-establish units staffed with highly trained and professional police officers, to respond to changing crime trends such as narcotics, cybercrime, human trafficking, crimes against women and children, and international crime syndicates.



We agree with other speakers who indicated that we must to move faster with the establishment of the National Policing Board that is provided for the National Development Plan.



Chairperson, we must restore the confidence of our people in our institutions by taking strong and decisive action against those who act contrary to the law and the



Constitution. Over the past week or two, several current senior and former senior SAPS officials have been subjected to court processes in the country. Some pleaded guilty on corruption-related charges; others were sentenced for long prison terms while others must still offer their pleas in related court cases.



The ANC condemns any act of criminality by any members of the law enforcement agencies, more so those committed by senior SAPS and justice officials. We expect from senior officers and officials to lead in the fight against crime. We welcome on going efforts by law enforcement agencies to deal with corrupt officials in their midst, but we need more urgency and decisiveness.



Mr President other speakers also referred to the issue of immediate implementation of compulsory life style audits and continuous integrity testing, apart from normal vetting procedures for senior officers and officials across the criminal justice system, is the only way to go.



The new National Commissioner has committed himself last week to implement lifestyle audits for all senior SAPS management by the end of March 2018. We need to spread this across the criminal justice cluster as a matter of priority. The President of the Republic indicated in his speech that the community policing strategy will be implemented, with the aim of gaining of trust of the community and to secure their full involvement in the fight against crime. We echo those sentiments today.



The National Development Plan sets out the increased community participation in safety. Civil society organisations and civic participation are essential elements of a safe and secure society. Street committees, neighbourhood watches, patrollers, plaaswagte and Bambananis should all form of a collective effort at local level to increase the safety of our communities - Now is the time to lend a hand.



We welcome the introduction of a Youth Crime Prevention Strategy that will empower and support young people to be self-sufficient and become involved in crime fighting initiatives. The school safety and campus safety



programmes should be expanded and the ownership of these initiatives should be with the scholars, teachers, students, lectures and parents.



The President indicated that the distribution of resources to police station level will be a major focus in 2018. From the side of the ANC we say that the deep rural stations as well as those in growing informal settlements and new developments should be prioritized. All police stations in the Republic wherever they are should have the same ability and capability to deal with complaints of our people whether they are in Sibasa, Sea Point, Springbok or Sebokeng.



We agree with the President when he says that the necessary personnel are needed to restore capacity and experience especially in the crime hot spot areas of the country - Now is the time to lend a hand.





Ons moet die beste stasiebevelvoerders en operasionele bevelvoerders in gemeenskappe ontplooi waar die gesag van die staat uitgedaag word. Ons mense moet nie die



spreekwoordelike gevangenes van bendeleiers en misdaadsindikate word nie. Kinders moet dit kan waag om skool toe of winkel toe te loop sonder om onder die kruisvuur van strydende misdaadgroepe deur te loop.



Ons mense moet nie uitgelewer word aan die base van smokkelhuise en dwelmbaronne nie. Deur die betrokkenheid van gemeenskapsleiers, kerke, moskeë, skole en vrywilligerorganisasies, saam met die polisie, kan hulle hul woonbuurte en nedersettings plekke van veiligheid en lewenskwaliteit maak. Gemeenskapspolisiëringsforums moet effektief en tersaaklik word as ’n bykomende faktor in die stryd teen misdaad. Enige misdaadvoorkomings- en bestrydingsaksie is afhanklik van goeie intelligensie.





Chairperson, intelligence driven policing is essential to deal with the primary source of crime. The turn around strategy to restore the Crime Intelligence Division of the SAPS as a credible and real time provider of intelligence products should be fast tracked and closely monitored. Their core business should be conduct intelligence operations to address prioritized crime



threats and provide intelligence products in support of policing activities.



The ANC welcomes the recent high profile arrests by the DPCI focussing on corruption allegations at different levels of government and those linked to state capture. We want to applaud the DPCI for their swift and decisive action. The DPCI needs the support from all law abiding citizens and we want to call on members of the public to assist with any relevant information that may assist in the solving of priority crime cases. I thank you very much.



Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Chairperson, I am sure you would agree with me, commander in chief of the Economic Freedom Movement, that we have spent a gruesome long day listening to uninspiring - like last Friday – and mostly flat speeches and repetitions by members of the ruling party. The majority of the ANC speakers here said nothing new and did not articulate anything different in terms of what is going to be done differently. The majority of them were campaigning for Cabinet posts, President.



[Interjections.] And all of them spectacularly failed. Maybe one could have succeeded.



I guess that the uninspiring speeches and repetitions of the ANC are somehow reflective of the organisation itself

  • a post centenarian organisation – a post 100 year’s organisation - which has got signs of people who are above the age of 100. What are the features of people who are above the age of 100? They have got vision loss; they have got hearing problems; they have got cognitive impairments; they are forgetful. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] That is what characterises the ANC now. So the 106 years is not something worth celebrating; it is something that you must decry about. Why do you insist on clinging to power when you are characterised by all signs of centenarians who are unable to provide direction to society.



We want to take this opportunity to congratulate the newly elected President, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, on filling a vacancy in the Office of the President that had existed for the past four years, because the fact of the matter is that we did not have a President in South Africa. We



had an imposter, a trickster, who had handed over political power to a criminal syndicate. It is only now that you are saying that we must have a President who must be monitored according to the commitments that he makes.



But he did not make any commitments. He did not say what is to be done. He did not tell us what the way forward is. That is why members of the ruling party come here and put words in his mouth and say that the plan we are questioning whether it exists or not is the National Development Plan.



The President never spoke about the National Development Plan. [Interjections.] Some even say that he spoke about the developmental state. He never spoke about a developmental state. Also, it would be crazy to think that what the ANC is doing now is a developmental state. Just basic features of what a developmental state is to be is that it must be relatively autonomous from capitalist influences and interests.



The fact of the matter is that the South African state is not independent from capitalist influences. It cannot direct the direction of capital in terms of where investments are directed. So, you must never speak about developmental states when you do not know because, clearly, there is no plan. There are conferences that are proposed, summits; commissions. There’s no clarity in terms of what you are dealing with.



But you are inheriting a crisis-ridden state which is in debt of more than R2,3 trillion, with exposure of state- owned companies that have got guarantees of government. The debt that is guaranteed by the state in Eskom is R350 billion. In SA National Roads Agency, Sanral, it is R38,9 billion. In SA Airways it is R19,1 billion. In

Denel it is R1,8 billion. In the Road Accident Fund it is R8,5 billion. These are the features that you are inheriting.



The Gupta criminal syndicate has shifted billions of rand out of South Africa; it is a fact. The SA Revenue Service, Sars, is failing to collect revenue in a manner which is expected - a shortfall of R50 billion, as was



announced here. The National Prosecuting Authority, NPA, is dysfunctional; it works according to who is in political office. They only make arrests now that Jacob Zuma is no more. So this means that this NPA has got eyes

  • it looks at who is the political principal.



What assurance do we have that it is not going to do the same thing? If you commit a crime, if the people around you commit a crime, if your children commit a crime, what assurance do we have that the NPA is going to fold its arms and not do anything about the high state of crime here in South Africa?



The fact of the matter is that the many Ministries that exist and the Ministers that are still in Cabinet have closed their Pretoria head offices and are working from Saxonwold. I do not know that what is going to happen because the head office in Saxonwold is closed because Ajay and Atul Gupta are on the run.



The Ministry of Finance is given direction from Saxonwold. The Ministry of Mineral Resources is directed from Saxonwold. The Ministry of Public Service and



Administration is directed from Saxonwold. The Ministry of Communications is directed from Saxonwold. The Ministry of Energy is directed from Saxonwold. Their interests are the ones that thrive over what has to happen. Why are we still having these Ministers as Ministers? They should have been gone as soon as yesterday.



The Ministry of Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs is directed from Saxonwold. They even wanted to expose state-owned municipalities ... companies ... as debt guarantees so that municipalities could indebt themselves further as part of the proposals of the Gupta criminal syndicate.



That is what we are sitting with now. It is not an insignificant crisis that we have been dealing with. We therefore stand here to call for a definite termination of any relationship with South Africa’s resources of the following Ministers: Minister Van Rooyen must go; Zwane must go; Muthambi must fall; Nomvula Mokonyane must fall; Lynne Brown must fall; Ben Martins must fall; Bathabile Dlamini must fall; Joe Maswanganyi must fall; Bongo - I



don’t know his name - must fall; Mahlobo must fall. [Interjections.] All these Ministers have got some form of direct or indirect relationship with the Gupta criminal syndicate. We must not tiptoe around their interests with the Guptas.



You said that we must send you, President. I do not know whether we should send you, because the people of South Africa sent you to preside over the Constitutional Assembly in the early 1990s and you brought back a Constitution that is celebrated over the world. But that Constitution just gave us political power. You did not heed the cautions of Kwame Nkrumah and Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere who said that political power without economic power was meaningless. You just gave us the right to vote, and all indications are there that we are not in charge of our economy.



The fact that there are 17 million social grants in South Africa, with 11 million recipients of those grants, is not cause for celebration. It is a reflection of the fact that we have got deep-rooted poverty that has been reproduced since 1994. White people are still in control



of and own our economy. The bottom 50% of the population are not affected significantly by economic activities that happen on the JSE, in huge corporations, by this growth that you speak about every day. There is not even any impact on the lives of the bottom 50%. So, it means that for the 24 years of the so-called democracy, we have neglected a critical component of our population. It is only now when you are introducing minimum wages - and still you are going to exclude a significant number of our people.



The commander in chief is correct that you did not come out with clear ideas in terms of what is to be done.

Maybe we must take this opportunity to give you a few pieces of advice. We do that. We specialise in that ... as a government in waiting.



In terms of the issues that you must focus on: number one, you must establish a sovereign wealth fund. You would know that in the founding manifesto of the EFF, in the pillar that speaks about the development of the African economy, we call for the establishment of a sovereign wealth fund. I know the majority of ANC members



will not know and will not understand what a sovereign wealth fund is, and we understand why they don’t understand.



Now, we are going to quickly take you through that. A sovereign wealth fund must be like an investment holding company like Temasek in Singapore. Temasek has a net value $275 billion - that is trillions of rand - in a country which has a population of about 5 million. There are no mineral resources in Singapore. There are no strategic assets that South Africa has in Singapore. But the wisdom of the people of Singapore has created a holding company, a sovereign wealth fund, that is earning them money, a lot of resources and nontax contributions from all over the world through dividends.



In South Africa it is long overdue that we should establish a sovereign wealth fund. It can be modelled in the form of the China Investment Corporation - it is called CIC - in the context of what it is. The Chinese government copied what Temasek did and established the China Investment Corporation in 2007. It is worth more than R8 trillion currently. It contributes currently to



the country’s national revenue fund - meaningful contribution.



Why is it that South Africa cannot establish a sovereign wealth fund that is going to earn money for the people of South Africa all over the world through strategic investments? There is enough expertise found in the PIC and in the emerging black asset managers that can be redirected to the sovereign wealth fund in terms of how we move.



The second component that you must deal with is establish a state-owned assets supervision and administration commission, similar to the “Sassac”(?) organisation that exists for the oversight of China’s state-owned companies. The important component of China’s state companies is that of the top 500 companies in the world, China has more 100 state-owned companies there – in the global 500 – that go all over the world to earn the Chinese government a lot of resources, invest in their development and take it forward.



But, also, when you reform state-owned companies, we should discontinue the phenomenon that single Ministries are in charge of the whole state-owned company. You cannot have the Department of Public Enterprises as a single shareholder of Eskom. There should be other role- players – DBSA, IDC, PIC – so that accountability mechanisms are handled better at that level.



The third proposal that we want you to look into ... because you never told us what is to be done ... is to deal now clearly with tax avoidance. We have been crying about this for the longest time. Sars has the necessary technical capability to deal with tax avoidance.

Legislate clearly on what we do with the billions of rand that are being lost to creative accounting practices of almost all the multinational companies that exist in South Africa.



You must pass legislation on tax avoidance, illicit financial flows, base erosion and profit shifting, so that we are able to deal with that. This is because in the current framework of revenue collection, you have got



a permanent short blanket of air(?) ... [Inaudible.] ... revenue. You cannot cover everything.



I would tell you now for free that if you were to deal decisively with all South Africa’s developmental challenges, you would need, possibly, need ten times the budget South Africa has currently. In order to eradicate informal settlements, provide fee-free education for all, provide proper quality roads for all and absorb the millions of unemployed, you need 10 times the size of the budget.



What do we do to deal with nontax and tax revenue collection streams so that we are able to balance that? One of the most important things that you have to deal with in the immediate future is to expand the quantitative and qualitative post-secondary and training space, because there are one million children in university and Tvet colleges, but there are two million learners that are eligible to access the system who are outside.



The space cannot absorb everyone. You do not need to focus narrowly on the building of new universities. You have demonstrated that you do not have the capacity to do that. Expand the existing universities. Give an instruction to UCT, to Wits University to the University of KwaZulu-Natal that from now one there must be annual intake increases of not less than 20% of students. That is the only way that you will be able to quantitatively expand the space and give meaning to all of these issues.



The last issue that we are going to deal with is that we are not happy with your close relationship, President, with white monopoly capital. [Interjections.] They seem to be very comfortable with you. If white monopoly capital is comfortable with you that means something is wrong. You cannot be friends with white monopoly capital. So there must not be celebrations of the Ruperts, or of the Brian Joffe, or Stephen Koseff, of all those capitalists that your election into office of President means that they are going to continue to loot.



Lastly, we want to only send you to one place. Please go to Marikana. You do not need a court order to pay



compensation at Marikana. [Applause.] [Interjections.] Why should you be ordered by a court as government to compensate the widows of families that were killed callously, in an embarrassing and in an unjustifiable way by the ANC government in 2012? Let us intervene in Marikana as soon as possible. Let’s give the people of Marikana houses. Let’s give the people of Marikana proper quality water. Let us give the widows’ lives hope that tomorrow will be better than yesterday. Thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]



THE CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, at the outset let me join my leader, Mmusi Maimane, and the many other speakers who have congratulated the hon Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, on his election as our President. We join together with many other South Africans in celebration and look forward with great hope and excitement that you have given us for a new dawn in South Africa. Who would have thought those few weeks ago when I told you that you will be packing to the office that you would indeed be packing up the office and to move across the corridor at Tynhys? Congratulations!



Speaker, we celebrate too the closing of the chapter on the Zuma presidency. We, from the opposition benches do not share the sentiments of many of the ANC speakers today who have praised Zuma and thanked him for his service. The truth is that Zuma was bad for the country, bad for our democracy, bad for our Constitution and bad for our Parliament, and frankly, we are delighted to see the back of him. [Applause.] For far too long his countless acts of omission and commission sucked the oxygen out of our Parliament and suffocated the many important issues that we should have been discussing in this House, such as, how to get South Africa working again and most importantly, how to get South Africans back to work. We have to obsess about the nine million of our countrymen and women who do not have the dignity of work and have been pushed into the unemployment queues through bad policies, the millions of families who live in abject poverty and an education system that is failing our next generation miserably.



We, as the official opposition, look forward to once again debate these issues of our time. We look forward to place our offer unashamedly and our policy alternatives



proudly before both these Houses and the people of South Africa. We look forward to engage with all parties in the House on these issues. This is precisely what we should have been doing in this House and these are the types of debates that we should be having.



It would be a mistake to ignore where we are today and how we got here. For as George Santayana, the famous philosopher said, and I quote:



Those who do not learn history are doomed to repeat it.



That is why I do find it rather odd being on this precinct for the last week and listening to many of the speeches by the ANC members here today. It struck me as odd because I am yet to come across a single ANC Member of Parliament, MP, who actually supported Jacob Zuma.

This is odd because this is the same Jacob Zuma who was slavishly protected and defended for the last eight years by the very people on the right and who today cheer his demise. This is the same Jacob Zuma who, despite being found guilty by the Constitutional Court of violating his



Constitution, was shielded accountability by the same people on my right. It was the same Jacob Zuma who was saved every time by the ANC who protected him in countless motions of no confidence when the opposition was doing its job to try and remove him.



At listening to the ANC speakers today, it was very weird to see how many of them are trying to pretend that there are some new government that has just been elected into office and not the same old hacks, the Zuptas and hangers-on who have been in power for the last 24 years. It is the same party in government that has brought South Africa to its knees. No matter how you try and rewrite history, you cannot reimagine what is in the public record. The ANC owned Jacob Zuma and Jacob Zuma owned the ANC. You created him, you enabled him and you protected

him. [Applause.] Many of us on the opposition benches had already raised our hands a long, long time ago. We wanted to be there ... [Interjections.]



Mr H P CHAUKE: Point of order, Speaker.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, on which Rule of the Joint Sitting?



Mr H P CHAUKE: Rule 92(a). The point I am making ... [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, we are in a Joint Sitting.



Mr H P CHAUKE: Yea, Rule 92(a) speaks about the Joint Sitting, Speaker.






Mr H P CHAUKE: Why is it difficult for the DA to remove Patricia De Lille?



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, that is not a point of order. Please, take your seat.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: We tried and we remove the people we are unhappy with within months, but you have taken eight years. We wanted to be there, and we did



raise our hands. We wanted to be there to expose and stop corruption, to prevent the abuse of power, to be there for the poor and the downtroddens and to be there to vote out a corrupt President. But, there were others in this House who did everything they could to push down our hands. We doggedly continued to raise them and we will continue to raise our hands for our people, for our country, for our Constitution and for our Parliament.



We must learn the lessons of how Zuma was able to capture the state, subjugate our Parliament and tame our institutions. One man could never wreak such devastation on his own. While you set to work, Mr President, on fixing the executive, we, as Parliament must introspect very honestly and very carefully about how we fix our Parliament and address its failings over the last eight years to effect oversight. We must firewall this Parliament and our institutions to protect them from ever, ever happening again.



In this blush of new dawn, we must not be lulled into complacency or be hypnotised and charmed into naivety. You are very charming, the ladies told me. We must learn



the hard lessons from Zuma years and ensure that we hold President Ramaphosa accountable. It is the very best service that we can do for our people and it is the very best service we can do for you and your government. If we do not learn from the mistakes of the past, we will be condemned to repeat them.



There were some very interesting speakers. I noticed the hon Sisulu did a run after I delivered a speech like that today I also wouldn’t be here for the sweep. But there was a job interview, Mr President, I think it crashed and burned. She fluffed and was all over the road and she was very unsettled and very uncomfortable. But it must be hard going from being the biggest cheerleader for the Zuma administration to now trying to navigate this new environment. She nearly got swept by one of our members, Mr Dyantyi, who picked her out for her fake news about Mr Peter Ndoro.



You know what, I don’t often agree with the Chief Whip, but I think there he was right in his tweet of 16 October last year when he wrote that, and I quote:



Hon Sisulu was politically immature and disappointing. She has lost her marbles.



All I can say to that is, Amen! She defended state capture today. Beware, Mr President, because there are some people that are out there and they are now being called Ramaphosas. They pretend to be with you, but actually they are working very hard against you. So, watch out for the Ramaphosas they are after you.



Mr Dyantyi, well, you know him. He was the MEC for Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation in the Western Cape and you could ask why there were no plans in place for the drought. I think we should start with you, Sir. That is the genesis.



Look at the Western Cape’s unemployment figures, 19,5% in the quarterly report of December last year. What was the national average, 26,7%. People in the Western Cape know that under the DA government we have a better opportunity to find work and a better opportunity to get ahead. [Applause.]



Let us talk about the facts of Uitsig. The MEC for Education in the Western Cape has tried to close the school, but you know what colleagues, it is Mr Tony Ehrenreich and his colleagues in the ANC that are doing everything they can to keep this uninhabitable school open. Those children should have been moved to Ravensmead where there is a 97% pass rate. Their lack of progress is directly related to you, Mr Dyantyi and your colleague Mr Ehrenreich. Shame on you!



The hon Motshekga came here and talked about education. She spoke a lot about how it is working, how great it is going and what she is planning to do. We are at 75 out of the 76 countries in the Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development, OECD, rankings and we are at

134 out of the 138 in the World Economic Forum rankings.


The Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study, Timss, shows that our numeracy and literacy levels are shocking. The Progress in International Reading Literacy Study, Pirls, shows that we are last out of 50 countries.                             78% of Grade 4 pupils cannot read or comprehend. Yet we are held hostage by the SA Democratic Teachers Union, Sadtu. Your own reports tell you that,



but you refused to act against them. You are trying now to talk to us about the fourth industrial revolution. You throw out all these slogans and meaningless jargon whereas the truth of the matter is that your system has not prepared our learners for the second and third revolution, but you are already jumping on to the fourth revolution. [Applause.] Please, when you come here and repeat those slogans and jargon in that wooden, perfunctory manner, understand that the children at home who did not benefit from a proper education system will hold you and this government accountable for it.



I don’t know what the Deputy Minister of Correctional Services is doing here. He should be out there building more prisons. We will need a hell lot of them soon when the Zuptas and the Zumas start having to go to jail.

There is already overcrowding and it will need a lot more space when these people start filling in. [Applause.] I am very glad a few people have dusted off their National Development Plan, NDP, as well which seems to have been their very blend for the last few years.



Mr President, courage – as Maya Angelou writes – is the most important of all virtues because without courage you cannot practice any other virtue consistently. You will need courage to stand up not only to the ticks of the existence of this government for the last eight years, but the real test of your courage is whether you can stand up to your own associates in the ANC or whether you can put state before party, country before party and stand doing for what is right ahead of your own party’s interest.



You have been dealt a very bad hand by your party. I know you want a new deal, but the biggest problem you have is that the ace in your pack is actually a joker. Thank you. [Applause.]





Chairperson, I think it is the hon Steenhuisen, who most understands being the joker in the pack. Chairperson, we are very pleased to have the opportunity ...



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M G Boroto): Order, hon members! Order!





participate in this debate. We are looking forward with great interest to the President advancing the international co-operation objectives that he outlined in his state of the nation address. We are looking keenly to the practical steps that will be taken to implement the Tripartite Free Trade Area Agreement which will combine markets of 26 countries and a population of consumers numbering more than 600 million people. We believe action in this area will increase demand for products, revive manufacturing, and create jobs on a scale not seen before on the continent.



We are also looking with great interest at the conclusion of a Continental Free Trade Agreement on the African continent because it’s our view that African countries have not developed as yet the art of securing value for the continent as a block. We believe immense potential lies in the possibilities of a Continental Free Trade Area, for example, we could share experience and practice with respect to minerals processing and innovation as well as looking at how we share with respect to ensuring



food security, agro-processing and many other areas that could become continental areas of free trade activity.



We also are thrilled that this year we chair the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Brics, group of countries, and that we will give priority to the promotion of value-added trade and intra-Brics investment into productive sectors. At the same time, we also this year chair Southern African Development Community, SADC, and we will intensify regional efforts to implement our industrialisation strategy, to develop an infrastructure roadmap and implemented and promoting increased cooperation among SADC countries.



These objectives, Mr President, resonate with South Africa's very progressive international co-operation agenda, which was forged by our leaders in the course of struggle.



Our focus correctly includes achieving our national interest goals, but as leaders such as President Mandela and Mama Sisulu taught us national interest in the



absence of a strong foundation of global solidarity makes international co-operation soulless and uninspiring.



The broad international co-operation agenda that was set out by you, Mr President, during your address solidly reflects these conjoined imperatives.



We have obligations to the friends who supported us in the course of struggle who stood beside us in trying times. We must never forget them. We must never desert them.



Our agenda of international co-operation in 2018 offers outstanding opportunities. Most exciting probably this year is our celebration of 20 years of co-operation and solid partnership with the people of the People’s Republic of China.



Madam Deputy Chairperson, any foray into international cooperation in this year in which we celebrate President Nelson Mandela and Mama Albertina Sisulu reminds us that we are beneficiaries of their courageous commitment to international friendship.



We, in our own vain must show similar courage and commitment. President Mandela began building links of solidarity on the African continent in the early 60s and we must never waver from this critical focus.



Our programme of international policy and practice has been significantly strengthened by the 54th Conference of the ANC. The majority party has agreed that government must cut diplomatic ties with Israel [Applause.] given the absence of genuine initiatives by Israel to secure lasting peace and a viable two-state solution that includes full freedom and democracy for the Palestinian people.



We must also not neglect the last occupied territory in Africa, Western Sahara. Now, Mr President that Morocco has been readmitted to the African Union, it must be obliged to finally free the suffering masses of Western Sahara. [Applause.]



Of course, Mr President, as you indicated, Africa lies at the heart of our international co-operation policy. This is absolutely correct. Our commitment is to deeper



integration and co-operation through shared markets, through the development of strong institutions on the continent.



Our relationships have to be those of mutual capacity sharing and not those of neo-colonial dominance by South African mega corporate in the African continent.



There are two perceptions as we pursue this agenda that South Africa must address decisively. The first is the challenge of xenophobia. We must engage our nation on the solidarity we espouse and work hard to persuade all of Africa of our commitment to Pan-Africanism. We will reach out and must to the rest of the continent to address all concerns and to advance African solidarity. This is our obligation and we must execute it.



The second challenge is the notion that we do not share the benefits of Brics memberships sufficiently with our compatriots on the continent nor it is believe do we share those that we derive from G20 membership opportunities. We need to work hard through you, Mr



President, to dispel these options and have practical responses to them.



One of the ways in which we can do this is to build on the science and innovation partnerships we have achieved through the most significant global scientific project of the 21st century.



South Africa in partnership with several other African countries made history in 2012 when we secured the right to co-host the Square Kilometre Array global radio telescope. The project has allowed for significant benefits in human resource development and science infrastructure capacity development in our partner countries on the African continent. It is a model that we believe we must use to build on in the future.



Your announcement, Mr President, of a major investment conference planned for later this year offers further opportunity to advance our Africa strategy. Investors from the continent must be part of this summit so that we secure African investment in South Africa and



opportunities for our South African investors in other African countries.



We need to change the nature of the South African conversation and the nature of the African collaboration so that it truly advances the development of the continent.



Our investment promotion efforts must include incentivising multinational companies to locate and relocate some of their research and development, R and D, facilities to South Africa and indeed to other African countries.



We must be firm on our insistence that Africa becomes a knowledge and innovation hub, particularly in sectors prioritised in the National Development Plan. Further strengthening of our economic development zones programme will support our cooperation efforts. We intend to become a partner of choice for high technology enterprises and start-up companies. We have been left behind by countries such as China and on our continent by Kenya and somewhat by Nigeria. We need to intensify our efforts to catch up.



Africa's greatest resource is her people, particularly young people. We should use international co-operation to expand the skills base of our continent. We need to address our skills gaps and develop an international skills development initiative through our higher education institutions.



We are facing a fierce worldwide competition for skills we need to develop rules to ensure that we become an attractive participant in this global skills competition while also developing our own skills base. Our immigration policy on skills must support us in addressing this aspect of our international agenda.



Mr President, for years, our foreign policy has been assisted by the success of our own negotiated political settlement. Other countries saw us, and in particular President Mandela, who we celebrate this year, as an example of how to solve political problems practically and without violence.



Now in our new dawn, it’s time to ensure that we utilise international co-operation to increase employment, to



eradicate poverty and to eliminate inequality. So, we must put our partnerships to absolutely good effect.



Africa remains our focus, our number one priority but we will, Mr President, ensure that our foreign policy sustains warm relations with all our chosen trade and investment partners.



As we work to strengthen our Brics partnership, we will certainly not neglect other valued and established partnerships. As we talk about the Fourth Industrial Revolution, we may very well, Mr President, learn a great deal from China’s recently announce plan to ensure that digital revolution takes off in their country. As we plan to invite our African partners as you will, to the Brics summit meeting, let us ensure that we draw the strength of China, not as a benefactor but as having lessons that will aid us in advancing our national development goals. [Applause.]



Now, Mr President, having said all that, I was intrigued today to note how antiseptic the response to your call for deep debate has been and I envy you not in trying to



develop a substantial response to some of what has been said, fortunately somewhat the hon Shivambu has save the day a little. [Applause.] However, Mr President, I noted with interest that the hon Maimane offered his hand and then quickly took it away [Laughter.] too nervous to be resolute about joining a national programme of radical transformation.



I also wish, Mr President, to assure hon Malema, we are resolute on land expropriation without compensation [Applause.] on the basis agreed upon and set out by our party at its National Conference.



We also, Mr President, assure Mr Malema that he should not have sleepless nights because Mr Ramaphosa will be President Ramaphosa of South Africa following the general election of 2019. [Applause.]



We feel a sense, Mr President, of sorrow for his party, in that it will continue to rely on the good graces of the DA to be in political office and that will exist until 2021 because they will fail to convince their former voters that indeed their vote will only lie in



their hands. We, therefore, look forward to hearing the explanation that will tell those votes why a neoliberal collaboration was more preferable to collaboration with a progressive movement such as the ANC. [Applause.]



Deputy Chairperson, we were rather astounded to hear the remarks of the hon Groenewald concerning his belief that white youth do not get opportunities due to black economic empowerment, BEE. All verified data shows that this is not true. All verified data indicated clearly that this assertion can be strongly disputed. Twenty- three years after our democracy, black youth continue to suffer the burden of exclusion and marginalisation including women as so well-described by hon Ngwenya. Ms Ngwenya, we wish to confirm the commitment of the ANC to a nonsexist society. This is fundamentally a task we are committed to executing and we would welcome attention to the fact that great strides have been made. And that perhaps our failure as public representatives is to fail to imbue a concern for women in our general population in that much of the violence takes place in our homes, between persons who know each other and that we need to have greater care being exercised by our entire male



population within our families and within our society. So it is not that it is political parties that are practicing the violence, it is our families, those who are close to us ... [Applause.] and we need to engage them to change their conduct. I believe that hon Mbhele would be pleased with the progress he is seeing being made by the police as they do what is needed to be done. I would certainly agree with him that one of the things we need to address is this issue of empowering railway police because indeed they are underfunded and lack support. It is an area that we would have to pay greater attention to.



As to the hon Lekota, well he spoke and then left – as usual – and I sadly have to say that I found his contribution rather embarrassing. [Interjections.] I could not understand how a leader, in the struggle, who had suffered imprisonment and other strictures and who understands the mispossession that was practised and dispossession among the people in our country, a person who would have that as his rooted political education, should understand that we have nothing but an obligation to ensure that we repair that history. [Applause.] So I



found his comments most amazing. I think we would all welcome the promise of support that has been indicated to you by Reverend Meshoe but I do say to him and other colleagues that they should leave you to choose your Cabinet if you wish to and to really leave it to yourself to decide. [Interjections.] Now, much has been said about uselessness of summits, well, as a person who works very closely with nongovernmental organisations, NGOs that feel that government does not reach out to them sufficiently; I found it rather amazing that the intention to engage the people could be regarded as an exercise in futility.



It is exactly the correct approach and may we thank you for finally giving Mr Holomisa something different to say

... [Applause.] because the economic summit will now happen. So we thank you very much for that. We absolutely wonder sometimes at Mr Plouamma. He appears, from time to time, he says it is not a New Dawn. He is a person who just, I think, who meanders in darkness. [Laughter.] There is just something that keeps him in that space of no light; no hope and I really do not find any useful comment from there. I would advise the hon Cachalia to



perhaps look at some of the steps that have been taken by the Department of Transport in order to address the very matters that he referred to. You would see that there is some improvement. There is of course much more to be done but work is underway and this is absolutely great and should be acknowledged and appreciated by the Member of Parliament concerned with respect to those areas. So, we are very excited that the Department of Transport has begun to address the matter of vessels that have our flag as well as ensuring that our ports are able to receive more vessels and that this becomes a sunrise area of economic activity. I do not think that the President is anybody’s prisoner and I do not know what the loony left refers to but since you are sitting to the left perhaps you know as I am not sure.



We are certainly resolute about the need - and we would assure the hon Cachalia – to address red tape because this keeps coming up as an issue that must be attended to and I think we should look at it. On the matter of low labour productivity, we have to identify the sectors that we are talking about because I think we castigate workers in our country far too much and millions of them work



extremely hard and receive really inadequate wages. So I think we should stop this label that is negative of workers and talk about particular sectors ... [Applause.] and the means in which we could improve productivity in them. But, let us say, thanks, to the people of South Africa – Mr Lekota asked, “Who is “our people?” – All our people are our people. [Laughter.] But when we talk about land, it is those who have been dispossessed, who do not have it, that we want to have access to ownership of that land. We certainly would ask that the hon Mbabama provides an indication of the farmer whose land she says has been taken away illegally so that our colleagues working in the sector can address the issue. Now, the hon Mbinda has clearly not been reading all the literature on the fee-free higher education policy announced by former President Zuma. I would suggest that he gets all the briefings and I am going to ask hon Minister Mkhize to give him a copy of the full statement and he will see what the policy actually states.



Furthermore, it is absolutely untrue that vice chancellors are befuddled. They have been fully engaged on this matter. There have been several meetings, some of



which I have been part of as a member of the Inter- Ministerial Committee. So, Mr Mbinda, I assure you, the policy is there and it will be implemented. [Applause.] I think I am in agreement with the hon Jooste that we cannot take grants as the main solution to poverty in our country, I strongly agree with hon Jooste in that regard and I think as well that she made some very interesting points around the need to attend to the matters of nutrition and food security. Now we are saying, as we hand land ownership to the people we will have an increase in food security because they will work the land that they own and benefit from it. [Applause.] So, I absolutely agree with her on the need to address these areas and of course we are committed, through the President, to improving the number of jobs and opportunities for the people of our country. Hon Godi, we must never tire of pursuing the vision of building a united South Africa. A people united in their diversity. It is a vision, a dream, something I think we should not give up on. It is a task that our forebears have handed to us and I really disagree with you that it is something we will not achieve.



Of course, the most vulnerable and marginalised in our country must be attended to and be provided with the appropriate support but all South Africans should feel that they belong in our country and we must create the conditions for that to happen. That is our mandate. That is the aspiration of our Constitution and we must execute in that regard. Finally, hon Cassim, we have done a great deal in education. Not everything as yet but much has been achieved and the new form of debate, the debate of content and work, requires acknowledgement. Where there has been progress and identification of challenges where they exist. Thank you. [Applause.]



Debate concluded.



The House adjourned at 19:50.



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