Hansard: Debate on National Women's Day

House: Joint (NA + NCOP)

Date of Meeting: 07 Aug 2012

Summary

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Minutes

UNREVISED HANSARD

JOINT SITTING

Wednesday, 8 August 2012 Take: 90

WEDNESDAY, 08 AUGUST 2012

PROCEEDINGS AT JOINT SITTING

Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at 14:06.

The Speaker of the National Assembly took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

FIRST ORDER


UNREVISED HANSARD

JOINT SITTING

Wednesday, 8 August 2012 Take: 90


Start of Day

MAINSTREAMING GENDER EQUALITY IN ALL SECTORS OF SOUTH AFRICAN SOCIETY

(Debate on National Women's Day)

The MINISTER OF WOMEN, YOUTH, CHILDREN AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES: Hon Speaker, hon Ministers and hon members, firstly, let me take this opportunity to congratulate one of our colleagues, comrade, freedom fighter, a gender activist and a heroine of our struggle, Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, on being elected as the Chairperson of the African Union Commission from the SADC region and the first woman in the 49 years of the organisation to be appointed to head the Commission. [Applause.] She is an inspiration to all women across Africa and the world. Indeed, from now on 15 July 2012 will occupy a special place in our hearts and on the African calendar, for it heralds the dawn of progressive and decisive leadership in Africa. We wish her success as she prepares to assume one of the most challenging tasks on our continent. We are very proud of her and her legacy. We have confidence that she will represent us well as head of the AU Commission.

On Saturday, we were in Mangaung to honour one of the most distinguished daughters of our land, Charlotte Maxeke. She was the first black South African to graduate with a BSc degree in the Unites States of America. She was also the first President of the ANC Women's League which was then called the Bantu Women's League, as well as the first President of the National Council of African Women. She started the African Methodist Episcopal Church and a number of schools in various provinces of South Africa with her husband, Reverend Marshall Maxeke. During this Women's Month, we must pay tribute to this mother and leader of our people who chose a path of selfless service when she could have chosen to stay abroad and become a famous and wealthy scientist. Indeed, we owe her and her generation a debt of gratitude that we will not be able to repay in our lifetime.

Together, we have a responsibility to ensure that the struggles and sacrifices made by Charlotte Maxeke and her generation are not in vain. Therefore, we commend President Zuma and the City of Mangaung for renaming Maitland Street, Charlotte Maxeke Street. [Applause.] As we pursue the objective of a nonracial, nonsexist, equal and democratic society, we remain inspired by Charlotte Maxeke's immortal words, "This work is not for yourselves - kill that spirit of self, and do not live above your people, but live with them. If you can rise, bring someone with you."

As we mark the 56th anniversary of the heroic 1956 women's march, we are reminded of the pledge never to betray their legacy and the vision for which many sacrificed their lives. As a country, we are commemorating this year's Women's Month under the theme: 56 years of women united against poverty, inequality and unemployment. Which is consistent with today's theme: Mainstreaming gender equality in all sectors of the South African society.

When our democratic government declared August as Women's Month in 1994, it marked a fundamental and decisive break with our ugly past and thus signalled an unequivocal commitment to women empowerment and gender equality. This was a fitting tribute to the thousands of women who marched on 9 August 1956 to protest against the extension of pass laws to women. Unarmed and defenceless, they refused to surrender to one of the most brutal and oppressive regimes in living memory. We must never forget the significant roles that they played in delivering to our generation a free and democratic society.

Each year we utilise Women's Month as a platform to focus the attention of the entire nation on issues of women empowerment and gender equality and to remind our people about the goals and vision that Charlotte Maxeke's generation and the 1956 generation pursued with every sweat of their blood and every fibre of their being.

As we reflect on the plight of women, we must do so conscious of the pledge we made during our liberation struggle that we will never consider our freedom attained and democracy achieved until the women of our country are emancipated from the bondages of poverty, disease and inequality.

In keeping with the vision of Charlotte Maxeke and the 1956 generation, I can state without any fear of contradiction that, as a country and government, we have registered significant progress in the promotion of women empowerment and gender equality. An array of measures introduced since 1994 to promote women empowerment and uphold gender equality, have drastically improved the position and conditions of women in our country.

Today, women occupy influential positions in government and play an important role in decision-making processes. The living conditions of the majority of ordinary women have undergone significant qualitative change. Women now have access to housing, water, electricity, education, social services, health care and other services.

IsiXhosa:

Xa uhamba emakhaya usuka eMonti ubheka eMtatha ebusuku, ugqitha ezilalini kulayitiwe ude ucinge ukuba ugqitha ezidolophini ezininzi kanti zilali. Urhulumente uzise imibane kunye namanzi, noomama abasahambi indlela ende ukuya kutheza iinkuni nokuya kukha amanzi ngenxa karhulumente kaKhongolose. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

English:

We are making progress in addressing the primary health care needs of women and girls as reflected in the decline of maternal and child mortality, as well as mother-to-child transmission of HIV and Aids rates. We are encouraged by these developments, but believe that more still needs to be done. We will work hard with the Ministry of Health until we achieve zero infection of mother-to-child transmission and zero transmission for all our people.

No one can contest the assertion that South Africa has some of the most progressive policies aimed at advancing women empowerment and gender equality. However, the challenge remains the actual translation of these policies and legislative frameworks into implementation. While significant strides have been made to empower women and promote gender equality, women still bear a disproportionate burden of the triple challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment. Women continue to be marginalised and discriminated against in terms of economic opportunities, the labour market as well as access to land, credit, and finance.

In addition, a life of abuse, discrimination and violation of human rights remain the harsh reality for the majority of women and children in our country. As government, we remain concerned at the continued exclusion and under-representation of women at executive level of many corporate companies. The results of the 2011 Businesswomen Association, BWA, SA Women in Leadership census paints a sad picture indeed. It is disheartening that in this day and age there are still companies that have 0% women representation of directors and executive managers. According to the BWA census, women are clearly in the minority amongst their male counterparts in leadership positions in the private sector. Women hold only 4,4% of CEO or MD positions, 5,3% of chairperson positions, and 15,8% of all directorships. The same report indicates that in the public service, women hold 35% of all senior management positions. This Parliament, of course - all thanks to the ANC's commitment - has 44% women Members of Parliament. [Applause.] Our Cabinet has 43% women Cabinet Ministers. The BWA and all of us who are committed to building a society based on equality are understandably concerned about the continued exclusion of women and the slow pace at which they are being incorporated into the corporate space at senior level. It has become clear that the empowerment of women cannot be left to market forces.

I am pleased to announce that the drafting of the Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill is at an advanced stage. The national policy is proposing guidelines for promoting women empowerment and gender equality in our country and the draft is ready for submission to Cabinet. The Draft Bill will, therefore, be tabled before Cabinet during the 2012-13 financial year. This will help enforce compliance in both government and the private sector. South Africa has made commitments through our Constitution, various pieces of legislation and international conventions to respect, promote, protect and advance the rights of women. We have a duty and obligation to honour these commitments.

We believe that one of the key areas that are critical in advancing women empowerment and gender equality is the budget. Early this year, we launched the Women and Budgeting Initiative in partnership with UN Women and the Motsepe Foundation. Together, we need to reflect on the budgeting process and economic frameworks and how these can constrain or promote the development and implementation of policies aimed at empowering women and vulnerable groups.

We are fully aware that budgets have been instrumental in perpetuating gender biases globally. We also know that budgets can be instrumental in transforming and redressing existing gender inequalities. Mainstreaming gender into budgeting processes is critical to building an equal society. We believe that gender-responsive budgeting can be a tool to promote the socio-economic rights of women, children and people with disabilities, as it is key to reducing inequality in our country. At all times it is critical that we all work together and assess the extent to which the national budget and the resources at our disposal are utilised to promote women empowerment and gender equality. If used appropriately, the budget can serve as a powerful tool of transformation.

We continue to work tirelessly to ensure that the New Growth Path and the Green Climate Fund are gender and disability responsive. Working together with government departments and other partners, we are facilitating opportunities for women in rural, peri-urban and informal settlements to participate in green economy projects such as solar energy, water purification, agriculture, construction, waste management and tourism.

The department will also monitor the extent to which women and people with disabilities benefit through the preferential procurement system in government. The department will continue to encourage companies and organisations of women to register on government entities and departments' supply chain databases.

We are also facilitating financial support and training for women farmers and women's co-operatives with our national and international partners.

Indeed, financial dependency on husbands, fathers, partners and family members has increased women's vulnerability to domestic violence, rape, incest, abuse, and murder. Lack of economic independence makes it difficult for many women to walk out of abusive relationship. As a result of their vulnerability, they remain trapped in abusive marriages and relationships. We remain convinced that empowering women will help us win the war against poverty, inequality, unemployment and abuse. As we fight poverty in the rural areas, we must recognise that in South Africa this scourge bears a female face. The rural profile of South Africa continues to be one of female-headed households, growing poverty, human rights abuses and increased gender-based violence, unemployment and high prevalence of HIV and Aids.

Rural women make up more than a quarter of the world population. They contribute to the wellbeing of their families and the development of rural economies. Because of their central role in food production and food security, more attention must be paid to empowering rural women if we want to sustain rural economies and contribute towards sustainable livelihoods in rural communities.

Working together with the Department of Land Reform and Rural Development, we want to facilitate women's access to land. We are determined to ensure that women, including women with disabilities, become the main beneficiaries of land reform programmes. This is because the challenges of rural development, food security and land reform affect women disproportionately. Together, we have a responsibility to ensure gender equality and women empowerment in the countryside.

As a department, we are encouraged by the almost universal opposition to the Traditional Courts' Bill. As a result of the relentless and unequivocal position adopted by women, this Bill will certainly not see the light of day in its current form. We have consistently stated that this Bill, in its current form, will not stand the constitutional test, and that as a nation, we must guard against all attempts to reverse the gains we have made towards women empowerment and emancipation and gender equality since the dawn of our democracy in 1994.

We commend the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development who has acknowledged that this Bill is flawed and that it needs a complete overhaul. We will support him in ensuring that we rewrite a Bill that will speak to our Constitution and also incorporate the rights of women, particularly, rural women.

Rural women's lack of access to resources and basic services is compounded by their unequal rights in family and traditional structures, as well as unequal access to family resources, such as land, livestock, as well as oppressive traditional practices. We are concerned that the Bill will perpetuate this state of affairs if it is passed in its current form. Therefore, we call on hon members and women all over the country to ensure that they make their inputs when called upon to do so.

As government, we are taking the war against gender-based violence to a higher level. Cabinet approved the establishment of the National Council Against Gender-based Violence, which is a high-level multi-sectoral national response to the scourge. Led by the Deputy President, we are confident that the work of this council will lead to a significant reduction in the incidents of violence against women and children. The National Council Against Gender-Based Violence will be launched during this women's month, on 25 August 2012. We are confident that this will help us turn the tide against gender-based violence in the country.

The best tribute we can pay to Charlotte Maxeke and the heroines of the 1956 march is to ensure that we accelerate the agenda of creating a society that respects and promotes the rights of women. In their name, let us ensure that we overcome the remaining challenges of inequality, poverty, disease and abuse that continue to impede true women empowerment and gender equality. With these few words I would like to say to all the women of South Africa, Happy Women's Day! Let us all join the President at the Union Buildings tomorrow morning as he addresses the nation and gives his message to the women of South Africa. I thank you! Malibongwe! [Applause.]

Mrs H LAMOELA


UNREVISED HANSARD

JOINT SITTING

Wednesday, 8 August 2012 Take: 91


The MINISTER OF WOMEN, CHILDREN AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES

Mrs H LAMOELA: Speaker, today we acknowledge the important role women play in the life of our nation. While it is noble that this House has set time aside to honour the women of South Africa, we must candidly speak about the multiple challenges they still face. These range from economic empowerment to the basic human right of women being able to navigate their own destinies. Amidst this, the women of South Africa face danger to their very lives daily. Our communities are blighted by unnecessary violence against women and children. Several years ago, Charlene Smith famously said:

Laws don't walk with us in the streets or guard us in our homes where 65% of South African women will get raped, and one in six will get murdered.

We have heard how gogos [grandmothers] in KwaZakhele in the Eastern Cape have had to take to the streets to protect their community, and to tackle criminality. Many of the news reports have rightly been cast along the line that young people and men of KwaZakhele have failed to protect the women of this community. While this is true and must be addressed, the most immediate failure is that of the state to protect its citizens. Yet, we hear extra policing has been extended to President Jacob Zuma's own community of Nkandla. It is impossible to understand how one community can be protected, and another neglected.

The DA asks the government to fulfil its obligation; to protect all citizens, and especially ensure that women are freed from the heart-stopping fear which stalks our communities. Last month, the Public Protector agreed to look into the DA's complaint that the Department of Women, Children and People with Disabilities is failing to deliver on its mandate. At the time when the women, children and people living with disabilities remain disadvantaged, we witnessed the frightening spectre of lavish spending on overseas trips by the Department of Women, Children and People with Disabilities.

It is time for this government to get its priorities in order. We must also consider the challenge of women's economic empowerment. There are many reports about how women are being held back. One report reveals that a staggering 300 million women in developing countries like South Africa are missing out on the mobile technology revolution. The report demonstrates that women in the mobile value chain benefit from skills training and higher household income. South Africa's economy will only operate at 50% capacity, unless we fully capacitate women.

One important reform to empower women is to link group savings and loan associations with formal banks in order to allow people, especially women, to scale up their businesses to a small or medium sized business. South Africa is once again falling behind other African countries. This is why the DA-led Western Cape government has established a unit to network where women entrepreneurs co-operatives are invited to share procurement opportunities in order to give women an opportunity to diversify their supply chains. [Applause.]

Today, as we meet, the Woolworths transformation manager will share their enterprise development programme with 60 women entrepreneurs. Next month, business training will be provided for 20 women entrepreneurs through e-learning, and will be equipped with elementary book-keeping skills and basic accounting software. As we all know, this is a multiplying investment as they create new jobs. Such initiatives, in their totality, must be the route to changing the role and status of our women. The time has come for all of us to turn words into action. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs M A A NJOBE


UNREVISED HANSARD

JOINT SITTING

Wednesday, 8 August 2012 Take: 91


Mrs H LAMOELA

Mrs M A A NJOBE: Hon Speaker and hon members, our constitutional democracy is premised on the basis that men and women are equal. Section 9(3) of the Constitution categorically states that, and I quote:

The state may not unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds, including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status and so on.

Clearly, it is not a statement which expects specific action from the part of the state, but it requires fair treatment of women, regardless of whether they are pregnant or not. It is a moot question, whether or not the state is treating women as fairly as it should. The question we may ask is whether or not the extent to which gender mainstreaming occurs in our country is fair.

The state needs to promote institutional mechanisms that must help to achieve equality between women and men. We can also go beyond the Constitution and look at the goals set by the United Nations in this regard. Our government is required to implement the strategic objectives contained in the goals for equity by the United Nations. It is no longer sufficient for South Africa to promote women- specific projects, but to ensure that equality concerns are integrated into all government legislation, policies, programmes, appointments, and budgetary processes. This must happen in all three spheres of government.

Vibrant linkage on the part of the state with civil societies will help to accelerate this process. In all advanced democracies, the agenda of equality between women and men has been significantly enhanced in the last few years. Beginning with the World Conference on the International Women's Year held in Mexico in 1975, a platform was created for states to increase the tempo in order to achieve equality between men and women. This was followed up by world conferences on women in Copenhagen in 1980, Nairobi in 1985, and Beijing in 1995. Many of our leading women politicians attended the Beijing conference as a delegation of this democratic Parliament. Women in civil society were also there.

The 23rd special session of the General Assembly in Beijing reiterated the point that national governments had to actively promote gender mainstreaming, and to monitor the implementation of the Beijing platform of action, as well as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. All of these things are known and understood.

The essential question is whether monitoring of gender mainstreaming is reflecting a progressive realisation of that goal. How close is South Africa to achieving gender parity in respect of state institutions? We cannot talk about this topic as though it is all together new. We need to have a historical perspective, showing a year by year analysis of the progression. Such an analysis will enable us to see where blockages are occurring and how this can be remedied. The faster gender mainstreaming occurs, the better it will be for the motivation of all women - especially young women - to take education more seriously.

All through history men were more likely, by state and family, to enjoy continuing education. Girls were either denied formal schooling or restricted in one way or another. This meant that women were always kept behind and unable to exploit their talents fully and fulfil their true roles in society.

Unfortunately, this trend continues even today, though in different forms. For example, according to the Department of Education's Trends in Education Macro-Indicators report of 2009, the enrolment in Grade R of female and male learners increased steadily between 1999 and 2007, with enrolment for young boys better than that for girls. The female enrolment increased to 208,5%, while the male was 215,4%. That is encouraging though.

However, a number of factors lead to a serious drop-out rate for young girls from formal schooling, which is a matter of grave concern to all people who believe in gender mainstreaming. Amongst the reasons given for the girl drop-out rate are pregnancy and family responsibilities.

It is indeed alarming that according to figures published by the Department of Basic Education, almost 50 000 girl-learners in ordinary schools fell pregnant in 2008 - some were as young as in Grade 3, but the majority of them were from Grade 8 and up. Of great concern to Cope is that the majority of the pregnant learners are from rural-based provinces, where poverty, unemployment, and underdevelopment present major stumbling blocks for families. In the Eastern Cape there were 8 673; KwaZulu-Natal 14 677; and Limpopo, 10 822.

Just as the oppression of one race by another had to be overcome by struggle, we too must overcome the unfair treatment of one gender by another. Our society must be truly free for women, as well as for men. Education and economic empowerment for women are crucial. The election of Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, whom we congratulate, as Cope, to lead the African Union, must help us. She must help to invigorate the discussion we are having today. The idea that South Africa should have a female President to lead our country must be one we should entertain with confidence. It is possible. [Applause.]

After all, what our country needs is a President, not on the basis of gender, but on the qualities of constructive and visionary leadership that the candidate possesses - and we have them. The Constitution requires the state to ensure that women are not unfairly discriminated against - directly or indirectly. To this end, it must propel the Beijing Platform with greater vigour, so that the mainstreaming of gender issues can take effect across the whole spectrum of government, in the private sector, and society in general. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs L L VAN DER MERWE


UNREVISED HANSARD

JOINT SITTING

Wednesday, 8 August 2012 Take: 92


Mrs M A A NJOBE

Ms L L VAN DER MERWE: Hon Speaker, I rise to the podium today for the first time, honoured and humbled to stand where so many iconic South Africans have stood before. I wish to acknowledge the support of my friends who are in the gallery. I dedicate this, my maiden speech, to my late mother, Linda.

Today I stand in solidarity with one of the most vulnerable sectors in our society, South Africa's pregnant teenagers. My mother, too, fell pregnant at a young age. This ended her education. Without a proper education she was resigned to a life of limited opportunities. This had crushed her spirit.

Sadly, this remains the stark reality for far too many young people in our country today. The statistics are alarming. Between 2008 and 2012, South Africa had over 160 000 pregnant schoolgirls, some of them still in primary school. Moreover, studies reveal that up to 20% of these pregnancies were as a result of rape.

Surely this is a national crisis that we can no longer afford to ignore. It is a crisis that demands the same focus that we gave to the struggle against apartheid, and it's a crisis that demands the same emphasis that we give our ongoing struggle against HIV.

My mother, like our pregnant schoolgirls, had to come to terms with a hard life. Caring for a baby can be stressful at the best of times, but caring for a baby when you're a child yourself, struggling to finish school and to make ends meet, is nothing less than traumatic. It is a situation that in many cases will end a young girl's education. In the absence of drastic interventions like the youth wage subsidy, those lucky few who do finish school will remain on the fringes of the economy, without any prospects for a decent career and destined for a life of hardship. Thus the cycle of poverty continues.

Similarly, the plight of women with disabilities and our elderly women cannot be ignored. There are grandmothers who are being raped in front of their grandchildren; there are mothers who cannot access education for their children with Down's syndrome and cerebral palsy. When we hear their stories we must accept that we have failed these women.

There are women in wheelchairs foregoing much-needed medical care because they cannot access transport, and every 25 seconds there are women and girls who fall victim to rape. When we hear their stories we must accept that we have failed these women.

The brave women of 1956, whom we honour and remember today, had limited opportunities. Surely we should be able to say on the eve of Women's Day 2012, that the women of today have every opportunity for equality, freedom, dignity and security. Why is this not so?

Our women deserve better and things must change. As the custodians of the democratic values enshrined in our Constitution, the responsibility to make it happen is ours. The IFP's message today is simple: Women empowerment needs much more than just lip service.

Let us therefore empower our women by resuscitating the fledgling Department of Women, Children and People with Disabilities. Despite its good intentions, this department has failed to live up to its own mandate. The current state of this department begs the question of whether our government truly has the necessary political will and commitment to advance the rights of women.

Let us empower our women by fixing our dismal education system. A decent education is the first step to a life free of poverty, disease and inequality. Let us empower our young women by providing them with opportunities. For this we need urgent interventions. We need the youth wage subsidy now! [Interjections.]

Let us empower our women by fixing our nongovernmental organisations, NGOs. Rape Crisis, for example, does incredible work, yet they are being forced to retrench their staff because they cannot afford them anymore. This is a travesty which needs our intervention if we want to give real meaning to Women's Day 2012.

In conclusion, I believe that it's our duty to empower our nation's women by building a country in which they may dare to dream, and can live their dreams not in despair but in hope. These are noble goals which we must achieve. For the sake of our mothers, grandmothers, sisters and aunts, let us pursue them relentlessly. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs S U PAULSE


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Wednesday, 8 August 2012 Take: 92


Ms L L VAN DER MERWE

Afrikaans:

Mev S U PAULSE: Agb Speaker, ons eer vandag die vroue van hierdie land. As ek praat van die vroue, praat ek van die vroue van 1956 wat by die Uniegebou geprotesteer het teen die paswette.

Ons moet ook erken dat die vroue van daardie era, asook die vroue van hierdie era, steeds voor uitdagings staan. Onder hierdie uitdagings is werkloosheid, armoede en ongelykheid. Vroue is die hoeksteen van gesinne en gemeenskappe. Hulle is ons versorgers, moeders, tannies en susters. In die meeste gevalle, is hulle die enigste broodwinners in die huis.

Ek versoek Minister Xingwana om die regte van kwesbare vroue te bemagtig en te bevorder. Ons is bewus van die Minister se pogings om haar beleid uit te voer, maar ek glo stellig dat ons meer kan doen, aangesien 44% van vroue werkloosheid in die gesig staar. Dit is vir ons onaanvaarbaar dat vroue tussen 15 en 24 jaar uit ons agtergeblewe gemeenskappe 63% meemaak wanneer dit by werkloosheid kom.

Laastens wil ek van hierdie geleentheid gebruik maak om ons vroue hokkiespan, wat die Verenigde State met 7-0 geklop het, en ons vroue sokkerspan, wat die wêreldkampioene, Japan, met geen doele elk gestuit het, geluk te wens. Ons wens ook alle voorspoed toe aan Caster Semenya, wat tweede in haar uitdunwedloop gekom het, en glo dat sy ons as vroue en die land trots sal maak. Ek dank u. [Applous.]

Mrs C DUDLEY


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Mrs S U PAULSE

Mrs C DUDLEY: Speaker, I'm jumping the queue and also offering my apologies because I'm going to run. My attention is really not here at the moment because at midnight last night my daughter had a second little boy. So I'm going to see my second grandson. [Applause.] What I had prepared in my whole one minute's worth, is that women in South Africa ...

The SPEAKER: You can have an extra minute.

Mrs C DUDLEY: Thank you! [Laughter.] [Applause.] In the spirit of Women's Day!

Women in South Africa occupy a contradictory status. We have relatively high levels of women being capably represented in business and government, yet not much has changed for the majority of women. The most glaring inequality has to be the lack of respect with which women are treated, and rape statistics in South Africa bear witness to this.

With this in mind, the ACDP takes issue with the President's special remissions programme, which resulted in the release of a man who brutally raped a 94-year-old in front of her grandchildren. This sends a seriously wrong message and has resulted in copycat rapes in the community.

The ACDP believes that mass releases of prisoners are being done with insufficient community notification and little consideration for consequences. Forty three of those released have already reoffended and are back in prison after only one month. The public, and more specifically victims and their families who feel vulnerable and in need of protection for themselves and their loved ones, have a right to know who is being released and when. I thank you, and now I will run to see my baby! [Applause.]

Ms M C DIKGALE


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Mrs C DUDLEY

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members please reduce the noise level in the House so that we can hear the speakers.

Mrs M C DIKGALE: Hon Speaker, hon Chairperson of the NCOP, all protocol observed. I rise with great pride and utmost humility to join in a very important debate that pays tribute to all the women of South Africa, who continue to carry the torch of resilience in our relentless national quest to wage a fearless battle against gender discrimination and oppression of women in our society. I dedicate my speech in honour of Koko Florence Mhinga, a great daughter of the Limpopo province and a fearless generation of Tata Rolihlahla Mandela, who hails from Malamulele in Giyani. Koko Florence Mhinga is 93 years old and she received an order of Luthuli in silver last year in honour of her dedication and service to South Africa.

Hon Speaker, 56 years ago, over 20 000 fearless women who had been seared by the flames of withering injustices and suffered incalculable discrimination under apartheid rule, marched to the Union Buildings on 9 August 1956 to present a petition against the carrying of passes. It is this symbolic act of bravery and resilience that we honour today. As the women of South Africa, we are truly indebted to the relentless efforts of the women of 1956 under the courageous leadership of the stalwarts of our fight for gender equality such as Lillian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Albertina Sisulu, Auntie Sophia Williams de Bruyn and Mme Madinoge, who also hails from Limpopo.

Allow me to take this moment to pay a laudable voice of tribute to all the women of our nation who continue to carry the torch of resilience in our national quest to wage a fearless battle against all forms of gender discrimination and oppression in our society. We commemorate Women's Day this year when few days ago, our movement and people of South Africa lost one of the tireless advocates for women's rights in our country, Comrade Nomatyala Hangana. Allow me to convey the profound and heartfelt condolences of the ANC Women's League and the masses of women across South Africa, who are mourning the untimely death of one of our principled and relentless campaigners who championed the plight of women in South Africa.

Hon Speaker, just over a week ago, on 31 July, our nation joined the masses of women across Africa to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Pan African Women's Organisation, Pawo, which was established on the 31 July 1962, a year before the formation of the then Organisation of African Unity. As we commemorate Women's Day, we take this moment to pay tribute to all the fearless warriors and heroines who championed the formation of Pawo to lend a laudable voice in the fight against the oppression of the African women, her people and children. It is indeed a fitting tribute and honour to all the women of Africa that one of the daughters of our nation, Comrade Nkosazana Clarice Dlamini-Zuma, becomes the first woman to ever lead the African Union.

Hon Speaker, the ANC has been at the forefront of women's struggles by putting forward a vision for a nonsexist society and institutionalising gender equality and women empowerment through its policies, institutional arrangements and intervention measures. We waged a concerted battle to ensure that the ideal of gender equality becomes a fundamental tenet of our Bill of Rights in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.

Our resolve to move with utmost speed and determination to mainstreaming gender equality in all sectors of South African society is informed by our atrocious history, which is steeped in institutional racism where rights; life chances; and the distribution of goods and services were predicated along racial lines. This is also a past where respect for the dignity of individuals was determined by the colour of their skin and further, within the various racial groupings, by their gender and social status. This is a sacred ideal that was informed by the struggles of all the men and women who waged the fearless fight against the atrocities of colonialism and apartheid and encapsulated in the Women's Charter of 1954.

As the champions of the fight against racism and all forms of human discrimination, the ANC government in 1994, took solemn oath to dismantle all forms of apartheid social relations and practices in our society. We made and resolved to continue in our collective path, in pursuit of the emancipation of women and wage, a rigorous fight to ensure gender equality remains a cardinal goal and an anchor for a freedom in our democracy. When we adopted the Constitution in 1996 and subsequently a plethora of policies, including the National Policy Framework for Women Empowerment and Gender Equality, we made a resolute undertaking to redress the past that instilled a culture whereby the sociocultural dictates and expectations of all groups defined women to be less deserving and capable than men.

After the demise of apartheid in 1994, we moved with fierce urgency and determination to adopt a gender policy framework, which established guidelines for South Africa as a nation to take action to remedy the atrocious historical legacy of the marginalisation of women in our society. These decisive steps continue to advance our collective effort to put an end to gender discrimination and the marginalisation of women in our society.

Hon Speaker, speaking during the country's first state of the nation address, after the first democratic elections in 1994, former President Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela ushered a resolute pledge for a new democratic government towards the advancement and protection of women in South Africa when he said, "Freedom cannot be achieved unless the women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression".

Today, as the ANC, we rise with greater humility and pride with the masses of our people that our nation has moved with utmost rigour and determination to lead a global path towards gender mainstreaming and equality. We have demonstrated that our conviction is beyond rhetoric.

Today, we take great pride that our nation has moved with the utmost speed to have one of the most comprehensive national gender machineries in the world. South Africa is generally acknowledged to be a model of best practice by many countries on the African continent and globally.

Hon Speaker, despite the enormity of the progress that we have made, many women in our country are still faced with countless challenges and wallowing in the valley of despair. Although gender mainstreaming resulted in the establishment of substantial gender machinery across government, we are concerned about poor monitoring in both government and the private sector. We are concerned that women remain the face of poverty, unemployment, lack of opportunities, poor health and economic deprivation.

Sepedi:

Se se ra gore re le ba ANC, ga re dumele seema sela sa gore moroto wa tšhiwana o ela le leoto. Re re madimabe a a hlapiwa

English:

Our society still suffers from the persistence of religious and cultural practices that are discriminatory towards women and girls. Women in the rural area still face the grim reality of practices such as forced marriages and female genital mutilation. It is clear that the approach of education and advocacy is not yielding the desired outcome. We need to move with urgency and decisiveness to complete the process of the SA Law Reform Commission to investigate and recommend advice on the legislation that will prohibit these practices.

We must ensure that we put a stop to those who continue to force women and girls or dare undermine their bodily integrity and constitutional rights in the name of culture. We need to move with resilience to ensure that the gender machinery framework is legally binding and that those who dare appoint an all-male Cabinet or, in whatever form, demonstrate their disregard of our national commitment to create an equal society, are made to account. [Applause.]

To complete the task of gender equality, we must ensure that the legislative undertaking that we made to the women of South Africa is accompanied not only by policy measures that promote this constitutional principle, but they should also result in adverse penalties for those who fail to comply.

Hon Speaker, as we commemorate Women's Day today, as the ANC, we want to make a pledge to the women of South Africa that we remain resolute in our resolve and determination to champion their plight and dismantle all forms of gender marginalisation and discrimination in all sectors of our society. We want to reassure the women of South Africa that we shall continue in our quest to fight for their economic emancipation. We shall wage a concerted fight against those who still show disregard of our national resolve and commitment to dismantle apartheid social relations by showing disregard to women. We shall stand tall on the shoulders of our nation to speak against anyone who still view women as lesser capable to lead or share whatever platform or position available in our society.

Today, we renew our solemn oath to all women in our country that we shall continue to speak to their aspirations. We shall continue to lend a loud voice to their anguish and sufferings. We shall continue to speak against the stench of living in the most dehumanising conditions of poverty, unemployment, underdevelopment, poor health, illiteracy and HIV and Aids.

Let us all rally in a national pledge and commitment to make gender mainstreaming and equality a reality for all women of our nation. Let us all, in our little corners of the communities that we come from, from the departments and provinces that we lead, rise to the task of the women of 1956 and bring true freedom to all the women of South Africa, especially, rural, poor and African women. Let us join in the fierce battle against anyone who dare stand in our collective path and historic resolve to ensure that all women of the land see the glowing sunshine of freedom and democracy.

In conclusion, let us all in our words and deeds rise to support the national call that says, wathint' abafazi, wathint' imbokodo! [You strike a woman, you strike a rock] I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M W RABOTAPI


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Mrs M C DIKGALE

Mr M W RABOTAPI: Speaker, on this day we pay tribute to the women of South Africa. You represent the best of us and make an indispensable contribution to the building of the nation that we aspire to be. I would firstly like to extend my heartfelt congratulations to the women represented in this House and the many heroines around our country. Thank you for all you do.

South African women have made great strides in the political, social and corporate arenas locally and abroad. Today, I wish to highlight the successes of South Africa's sports women. Just one or two hours ago we heard that Caster Semenya had qualified for the female finalists. [Applause.] On Monday our women's hockey team beat the United States 7-0 at the London 2012 Olympic Games. This is a great cause for celebration. The world watched with bated breath as Banyana Banyana drew a gusty 0-0 draw against world champions, Japan, at the start of the London 2012 Olympic Games.

Our women athletes are a tribute to endurance and excellence. Above this, let us not forget that these remarkable women have received little or no financial assistance. Many have overcome unimaginable trials and odds. Just imagine if Caster Semenya had understandably thrown in the towel after being subjected to the humiliating gender testing after her victory in the 2009 World Championships. Where would South Africa be on the athletic front? She showed grit and determination. Or imagine if Natalie du Toit was demotivated by the loss of her limb. South Africa would not have experienced the joy of the gold medal she brought from the Athens 2004 Paralympic Games as well as Commonwealth Games.

Natalie du Toit also became the first amputee ever to qualify for the Olympic Games where she was placed 16th in the 10 kilometre marathon at the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing. Apart from their sporting successes, these two women have both pursued university studies.

It is clear that South Africa has the ability to set world records. Elana Meyer, former South African long-distance runner, has set many and held them for a decade. I therefore make an urgent appeal to the Minister of Sport to invest in school sport and community scouting to grow this industry. If assistance by government is provided and the will is displayed in various departments, such as Agriculture, Sport and Education, imagine the rewards our country will reap in the years to come.

Setswana:

Motsogapele a re tlogatloga e tloga pele, modisa wa dikgomo o tswa natso sakeng, e bile ditau di senang seboka di siiwa ke none e tlhotsa. A me a kalo. Ke a leboga.

Mr P J GROENEWALD


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Mr M W RABOTAPI

Afrikaans:

Mnr P J GROENEWALD: Agb Voorsitter, op 16 Desember 1913 is die vrouemonument in Bloemfontein geopen en was dit die eerste vrouemonument wat opgerig is in die wêreld, waar die Afrikanervolk erkenning gee aan die stryd en swaarkry van vroue en kinders in die Britse konsentrasiekampe.

English:

I want to repeat that it was the first monument for women and children in commemoration of the suffering in the British concentration camps.

Afrikaans:

'n Volk wat nie sy vroue eer nie, het nie 'n toekoms nie. Daarom is dit belangrik dat die rol van vroue altyd erken moet word. Die rol en regte van vroue sal slegs erken word as ons repek vir onsself en vir mekaar het. As ons respek het dan sal daar nie mishandeling van vroue wees nie en ook nie 'n vertrapping van vrouregte nie. Inteendeel, dit sal erken word. Dit is die suksesresep vir die regte van vroue. Ek dank u.

Mrs P TSHWETE


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Mr P J GROENEWALD

IsiXhosa:

Nkskz P TSHWETE: Somlomo okanye Sihlalo, abaPhathiswa, ooSekela baPhathiswa ngokubanzi, iNdlu yoWiso-mthetho namalungu akhoyo, izihlobo neendwendwe ezikhoyo, mandiqale ngokwaleka kwintetho ebisele ithethiwe evakalisa ukuba buhlungu kwethu kukushiywa lelinye ilingu elazabazela inkuleko eMzantsi Afrika, uNotyala Hangana. Sithi ngxe kusapho lwakwaHangana. Namhlanje ndikhumbula amaqhawe anje ngooNcumisa Khondlo, ooNtombi Shope, nooRay Alexander kuba ngabanye babantu abathi bazibandakanya kumzabalazo woomama.

Kwakhona, ndibulela eli thuba ndilinikwa yi-ANC lokuba ndithethe ngexesha lokugqiba kwethu iminyaka engamashumi amahlanu anesithandathu singoomama silwela ingcinezelo nobukhoboka. Oomama abajengoomama uMaxeke, oomama uSisulu, oomama uMhele Siya, oomama uGxowa nabanye abaninzi abanye babo abangasekhoyo, siya babulele ngegalelo labo kumzabalaza woomama.

Ndiyambulela kwakhona urhulumente okhokelwa ngumbutho, ekukuphela kwawo oyakuphatha kude kubuye lowo singamaziyo. Siyaqinisekisa ke okokuba asoze siphulukane nalo mzabalazo ngenxa yemisebenzi eyenziwa yi-ANC. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Manditsho ukuba singoomama sinoxanduva. Uxanduva lwethu lokuqala yinto yokuba ngale nyanga yoomama kuxhaphake ukudlwengulwe kwabantu abadala nabantwana. Kukho oomama abaphaya eMpumakoloni kwilali yaseTholeni, mhlawumbi abanye bavile ngayo, oomama balapho bayabaleka ebusuku bashiye izindlu zabo bahambe bayokucela iindawo zokulala kuba besoyika ukudlwengulwa nokubulawa.

Siyacela kumapolisa, oomama kunye nonontlalontle ukuba masisebenzisane kwezi meko zibuhlungu ezehlela oomama bethu ezilalini. Ndicela ukubalisa nje ibalana elibuhlungu ngolu xanduva sinalo. Kukho umama wasezilalini owanditsalela umnxeba - ndiyathemba ukuba uSekela-Mphathiswa, uMama uSotyu ukhona apha namhlanje kuba uyalazi eli bali - esithi kum akalali uyoyika xa kutshon' ilanga kuba uyadlwengulwa ngumntwana olingana nabazukulwana bakhe, oza kuye yonke le mihla ebusuku. Lo mntwana akahlali kude nalo mama. Uyaya emapoliseni ukuya kummangalela kodwa uba yintlekisa netyala lingathathelwa ngqalelo.

Ndiye ndaxakeka, andayazi ukuba le ntlungu ndingayithetha nabani na. Kuloko ndicela ukuba abaPhathiswa kunye nooSekela baPhathiswa bangabavali oonomyayi babo. Oomama mabathi xa belila bafumane iindawo zokulilela.

Ndaye ndacela uMama uSotyu ukuba athumele amapolisa kulaa mzi. Ngokwenene oko ukwenzile. [Kwaqhwatywa.] Wafowuna laa mama ngemini elandelayo endibulela – zezi zinto zifaka abantu ePalamente ke ezi, abaziqondi abantu. [Kwahlekwa.] - Ukusebenzisana nje ekuhlaleni nabantu ukuze nabo bakuhloniphe ngemisebenzi yakho. Abanye bade babuze ukuba ungene njani apha, kanti umntu ungene ngemisebenzi ayenzayo phaya ekuhlaleni.[Kwaqhwatywa.]

Uphindile lo mama wanditsalela umnxeba ebulela kwaye esithi uyalala ebusuku namapolisa azile amnceda. Ngenxa yeso sizathu ke, i-ANC ibone kubalulekile ukuba kubekho amaziko afana neKomishomi yokuLingana ngokweSini- athi ajonge aqinisekise ukuba imithetho ekhusela ukuxhatshazwa koomama, ukukhusela amalungelo oomama, ukuxhatshazwa kwabasebenzi ngokwesondo nangokomphefumlo iyaqwalaselwa.

Uqeqesho lwamapolisa nalo silubona lubalulekile kuba nawo adibana neemeko ezibuhlungu kuba nawo ngabantu. Makhosikazi, masibekeni phambili ubuntu. Mphathiswa, sicela uncedo kuwe kuba ibuhlungu into yokubona umama omdala odlwengulweyo ethetha kumabonakude ngento eyenzeke kuye. Yenzekile ke le nto ndiyithethayo. Iintatheli zibuze lo mama ngokumehleleyo kudliwanondlebe lukanomathotholo nolukamabonakude.

English:

... which was very, very bad.

IsiXhosa:

Nani ndiqinisekile ukuba xa ningaphulaphula oomama benu bethetha koonomathotholo nakoomabonakude bebalisa ngesenzo sokuxhatshazwa kwabo ngokwesondo, akungeze kubemnandi. Isidima soomama bethu masikhuselwe ziintatheli. Masincediswe kuba ngoomama abamnyama abasiwa koomabonakude bayokubalisa ngokudlwengulwa kwabo. Yiyo loo nto umongameli u-O R Tambo ngomhla we-8 kuJanyuwari, eLusaka, ngowe-1982 wathi:

English:

We can never claim victory until women, children, the elderly, youth and people with disabilities are fully emancipated.

IsiXhosa:

Ndimvile umama kwicala le-DA eyibeka ingxaki yokumitha kwabantwana. Ndiyayibulela kwakhona i-ANC kuba sivile singoomama ukuba kukho umthetho okanye iphulo eliza kwenziwa lokulwa imithetho yokumitha kwabantwana abancinci, elincedisana neSebe leZempilo. Oku ke kuza kwenzeka. Ngoko ke ndithi ukuba sasingacinezelwanga singabantu abamnyama iminyaka engama-340, no-Jan Van Riebeek engazange afike kweli lizwe, ngesikude ngoku. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Ngebebangaphi oo-Caster Semenya esinabo ngoku? Mphathiswa weZemidlalo, sikubonile nawe uvuyile phaya ngenxa yeembasa ezifunyenwe ngoomama baseMzantsi Afrika– bendifuna ithethwe ndim kuqala ke le nto ingathethwa lelinye iqela. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Mandithethe ngokuphandle ukuba uMphathiswa uDlamini-Zuma unoxanduva olukhulu kumsebenzi wakhe we-Afrika. Sesinabantu ababalekela kweli lizwe nje, kungenxa yempathombi kumazwe abo. Ukuze aba bantu basuka kumanye amazwe bangakwazi ukuza kuzalisa eMzantsi Afrika, luxanduva lwawo ukuba ubone aba bantu ukuba bakhuseleke njani kula mazwe abo.

Okunye yindlala nokunqongophala kwemisebenzi kulutsha. Siyalwa nathi singoomama kuba sesinabantwana nje abathengisa ngemizimba kungenxa yokuba singayithatheli ngqalelo le nto yokuthengiswa kwemizimba ngabantwana bethu. Abanye babo kungenxa yokuba kungekho sibane sokukhanyisa ekhaya, baqonde ukuba mabasebenzise undlela-mfutshane wokufumana imali. Luxanduva lwethu ke boomama olo lokuba sibabuyise aba bantwana baxhatshazwayo basezitalatweni. Thina ke siyathanda ukuthetha ngoomama abaxhatshazwayo bodwa. Ingxaki yeyokuba ootata abezi ngaphambili xa bexhatshazwa.

Ootata bayaxhatshazwa ngokwesondo kodwa ke bayoyika ukuza ngaphambili. Yizani bootata nivumelekile kwaye siza kuninceda kwingxaki eninazo.

Abanye ootata baxhatshazwa ngamakhosikazi abo ezindlini, abazithethi iintlungu abazifumanayo. Yizani kuthi bootata sithethe namakhosikazi wenu ayeke ukunixhaphaza. [Uwelewele.]

Elokugqibela ndithi, iSADC mayijonge umba wokunqongophala kwemisebenzi nokuxhatshazwa koomama. Kubuhlungu ukubekela oomama baseMzantsi Afrika bebeleke abantwana bethwele imithwalo bebaleka besiya kulala kwiindawo abangaziyo nokuba baza kulala betye ntoni na. Siyacela ukuba i-Southern African Development Community, SADC lusincedise kwiintlungu zaseMzantsi Afrika, okanye kwi-Afrika iphela. Siqinisekile ukuba yonke le mizamo, nangokuba simthembile kwaye simkhuphe ngokumthemba uMama uNkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, siyayazi ukuba sizakuncuma kungekudala.

Ndibulela kwakhona abaPhathiswa kunye noMphathiswa uLulu Xingwana. Silibonile isebe lakhe. Besimane siqhwanyaza sizibuza ukuba ingaba lenza ntoni kanye. Siyabona ngoku apho liya khona kwaye siza kuncedisa singoomama. Qhubela phambili, sikhona singoomama. Siyakubulela. Enkosi. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Mr S Z NTAPANE


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Mrs P TSHWETE

Mr S Z NTAPANE: Hon Chairperson and hon members, the period since 1994 has seen an improvement in the reduction of poverty and gender inequalities. More and more women now occupy leadership positions in both the private and public sectors than they did in the past.

As a country, we should pat ourselves on the back for the good progress we have made in defeating all social conventions about the role of women being in the kitchen. However, despite these achievements, South African women are most likely to be poor, least likely to have an education and least likely to find employment. They are also most likely to suffer at the hands of an abuser. Putting this plainly, women bear the brunt of poverty and unemployment.

As Minister Lulu Xingwana correctly put it recently:

Women continue to be marginalised and discriminated against in terms of economic opportunities, the labour market and access to land, credit and finance.

The challenges identified here are the main impediments to reaching the stated economic growth targets for South Africa. No prosperity can be achieved when the women, who occupy a majority in this country, remain outside or on the margins of real economic activity and economic opportunities.

We need to develop programmes that increase women's access to land; eradicate poverty and contribute to economic empowerment of women through skills development; financial and technical assistance to sustain projects that will support gender equality and women empowerment.

Lastly, we should also support Minister Lulu Xingwana's initiative to advance the causes of women, by developing mechanisms that will help enforce gender parity for positions of authority in both the private and public sectors, as long as merit, not political connectivity, will determine who gets the job. Thank you, hon Chairperson. [Applause.]

Mr D JOSEPH

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Mr S Z NTAPANE

Mr D JOSEPH: House Chairperson, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, hon Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members on my right and on my left, and members of the provinces, the Joint Sitting arranged by the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces is an indication that Parliament acknowledges the role of women. On behalf of the DA, I salute all women. To honour women is to admire, to show respect and to celebrate their achievements. To honour women is to pay tribute for the sacrifices that were made during the most difficult times. Whatever women had to face, history has shown us that women are born with character, love, caring and compassion.

On 9 August each year, the attention of all South Africans is drawn to Women's Day. We are reminded about 20 000 women who participated in a march on 9 August 1956 to the Union Buildings to bring an end to the special pass or identity book which had restricted black people who had to found themselves in areas designated for white people.

After a long struggle against apartheid, President De Klerk made an announcement to unban the political parties on 2 February 1990. This gave rise to the opportunity for women to reunite themselves with families and paved the way for the freedom of women and to organise themselves.

Since 1994, Women's Day activities in Parliament, in government departments and civil society are celebrated, giving recognition to the role of women and their passion for freedom of their own country, South Africa. We are granted today the opportunity to share in the victories of our women. When the women leaders shouted, "I-Afrika", the rest of the women shouted back, "Mayibuye" – we will return. [Interjections.]

The women's monument at the Union Buildings was unveiled by the previous President, Thabo Mbeki, and in 2000 he said that he wanted to honour women for their role in the struggle to end apartheid.

Afrikaans :

Nog 'n monument vir Vrouedag in Bloemfontein herinner ons aan die 26 000 vroue wat gely het onder moeilike omstandighede in die konsentrasiekampe in Suid-Afrika. [In Bloemfontein, another monument dedicated to Women's Day reminds us of the suffering 26 000 women endured in concentration camps in South Africa.]

English:

Sarah Baartman's grave near Hankey in the Eastern Cape is testimony to what women had to endure; hence the grave was declared a national monument in 2002. Many women have shown that it is possible to reach the highest level in government and in society. Gender mainstreaming at international level is calling for specific measures to ensure the integration of women in shaping of their own destiny when policy and goals are decided upon.

South Africa has made great advances since 1994 through our Constitution, through our government policies, through business policies and through nongovernmental organisations. The announcement by President Zuma to provide wage subsidies for the unemployed affects thousands of women. The DA is calling and is requesting the President to ensure the implementation of his state of the nation address to show that the unemployed women benefit from his statement of the state of the nation address.

Despite several calls by the United Nations world conferences, some countries still operate with a status quo where women are treated as subordinates, and they still experience discrimination. Our continent is not excluded, and we hope that the suffering of women due to wars will receive attention from our own leadership at the African Union.

Gender equality is a known concept in our democracy. In South Africa, we are still faced with challenges relating to gender justice, gender violence, and sexual offences that remain high. The Traditional Courts Bill has been rejected by most of the gender organisations, and the police officers need a paradigm shift and more training to move away from the discrimination and discriminatory practises against women.

Parliament, the National Assembly, the NCOP, legislatures and local government have the responsibility to ensure that women's rights are promoted and equality becomes visible in all sectors of South Africa. The laws say women are equal but this is not always the practice. Women are the majority of the population in South Africa; in fact, women are the majority of voters.

We honour all women, we respect them, we celebrate them and we sing the songs that they have sung during the hard days of the struggle when they fought against apartheid. That song was Nkosi sikelela i-Afrika, God Seën Afrika, God Bless Africa and God bless our women. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs P A MOCUMI

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Mr D JOSEPH

Mrs P A MOCUMI: Hon Chairperson, hon Minister Lulu Xingwana and other Ministers present, hon colleagues and important guests in the gallery, I greet you all. Gender mainstreaming is not an automatic process in our evolution as a democratic South Africa. Hundreds of years of patriarchy and colonialism of a special type in which the capitalist mode of production deepened racial, class, gender inequalities, discrimination and relations resulting in embedded disparities in access to, and distribution of resources.

The active role of our women as agents of change in our country must never be underestimated. During a time when our country was under siege from colonialism and apartheid, women organised militant struggles in defence of the ANC's principles of freedom and equality for all.

For the duration of our transition into democracy, women have steadily raised the bar in terms of what it means to participate in society. The involvement of women in our political demonstrations evolved and brought to the fore questions about how the struggle could be theoretically included in issues of women and women's emancipation in our national democratic revolution. Through women's initiatives, our ethos as a national liberation movement encompasses a clear vision for a nonsexist society for men and women alike.

Our national democratic society, which is nonsexist, can only be created over time through deliberate and collective efforts aimed at eradicating gender discrimination. The existence of all encompassing Constitution and other supportive structures will not necessarily provoke change as these are intended to provide a framework to guide our vision for an equal society.

Our women can advance the cause of mainstreaming by being more active in all sectors of society. Our superior gender machinery clearly allows this and we must continue to insist on active citizenship as a principle of our democratic society. In order for policies to be put into action, our women must take positions of leadership in society when elected to do so.

Through efforts driven by our women, decision-making patterns have also changed. Our policies as the governing party have become more sophisticated through women who have actively raised the different needs, interests and priorities that must be covered. A good example of this is disability.

A universal Constitution such as ours must continue to hold government accountable for any service it renders. If we are to render gender conscious decisions and enact policies sensitive to disability through state interventions, then we ought to influence the nature and character of the institutions that are in place to tackle these challenges and ensure that they are resourced to meet these challenges. It is imperative that we speed up the implementation of Article 9 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which talks about universal access.

Through various legal frameworks and implementing agencies, we have set a target of 2% employment for disabled people in the workplace, particularly in the private sector where we have not been able to reach this target. In the public service and broader public sector, implementation has been below the targets we set. Therefore, women, as active agents of change and transformation, must address this set target.

Clearly where key equity disability targets are not met, the logical thing to do is to strengthen mechanisms for gathering and monitoring data both in the private and public sector. It is not a secret that to date some in the public service do not gather data on disability simply because they do not think it is important. These attitudes are a deep reflection of attitude manifesting itself between the nondisabled and the disabled people. In practice, this results in placing disability at the low-end of the scale of priority equity target groups.

This perception is apparent throughout social encounters between the nondisabled and disabled people. For example, when crimes are committed against deaf women, reports have been given that public service officials are unable to assist. This inertia has to do with untrained officials, on the one hand, but also speaks to systematic challenges in both public and private services. Here, the design of the systems must mutually accommodate disability.

Lack of mainstreaming gender and disability gives the impression that some services are not for disabled people or even elderly women. Mainstreaming efforts in our policies need to answer these questions and then dislodge the influence that one group can have over the quality of life over another. I always look and listen carefully and with interest to see brailed condom wrappers. I always ask myself whether disabled people are not sexual beings. I am looking forward to seeing that very soon.

The extent and approach to mainstreaming needs to be reviewed thoroughly. South Africa is a diverse society and consists of a heterogeneous category of women such as older, younger, nondisabled and disabled women. We need to be wary of policies that speak of women as a singular and homogenous group.

Similarly, pregnant women with disabilities should not be treated as pitiful cases, they have reproductive rights too. Likewise, the legal rights of disabled and deaf people in particular are flouted when during voluntary testing and counselling sessions their results have to be interpreted to them by people who accompany them, such as friends or family members.

The high rates of violence against women and the stabilisation of women's unpaid labour in the private domain remain a challenge that is linked to particularly resistant forms of patriarchy. To date, however, the ANC has prioritised safety and security to combat violent crimes against women, disabled people and children, we welcome the re-establishment of the victim empowerment support centres at police station level as a very progressive development because this demonstrates the justice system responding to contextual societal challenges. However, these centres need to be properly resourced and utilised.

The ANC has proposed that in order for gender mainstreaming to work, legislation has to be legally binding and government departments must be refocused in terms of location, level of authority, influence, accountability, integration and allocation of resources to change their perception of mainstreaming.

The reason why we make assumptions about sexuality and freedom of choice of disabled women is that we are not gender conscious as a society. We have all heard the words, "gender equality", but this message has not been implemented in a way that ensures that men are also held accountable.

Central to ensure the goal of engendered policy and practice is an education and awareness component of engendering. Such a project will require the necessary adjustments to our basic and higher education systems so that, as a liberated nation, our children have to be taught what it means to be liberated and engendered and the responsibility that comes with this.

Constructive criticism must be balanced against achievements. The dedication of an entire Ministry to issues concerning women, children, and people with disabilities, is unprecedented in this country and in many parts of Africa. As a democracy, we have the responsibility of working towards the emancipation of vulnerable groups in our society. Our vision of a national democratic society is one in which sexism, racism, class discrimination and displacement as determinants of whether an individual or group has rights and access to resources succeeds.

Such a society must champion the causes of its people, particularly the weakest. Our responsibility is not just to provide a better life for our people, but also to restore dignity that has been lost in the process of oppression. These are the characteristics of a government that truly values the lives of its citizens. [Time expired.] Ke a leboga. [I thank you] [Applause.]

Mr M W MAKHUBELA


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Mrs P A MOCUMI

Mr M W MAKHUBELA: Hon Chairperson, hon members and women especially, I greet you all. Malibongwe!

The HON MEMBERS: Igama lamakhosikazi!

Mr M W MAKHUBELA: Chairperson, allow me today to speak in honour of the women in this country. They have done a tremendous job. That is why you see us, here debating, as men. We come from women. Therefore, we must honour them.

First of all I would like to take this opportunity to honour and congratulate the daughter of the soil. A humble soul, soft-spoken and with a great sense of humour. That is Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. [Applause.] She is the first woman Chairperson of the African Union Commission. Are we not going to give her a round of applause? [Applause.]

It was not an easy thing to be elected as a Chairperson from this country of South Africa. It is so pleasing. Nkosazana Zuma, hold that torch, search all houses from the kitchen and sweep up all the women who are still cutting salads there, to come to the light. Monitor them in order to be part of this legacy as we are reading about Charlotte Maxeke. Indeed, she did not stay in the kitchen for nothing, she came out. Let me also add that when she came to the Department of Home Affairs, it was in shambles, but she swept everything away. Malibongwe! [Applause.]

I would like to talk about Charlotte Maxeke. She was born in 1872, and died early. She was only 57. She worked tirelessly in order to take South Africa to great heights. We must not forget those who are still living. Let me tell you, there are those that I brush shoulders with, like Thandi Memela, our Deputy Chairperson, Winnie Mandela. I was there as a police officer, they stood firm and fought for the women of this country. We must help them build their legacy so that tomorrow we will be able to talk about them. [Applause.]

Women, I am encouraging you. If women are appointed to certain positions, we must try to help them. We must not get a situation, like the one in Limpopo – I do not want to mention departments and names – but help them in order to shine. Thank you. [Applause.] [Time Expired.]

Mrs D A SCHÄFER


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Mr M W MAKHUBELA

Mrs D A SCHÄFER: Mr Chairperson, my family would be happy if I went into the kitchen more often. I wish to begin my speech today with a quotation from a recent article by Edward West in the Business Day of 9 July 2012, in which he describes the experiences of a poor rural woman, and it goes like this:

In 1965, my mother went to a traditional leader and asked for land after being kicked out by my father's brothers. Reflecting the plight of many rural women who continue to be forced to leave their homes after the death of a spouse, the leader replied, 'I wish your daughter was a son.'

We may not be particularly surprised that a comment like that was made in 1965. After all, that was then, and we are now living in a constitutional democracy, where we all enjoy equal rights and have done since 1994, not so? Not quite. This type of incident is still the reality experienced by many women to this day, and this is what inspired Sizani Ngubane to found the Rural Women's Movement. This movement was not formed in 1965. It was formed in 1998, four years after the first democratic elections, in order to fight for the rights of rural women that are enshrined in the Constitution, but are meaningless in the daily reality of many.

It is against this backdrop that we have to see the introduction of the Traditional Courts Bill. It is against the backdrop of women who are still often regarded as minors, incapable of managing their own affairs, and who are precluded from exercising the most basic right and freedom so taken for granted by many of us.

The Bill was purportedly introduced as a result of work done by the South African Law Reform Commission. I say purportedly, because the Bill that was introduced is very different from the Bill that was recommended by them. Many aspects of customary law and processes have been ignored, and all power to decide custom adjudicates on them and imposes penalties, is vested only in the senior traditional leader.

The fact that the only people consulted prior to the drafting of this Bill were traditional leaders, no doubt provides an explanation for this deviation. We have heard Minister Xingwana's comments regarding this Bill, and we agree. The real concern is, how in this day and age, under a Constitution that protects the rights of all, particularly the vulnerable and marginalised, could such a Bill have been introduced into this Parliament? It had to have been approved by Cabinet.

How can it possibly be protective of women's rights when women are traditionally not even able to represent themselves in traditional courts? Now provision is made for a husband or wife to represent each other. In reality, however, it is unheard of for a woman to represent her husband in a traditional court. Legal representation is also excluded, so the women remain at the mercy of their husbands or other male relatives.

Appeals and reviews are severely curtailed. So, if a woman believes a decision of the traditional leader is unlawful, she has very little chance of having it overturned. How can women enjoy equality before the law when the traditional courts are often located in or near areas where they are prohibited from going? When the Bill allows traditional leaders to impose penalties on a person who is not even party to the proceedings. This includes manual labour for the benefit of the community. It is again the women who are already burdened by the largest share of manual labour in rural areas, who are likely to be subjected to this penalty.

It is also quite clear from articles on the subject that many traditional leaders regard their own personal interests as the interests of the community, and they are often the beneficiaries of the very penalties they impose. There are even reports of people being precluded from approaching the traditional courts if they have not paid levies imposed by the traditional leader, of which I widely regard as illegal levies.

What chance does a woman have of a fair hearing, let alone a fair outcome, in a domestic violence matter, when a traditionalcCourt she appears before is largely, if not solely, male-dominated and chastisement of women by their husbands is regarded as an acceptable customary practice?

It is the passion of Sizani Ngubane to prevent vulnerable women from being locked into this system that has reportedly led to her travelling 15 000 kilometres, since the start of May this year, to alert rural women to the threats that the Traditional Courts Bill poses to their rights and their independence. It is up to us in this democratic Parliament to honour that passion and ensure that no such law is passed by this House.

To stand here every year on Women's Day and talk about how much we support women's rights, and yet permit such legislation to be tabled, is hypocrisy of the highest order. We respect people's rights to practice the culture of their choice. This Bill does not however give people, particularly women, any choice at all.

We accept that traditional courts can play an important role in dispute resolutions and facilitation of access to justice. But it must be done in a way that is consistent with the Constitution, and in a way that promotes the rights of all people and provides them with real access to real justice.

It is time we stopped paying lip service to the protection of women's rights, and take concrete steps to make them a reality. The promised overhaul of the Traditional Courts Bill is a very good place to start. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr G P D MCKENZIE


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Mrs D A SCHÄFER

Mr G P D McKENZIE: Speaker, I think the ANC should be congratulated for bringing women's issues to the fore because the one thing that we do admit is that lots have been done for women. However, much more still needs to be done, and we are on that track. The question asked is: How do women really see themselves and where are they really?

A short while ago while I was listening to a member who spoke about women in the rural areas, I must say I realised that they are on the fringes of our society, and there must be a mechanism and a way to bring them into the mainstream of South Africa. There is no doubt that women in the rural areas are definitely still marginalised in this country.

What we have to realise is that basic democracy is freedom and women's freedom. A born free child who is born in a democratic South Africa cannot be born to an oppressed mother; and this is what we find more and more in our farm areas. More and more of our women are being oppressed by some of the employers that they are working for in their areas.

We do not even have to look at the rural areas only. We have also witnessed how women in Khayelitsha and the surrounding areas in Cape Town were treated when they were not given decent housing during this winter period. So it is important... [Interjections.]... I do not know why they are making noise. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order, order, hon members!

Mr G P D McKENZIE: They are asking me what did I do? They are the government in the municipalities of the Western Cape. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order!

Mr G P D McKENZIE: They are the government in the Western Cape, not the ANC nor I. So the question that they are asking should rather be asked to their leader. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order, order, order! Continue, hon member.

Mr G P D McKENZIE: The question should rather be asked to their own leader, Helen Zille. What should be realised is that the majority of our poor are still women. In fact, it has been said that two thirds of the world's illiterate are females. We are told that the majority of our children who are not in schools are girls. There must be a concerted effort. We want to say that it is only since the inception of democracy that something has been done for women. We are asking you to continue on that road because we have not yet achieved what we are supposed to, but we are getting there. [Applause.]

It is immaterial what the peanut gallery might shout; it is not them who have to decide, it is you, Minister, who must do it for us. We depend on you. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order, hon members!

Mr G P D McKENZIE: If we support women, all society is going to benefit. Every single township and every person will benefit from what we put in for women. In fact, if we support women, a family will be much healthier; if we support women, more of our children will be in schools. So, if we can just begin to turn our thinking caps on and think of a route that we should take to stand by and support the women who have been the underdogs in our society for all these years.

Democracy gives women the right to decide; which right they never had. In fact, the people who are shouting never gave women any rights. [Applause.] [Interjections.] Democracy gives women the right to challenge things. Democracy now gives women the right to say, "I have certain rights and I have the right to expect certain rights from you."

Therefore, I think it is immaterial what your beliefs were, or what religion you belonged to. I still maintain that it was wrong for anyone to murder a lesbian in Khayelitsha or anywhere else. That lady had just as much right as any other human being, and our praise go to our courts for taking the necessary decision. Even though it took long, the wheel did turn.

Let us also say with pride that one could open newspapers today and see that a sentence has been given to one of the persons who had murdered the Dewani lady.

I want to say that many people still need to know that if they touch a lady, they will pay because no man has the right to harm any woman. It is a woman's duty and privilege to get hold of the freedom that they had fought for and none of us can deny them that. Most of us are here because of a mother, most us are here because of a woman. South Africa's cause was changed because women marched for our freedom and we appreciate that.

Violence against women is wrong, and I want to say that, especially in the rural areas, women still do not feel free enough to go to their local police stations and complain. In fact, you have to look at the small number of complaints that are reported there. We are still waiting to see cases in our newspapers or before the courts where action is taken against men who violate their women.

I made a call to the Speaker before I came here, a special call to the President and a special call to the Minister. Then allow me to make a call also, and the call that I want to make is to the government in the Western Cape. If they feel so strongly about women's rights, why are there no woman on the cabinet of the Western Cape? If they feel as strongly as it is said here, what rights do women have in recourse? [Interjections.]

I want to say that I know of ladies who have appeared in disciplinary hearings that the DA had instituted. [Interjections.]

Mr D J MAYNIER: It was sour grapes.

Mr G P D McKENZIE: Now you call it sour grapes. It was not what the member has said before. It is now called sour grapes. If you want to dish it out, you must also be prepared to accept what comes your way. The ANC is prepared to listen and do what is right. They are not prepared to do that. If they want to show the women of the Western Cape that they so appreciate women, then I ask: Why is it that there is not a single head of department who is a lady in the Western Cape? [Applause.] [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order, order hon members, order!

Mr G P D McKENZIE: In fact, I feel so sorry for you, Speaker, for having people that are making such a noise in the gallery. The fact is that we must all look at ourselves and say: What did we do to improve women's rights in this country and in this province? I think true democracy will come to the fore if women on our farms and in our townships would be able to stand up and say, "I feel free today".

I want to say to you that it is so heartbreaking to see women who stay at the furthest ends of Khayelitsha having to do domestic work for the whole day and not being appreciated. They do domestic work in some of their kitchens, not in mine. [Interjections.]

Let me say that some of those who are shouting here today have been raised by women who worked all the time while their parents were never home to ensure that they get a better life. I think it is time that those who are making noise come out and say that they deserve to pay back to the society for what their caregivers had done for them. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr J J GUNDA

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Mr G P D McKENZIE

Mr J J GUNDA: Hon Speaker, hon members and Ministers, indeed it is a privilege today to be part of this debate. Let me just say this one thing, and I will always say it: We will never achieve anything unless we respect the women that bring us into this world.

Hon Speaker, we celebrate the 56th year of the historic march that took place in 1956 to the Union Buildings. Hon Speaker, let us be honest, today we are here because of the enormous sacrifices women have made in this country. The contribution of women in the struggle for freedom must never be underestimated because of their courage, vision and commitment.

Allow me to quote the words of the petition that they handed over, "We shall not rest until we have won for our children their fundamental right to freedom, justice and security."

We cannot but pay tribute to the heroines of 1956, women like Lillian Ngoyi, Dorothy Nyembe, Helen Joseph and many others. Indeed one of the living legends is in this House, hon Sophie de Bruyn. Indeed, we need to pay tribute. You can only go further if you acknowledge what the people have done. If you are not acknowledging what they have done, you cannot reach your goal, because they had a vision and a commitment to bring us where we ought to be. All of us that are sitting in this House, in the NCOP and in government today, are here because of the sacrifice that these people have made. Yes, these people stood up when nobody wanted to speak for us. They stood up because they saw the future; they saw that our children must be free. I am free today because of the struggle. [Applause.]

Let me also salute hon Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. Well done for being the first woman to be elected as the head of the African Union. Education is a primary aspect to empower women in South Africa. Women working in the informal sector, however, are likely to have less access to basic health care services, education, financial capital, political appointments, employee rights and land ownership.

The high unemployment rate has blurred the lines between poverty and the ripple effect of crime of which women often bear the brunt in poorer communities. Government, together with society, must do more when it comes to violence and abuse against women and children. Women are supposed to be the custodians of the future, and we cannot allow any form of aggression to continue.

We, as men, need to stand up today and protect women with our lives and bring out the beauty that is inside of them. Mark Caine said, "The first step toward success is taken when you refuse to be a captive of the environment in which you first find yourself."

Thus, when "you strike a woman, you strike a rock", and you will be crushed. The status that women enjoy today is not because of the wisdom of men, rather, it is because of the character of who they are. [Applause.] We are blessed to have women around us.

In conclusion, hon Speaker, there is one thing that I have learned in this world. If you want to be successful, respect these words: There is no beauty in this world without a woman. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs D M RAMODIBE


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Mr J J GUNDA

Mrs D M RAMODIBE: Hon Speaker, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon Minister Xingwana, hon members and distinguished guests, let me take this opportunity to congratulate Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma on her appointment as the first woman chairperson in the African Union, AU. [Applause.]

Gender is a social construct and not a natural attribute of the male and female being. Hence, gender inequality needs to be treated as a systemic challenge that can only be dealt with by undoing the patriarchal relations in society, and dealing with empowerment and access to resources. Equally, the modes of production in society must reflect the democratisation of the country in respect of the redistributive component and capacity of the economy, resulting in greater equality, employment and the eradication of poverty.

Patriarchy also explains why our development trajectory has been antagonistic towards women and other marginalised groups. Like the epoch of Colonialism of a Special Type and its economic productive relations, patriarchy enforces inequality, thrives on it, spreading it to all sectors of society. Our weaknesses in dislodging patriarchy in society and in the economy as a nation must be understood within the context of a society in transition. Thus, in the second phase of our transition, the solution to inequality between the sexes will lie in our continued efforts towards gender mainstreaming rather than efforts aimed at alleviating this discrimination.

This month looks at whether gender mainstreaming has been able to displace gender inequality in all sectors of our society. It is important, as we celebrate this important month of August, to take stock of our long travelled journey. Gender mainstreaming is a process of ensuring that programmes and projects in all institutions reflect the important priority of achieving equal opportunity for all people and the existence of gender inequality. There is a need to reverse the level of inequality through allocation of resources and policies in order to provide benefits to the disadvantaged groups. That is why we have established a department of Women, Children and People with Disabilities, so that it can ensure that inequality is eradicated and the rights of women are restored.

It is a strategy for making the concerns and experiences of women, as well as of men, an integral part of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic, and societal spheres, so that women and men benefit equally, and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal of mainstreaming is to achieve gender equality. In so doing, we will be recognising our heroines who led the struggle in protest against the carrying of passes - the Lillian Ngoyi's, the Helen Josephs, and others.

In practical terms, gender mainstreaming means taking the respective situations of men and women into account when planning programmes and strategies by assessing their different conditions, situations and needs, and examining measures and policies. It must also take into account the possible effects on gender differences when defining and implementing such measures and policies.

It is the integration of a gender perspective into every stage of the policy process from design to monitoring and evaluation. Gender mainstreaming is not simply aimed at the promotion of women. Instead, it represents a dual approach. It is both a general principle and it comprises specific actions and methods of applying gender-equity principles. It considers the developmental and equity needs of both men and women.

In essence, to effect real change in participation in development and empowerment practices, the process of gender mainstreaming must occur. Gender mainstreaming refers to men and women having equitable access to, and benefit from society's resources, opportunities and rewards. It also refers to equal participation in influencing what is valued as well as shaping direction and decisions.

It is also worth noting that South Africa is currently ranked seventh in the world in terms of its representation of women in Parliament. At present, women's representation in Parliament, both in the NA and NCOP, is 43%. We have women as committee chairpersons who make up 30%; women as Ministers, 41%; women as Deputy Ministers, 42%; and women as premiers, 56%. [Applause.]

According to the Businesswomen's Association of SA, in terms of women's representation as business leaders, it has been indicated that although women comprise 51,3% of the South African population and 45,1% of the employed, women constitute less than 10% of CEOs and chairs of boards of listed entities and state-owned enterprises. Only 15,8% of all directorship positions are held by women, while women executive managers stand at 21,6%. Although there are more women than men employed in government departments, only 0,5% of women occupy senior management positions. It is therefore very important that we promote women and that we do not deny women their rights, so that we may walk in the footsteps of those who fought for us. I am referring to women this time.

Although women have made great strides in the political arena in South Africa, much still needs to be done in terms of their economic empowerment. Women remain the primary actors in the informal sector, especially the rural women. In the South African context, women constitute approximately 45% of the labour force. Young women aged between 15 and 35 are making up 44% of the female labour force. It must be noted, however, that despite a large representation of women in the labour force, women continue to be employed in female-dominated occupations. In addition, this increase in female employment is not necessarily the result of increased job opportunities or labour market pull factors. Rather, this is as a consequence of women having to stay in jobs for longer due to increased unemployment among males and the rising impact of HIV and Aids, which increases the care and financial burdens of women.

It remains important, therefore, that what we have on paper must translate into real change, especially in the lives of women. What is needed is a constant interaction with issues affecting women to maintain the place of the gender agenda in decision-making bodies. It is particularly important to bring elements of the gender agenda to the fore, as issues related to gender, women's rights and equality influence the development of societies and countries. Successful mainstreaming indicates a government committed to engendering all legislation on policies and programme, as the South African government is. To this end, government's commitment to international and regional gender instruments provides an indication of the extent to which gender has been prioritised in its development and planning processes.

Although the inclusion of a gender perspective is vital in policy development, as well as in the development of programmes and strategies, there are often many challenges which impact on the implementation of gender mainstreaming. These include the lack of inclusion of the gender mainstreaming approach in the conceptual and developmental phase of policy processes; limited and unco-ordinated institutional mechanisms for gender mainstreaming at all levels of government; and the lack of information and knowledge, for example, no specialised skills and no disaggregated data.

A national departmental review of gender mainstreaming initiatives in the Public Service in South Africa found that there is a lack of knowledge about gender mainstreaming in most departments and across all levels. Most of senior management do not know how to move from vision, which is a policy, to strategy and action. Nor is gender mainstreaming included in any departmental planning, monitoring and budgeting processes, apart from ensuring that employment equity targets are met. This highlights the urgent need for action in this regard. It is clear that although many international, regional and national instruments exist, compelling states to actively implement gender mainstreaming processes, this implementation is often not adequately monitored and evaluated. This results in negative outcomes on development processes.

Mainstreaming gender involves forging and strengthening the political will to achieve gender equality and equity at all levels, from local to global; incorporating a gender perspective into the planning processes of all Ministries and departments of government; developing systems for the institutionalised collection and use of sex-disaggregated data in statistical analysis to review how policies impact on men and women, respectively; increasing the numbers of women in decision-making positions in government, the public and private sectors; providing tools and training in gender awareness, gender analysis and gender planning to decision-makers to ensure that they understand the importance of and know how to integrate a gender perspective into their work; and forging linkages between government, the private sector, civil society and other stakeholders to ensure co-ordinated efforts and resources.

Monitoring and evaluating gender mainstreaming would therefore have to assess the extent to which these activities have been undertaken and implemented. Underlying the issues related to men and women's equal participation or contributions to sustainable development, are concerns related to gender inequalities. It is important that states recognise the importance of equality and socioeconomic independence as a vital part of sustained development and democracy. Women's access to resources, both social and economic, has implications beyond women as individuals.

In conclusion, the promotion of women's access to and the practice of their socioeconomic rights will improve not only their lives, but that of their family, resulting in the improvement of their immediate communities and the nation as a whole. I thank you.

Ms C K K MOSIMANE


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Mrs D M RAMODIBE

Ms C K K MOSIMANE: Hon Speaker and hon members, this is the month for women. First and foremost, I would like to congratulate Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma on her election as the African Union Commission Chairperson. I congratulate her with pride, because she perceived her new role as a servant of the people of Africa.

Hon members, Women's Day is the most significant day in the lives of women in South Africa. During this day, we should remember those gallant fighters of our democracy who had fallen. We should women such as Mama Lillian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph and Charlotte Maxeke for their gender mainstreaming stewardship. Women in South Africa should remember the struggle waged by women against the apartheid government, such as the march against the pass laws in 1956. It is a pity that after we have attained our freedom, women are still not yet free. Women are still subjected to sexist practices at home and at work. There are few women who are in top executive positions in companies. Land ownership still favours men more than women. As a result, a large portion of land is still owned by men.

O R Tambo once said, "The struggle will be incomplete if women are still not yet free". The struggle is therefore incomplete and democracy has not yet being fully attained, because the recent statistics released by Statistic SA indicate that women are more than half of the country's population, yet there are still fewer women than men in the boardrooms of corporate South Africa. There are fewer women directors-general in the Public Service, more women than men in churches and yet there are fewer women in high positions.

Cope supports the levelling of the playing field to achieve access to a socioeconomic freedom for women. We are aware that political freedom did not come on a silver platter. Mama Maxeke fought since the 19th century, and she did not live to cast her first vote. The field for women is not just bumpy but an uphill battle. Women constitute 46% of the economically active population but unemployment is highest amongst African women aged 15 to 24 at 63%.

The time has arrived and therefore women must organise themselves and fight for their total emancipation. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr T D HARRIS

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Ms C K K MOSIMANE

Mr T D HARRIS: Mr Speaker, let me begin by noting Mr McKenzie's re-election speech. It is a sad indictment of the state of the ANC in the Western Cape that he has to come here to try and make a song and dance in a desperate attempt to get noticed by his party leaders. [Applause.]

In his speech, he told us that democracy gives women the right to decide. Well, Mr McKenzie, in 2006, the women of the City of Cape Town and all the residents did decide to chuck the ANC out of power. [Interjections.] They voted in a strong woman leader, Helen Zille, who began to roll out services to the 216 informal settlements that were totally neglected by the ANC and had no water, electricity and services. [Applause.] In 2009, the people of Cape Town, recognising the DA's performance in the City of Cape Town, elected another strong woman, Patricia de Lille, as Mayor of Cape Town with a 61% majority. [Applause.]

Mr McKenzie, the DA is a party packed full of women leaders, from Helen Suzman who stood as a lone voice against apartheid for all those years to today's Leader of the Opposition, Lindiwe Mazibuko. Mr Speaker, Mr McKenzie should not mislead the House by saying there are no female heads of department in the Western Cape.

Mr G S RADEBE: Speaker, on a point of order: Is it parliamentary for hon Harris to call hon McKenzie "Mr McKenzie"? I believe that in the House we are being called as hon members. Thank you, Chair.

The SPEAKER: Continue, Mr Harris.

Mr T D HARRIS: I meant "hon," of course. He should not mislead the House by saying there are no female heads of department in the Western Cape. In fact, Education, Agriculture and Local Government are all led by women. [Applause.]

Finally, if the ANC is so committed to promoting women, why has that party never been led by a woman? [Applause.] Maybe they have just failed to find a leader of the calibre of Helen Zille. [Applause.] But Parliament, Mr Speaker, has done well in this regard. Twenty-two years ago, 3% of the members of this House were women. Today, 44% of us are women. This is the fourth highest percentage in the world. We mustn't forget the Serjeant-at-arms, as well, who is also a woman. That is how far we have come. These are amazing achievements for women but they are far too uncommon.

Mr Speaker, most of the social and economic problems in our country are not unique to women but they are often the hardest hit. The DA's new plan for growth and jobs sets out to tackle these problems and we do not believe at helps to "ghettoise" on women as Verashni Pillay wrote yesterday. We should not deal with women's issues on one day or in one government department. Let me give you an example. When we think of unemployment in South Africa, we often think of it having a young male face. We think of the young man sitting on the side of the road, unable to find work. In fact, Statistics SA's Labour Force Survey shows us that at 44%, unemployment amongst women is 11% higher than the rates amongst men. Three and half million women are unable to find work or have given up looking. That is 300 000 more than the number of men who are in the same situation. Women are also twice as likely as men to be underemployed. This means, of course, that women will be the greatest beneficiaries of the 178 000 new jobs the Treasury estimates would be created by the youth wage subsidy over three years if it was implemented. They would also benefit more from policies like the DA's opportunity vouchers that would give young people the chance to subsidise their education or to help start a business.

Mr Speaker, South African women are falling behind in ways other than unemployment. In 2011, 30% of South African women said they had managed to save money in the past year compared to 63% in Nigeria. Last year 6,5% of South African women got a loan from a financial institution. This is less than half the rates in Vietnam or Uruguay. The state needs to assist here through a national venture capital scheme and aggressive tax cuts on savings.

In 2007, 22% of South African firms had female participation and ownership. In Brazil, 59% of firms did. We need to reform black economic empowerment to make it truly broad based. We need to incentivise employee share ownership and we need to introduce targeted listings of state-owned enterprises to get shares into the hands of ordinary people and ordinary women.

The World Bank found in 2011 that 14% of South African women saved using a savings club or stokvel. This is the 15th highest rates in the world. Let's use those stokvels; let's target those listings of state-owned entities to stokvels and burial societies and ensure we get a broad base of beneficiaries owning our public entities.

Mr Speaker, the DA's plan to reform small business support and improve education will also help to tackle social problems in our country. One out of every five South African babies is born to women under the age of 19. This is 2,5 times higher than the adolescent fertility rates of Burundi.

Finally, did you know that a female baby born in South Africa in 2010 had exactly the same life expectancy as her grandmother born in 1964? This is a truly shocking statistic. In Senegal, babies born in that year could expect to live 19 years longer than their grandmothers. In Indonesia, it was 21 years; in Turkey, it is 25 years; and in South Africa zero years. On average around the world, baby girls born today will outlive their grandmothers by 14 years. How can it be in South Africa women have the same life expectancy as their grandmothers? The only way to turn around this situation is to tackle those economic and social problems with a raft of new measures implemented by government that speaks with one voice on economic policy.

South Africa is currently growing at 2,5%, far below other upper middle income countries like Peru, which is growing at 6%. An economic growth is the number one thing that we need to attain to reverse that terrible situation of social decline because over time the difference in these growth rates, between us and Peru for example, makes a massive difference. If our country keeps growing at 2,5%, our grandchildren will inherit an economy that is 2,5 times bigger than ours. But if Peru keeps growing at 6%, their grandchildren will live in an economy that is 10 times bigger than theirs is now. That is the power of growth, and that is why the DA has set out a plan to do everything we can to accelerate it to the benefit of all South Africans and especially our women. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr K B MANAMELA

UNREVISED HANSARD

JOINT SITTING

Wednesday, 8 August 2012 Take: 103


Mr T D HARRIS

Mr K B MANAMELA: Hon Speaker, thank you, Members of Parliament, the scars of apartheid, racism, colonial exploitation and imperialist conquer of our society for centuries are more visible on women and young girls, especially black women. It is the scars that will live with our society for some time as long as we do not radically accelerate the change of systematic and underlying factors that brought them to the fore.

As Nelson Mandela proclaimed in 1994, and I quote:

Freedom cannot be achieved unless women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression ... unless we see in visible and practical terms that the condition of the women of our country has radically changed for the better, and that they have been empowered to intervene in all aspects of life as equals with any other member of society.

This radical change of the conditions of women, as instructed by Tata Mandela, should become the yardstick within which we measure the progress of our society towards freedom and change, as measured. Without the economic liberation of women in particular, South Africa will forever remain a society in bondage. On the home front, in the corporate sector, in the workplace and in our communities women still bear the brunt and consequences of a barbaric system that was designed by the architects of apartheid to lock them into perpetual poverty, unemployment and inequality for centuries to come.

As we speak of these challenges that face South Africa - and we need to urgently deal with these challenges - at the heart of absolute democracy and freedom lays the liberation of women, especially black women. The ANC's National Democratic Revolution, NDR, seeks to create a nonracist, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous society. It has intensified the economic and political liberation of our people as the interrelated tasks in the creation of such a society. The ANC has, since the 1950s, recognised, through struggles waged by women, that they are not children who should be recipients of freedom, but active participants in their own liberation.

Thus, in 1956, the Women's March against yet another attempt by the colonial regime to introduce the pass laws and impose influx control on women had to be fought by women, declared that they will stand shoulder to shoulder with their men folk in struggle to conquer oppression. The 20 000 marchers to the Union Building on 9 August that year, led by Ida Mntwana, Dora Tamana and Lillian Ngoyi, amongst others, and whose calibre are far much better than Helen Zille, are the women we celebrate today. They fought not only the racial consequences of pass laws, but also the economic consequences thereof.

I must hasten to express that, even today in the ANC, and within the alliance structures, there are women who are far better than Helen Zille, Patricia de Lille and Lindiwe Mazibuko; more so because we see the men behind them as opposed to women who are in leadership in the ANC who can independently stand for women's rights. We see the men behind the women who are occupying leadership positions in the DA; more so, those men are not even hidden. Those men are just here, sitting right behind Lindiwe Mazibuko and all times pointing to her, making sure that she sees where she must go. Those women are sitting behind Helen Zille in the Cabinet of the DA, pointing to her at all times where she must go and where she must not go. It proves the fact that the ANC's belief in women empowerment is not about tokenism nor window dressing or how hoarse your voice is nor what grand your hair style is, but it is about that which you represent. We hope that the DA will also learn from that.

These women understood that the imposition of pass laws and influx control, as proclaimed by the fiery Lillian Ngoyi at the march, would have consequences for their work and other economic activities. Post 1994, there has been a lot of economic rights that have been won by women as part of the transformative role and posture of the ANC government, as undertaken. As a result of the struggles waged by women and men under the leadership of the ANC alliance, we have witnessed since 1994, a lot of changes, including women from all walks of life and racial groups taking responsibilities as drivers of our economic and political life.

Today, the various legislators and the executive, as a result of political liberation, are filled with competent women whom the public have entrusted with the responsibility of effecting legislative and governance change in our society. Today women are at the helm of state-owned enterprises, SOEs, driving this change. In our communities, women remain at the bedrock within which family units survive as a result of them being drivers of the informal economy, as was the case in the past when their husbands and sons were locked in prison for unjust crimes as categorised by the apartheid system.

Within the family, women still perform unpaid labour and unrecognised productive work as characterised by our economy system, thus providing support for their factory-exploited husbands and school-going children.

One of the celebrated radical philosophers, Paulo Freire, wrote that:

In order for any struggle to have meaning, the oppressed must not, in seeking to regain their humanity, become, in turn, oppressors of the oppressors, but rather restorers of the humanity of both.

Freire understood the maxim which says, as we liberate ourselves, we also liberate those who oppress us from the same fear of oppression and the consequent violence that arises from oppression. Put simply, the struggle for the political, economic and gender liberation of women lies at the heart of the transformation, not only of women themselves, but also of the economic and social system that perpetuates human oppression and exploitation, and from their burden of oppressing and excluding women in society. The ANC has always characterised black women as being subjected to triple exploitation of patriarchy, class and racism at the family, community and corporate front.

As declared by the women delegates at the formation of the Federation of South African Women, Fedsaw, in 1953, in one of the first documented women's charters our country had, these evils of triple exploitation need not exist. The 1953 Women's Charter further declared that:

These evils exist because the society in which we live is divided into poor and rich; into non-European and European. They exist because there are privileges for the few, and discrimination and harsh treatment for the many.

This assertion of 1953 was reiterated by the women who met in 1990 at the Malibongwe Conference who declared, and I quote:

For decades, patriarchy, colonialism, racism and apartheid have subordinated and oppressed women within political, economic and social life.

As we speak of women economic emancipation, we cannot present women as part of one class of the excluded, the marginalised and the exploited. Women in different sectors of our society experience different forms of exploitation and abuse. To distinguish between these different forms of exploitation and abuse is not to disintegrate the struggles for political and economic emancipation of women, but to realise the extent of the work that needs to be done and what our priorities should be as legislators, government and the judiciary. In this house and in society in general, we have heard the consistent calls made against the ANC to forget the interconnectedness of the 300 years of colonialism and oppression, and merely focus on the last 18 years of ANC rule. [Applause.]

To insist that we should forget how systemic and institutionalised the oppression of women had been, and their exclusion from the economic system for 300 years, can merely serve the political opportunists of the day, particularly those who are wrongly seated on my left. If you ask, should women of this country - who remained marginalised in the economy because of apartheid, and through ultimate negotiations and compromises that brought it to the fore - not ask to forgo the inheritances you acquired and the wealth you have accumulated in the 300 years? If the past belongs in the past, with the accompanying pains and sufferings, why should you not forget the wealth that you acquired in that past, together with the joys and privileges you enjoyed in those years? But, alas, all the courage you have is only to ask our mothers and daughters to forget and to ignore their visible scars that brought about such wealth which you have accumulated.

Hon Harris speaks about numerous statistics. All of these statistics are as a result of the legacy of our apartheid past. If we are to forget all of these things, you are merely asking us to wipe out a history of 300 years and concentrate on the 18 years of ANC rule, which by the way has actually halved what the apartheid rulers could only achieve in 300 years. [Applause.] Today, women who had to walk hundreds of kilometres to fetch water have tap water. That in itself is an important economic intervention. Today, young girls who were excluded from the education system can rightly walk into school and be educated. That is because of the ANC's 18 years rule! Today, black and white women are chief executives and leaders in their own right in the various parastatals and private companies. That is as a result of ANC rule over tha lasy 18 years ... [Applause.] ... something which could not be achieved ever in the 300 years of colonial exploitation and imperialism! In fact, today, the opposition can have the confidence of electing a woman as its leader because of the 18 years of ANC rule. {Applause.] You must rather thank us instead of going to books to search for statistics and behaving as if this is a workshop. [Interjections.] From Google, of course! Yes!

When our mothers and daughters remember the colonial and apartheid rule, they do that not to apportion blame, but to explain the realities of unemployment, inequality and poverty brought to the fore by such a society. They have not foregone these realities, not because the ANC has failed, but because you have refused to forgo the wealth amassed after many years of apartheid rule. When they arise, there also arises the ghost of F W de Klerk, who realises that that which he thought was a trick, during the negotiation process, of protecting that wealth was amassed; when the ANC said we need radical, urgent and accelerated change in order to empower women economically, that ghost of F W De Klerk arose. That ghost - which we have seen for the last five years in the unity of the so-called DA - is awoken because it believes that that which it had secured in 1990 is actually under threat. The only way in which women can really be empowered is if we change the economic super structure of our country, and if we see the sun beginning to rise.

The current participation of women in our economy follows the historical patterns in the division of labour. Of course, there are women who are CEO's of companies, as listed in the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, JSE, but out of how many men can we count these women? Of course, there are also women in control of SOE's. And of course, that begs the same question: Out of how many men can we count women involvement? Many women, especially young black women, are destined for jobs in the catering, textiles, cleaning and domestic work as part of these historical patterns. We agree that women are the most exploited and the most excluded when it comes to unemployment, inequality and poverty levels. Admitting that on its own it is not enough though.

It means that there are certain interventions which the ANC-led government has been able to put to the fore. These include strengthening small and medium enterprises; active participation of women and not paying lip service to all of that; and strengthening women co-operatives - not only in cleaning, catering and domestic work, as one of the hon members from the DA tried to tell us, but strengthening women co-operatives in the commanding heights of the economy. There must be women co-operatives owning mines; as well as women co-operatives actively involved in industry, manufacturing and all those sectors. That is what we refer to when we refer to real economic empowerment for women. Some of those are the proposals contained in the New Growth Path, as adopted by the ANC and by this government.

Rural development focused on women empowerment and on agrarian reform as well. Of course, this would require that women should have access to land. Women should have access to implements in order to ensure that they contribute to the food security of our own country. That is at the centre of the ANC's rural development strategy. More importantly, we have to ensure collectively, without putting women as tokens, that women are in control and also in ownership of the economy of this country; particularly those women who had been historically oppressed.

When we talk about women support, we are not only referring to Caster Semenya winning a gold medal. By the way, there is so much support for Caster Semenya and many other women, as opposed to what some of the hon members, as hon J J Gunda, referred to, saying that this ANC government is not supporting Caster Semenya. In fact, there is more than R200 000 per month that is invested in the training of Caster Semenya at the University of Pretoria's High Performance Centre. For your information, if you did not know, Caster Semenya only qualified today for semi-finals. The finals are only on Saturday, and we wish her all the best, instead of blaming government for our pessimism of believing that she will never get the gold. We know that, like all other South African, she will get the gold that we all deserve and will be waiting for as she comes back. [Applause.]

Turning back to Paulo Freire, whom we spoke about earlier. He said that:

Only power that springs from the weakness of the oppressed will be sufficiently strong to free both. Any attempt to soften the power of the oppressor in deference to the weakness of the oppressed almost always manifests itself in the form of false generosity; indeed, the attempt never goes beyond this. In order to have the continued opportunity to express their generosity, the oppressors must perpetuate injustice as well.

And thus, the liberation of women cannot be, as declared by Almica Cabral, "an act of generosity". It cannot be an act of how many women are leading the opposition, even though those women are told that they are given a blank cheque to govern. [Interjections.]

Mr A WATSON: Hon Speaker, I rise on a point of order.

The SPEAKER: On what point are you rising, sir?

Isizulu:

Mnu K B MANAMELA: Ulunywa yiqiniso!

English:

Mr A WATSON: It is the second time that the speaker, hon Manamela, has referred to the Leader of the Opposition, attacking her integrity, saying she has no ability to think for herself. It is the second time I ask you to rule. I request that you do so now.

The SPEAKER: Hon member, please respect others. We do not want to cast aspersions. Please continue.

Mr K B MANAMELA: Just for the record, hon Speaker, the Leader of the Opposition is not the only leader of any political party; there are many other political parties and women leaders in this country. [Applause.] We must say that to see women as weak and incapable of liberating themselves and society from patriarchy, colonialism and racism and to regard women empowerment as an act of charity is wrong. As soon as women are mobilised, as was the case since time immemorial, and become a passionate motive force for their own liberation, they will bring an end to this "generosity" and usher in a new dispensation. I think what we expect, particularly as the ANC in this House, is for hon members not to - of course, I have listened to hon Joseph of the DA - say "mayibuye" means we will come back. I mean, we do not blame him because he is a victim of apartheid in as much as we also are victims of apartheid. He was denied his right to learn IsiZulu. After this meeting, we will tell him what "mayibuye" means.

What we expect of the opposition is not to only concentrate on how much traffic fines are being collected, or what the cost of the cars of the Ministers are, or the costs of travel, or whether they use blue lights or not, but to be concentrated and focused on real economic empowerment. What we expect of the opposition is not to bemoan the extent to which people all over the country, especially in the Western Cape, are dissatisfied with the level of service delivery. The ruling party in the Western Cape becomes an opposition and even open cases against our ANC Youth League. That is not what we expect from the opposition. We expect the opposition to be vigilant and not to be parading people due to their genders, but to be saying these are the challenges that confront our county and economy.

In conclusion and as Mahatma Gandhi declared:

To call woman the weaker sex is libel; it is man's injustice to woman. If by strength is meant brute strength, then, indeed, is woman less brute than man. If by strength is meant moral power, then woman is immeasurably man's superior.

Has she not greater intuition, is she not more self-sacrificing, has she not greater powers of endurance, has she not greater courage? Without her, man could not be. If nonviolence is the law of our being, the future is with woman. Who can make a more effective appeal to the heart than woman?

This is to our mothers and sisters, particularly in the ANC, the DA and everywhere in society, in all the opposition parties, to say to them, arise! The time is now for women economic emancipation. Thank you! [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The Speaker of the National Assembly adjourned the Joint Sitting at 16:43.


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