Hansard: Debate: IPU topic: Promoting & practising good governance as a means of advancing peace & security: Drawing lessons from recent events in Middle East & North Africa
House: National Assembly
Date of Meeting: 30 Aug 2011
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Minutes
UNREVISED HANSRD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Wednesday, 31 August 2011 Take: 527
WEDNESDAY, 31 AUGUST 2011
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
_________________________
The house met at 15:00.
The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
NOTICES OF MOTION
START OF DAY
NOTICES OF MOTION
Ms A M DREYER: Mr Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:
That this House-
(1) debates the levels of compliance by senior management service members across government, in terms of making their financial disclosures;
(2) what the response to those staff members should be who have not made disclosures; and
(3) to come up with measures to improve the situation.
Mr V V MAGAGULA
Ms A M DREYER
Mr V V MAGAGULA: Mr Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House debates how to improve the means test for the beneficiaries of the government grant. I thank you.
Mrs S V KALYAN
Mr V V MAGAGULA
Mrs S V KALYAN: Mr Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:
That this House debates the state of the preparations for Cop 17 in Durban, and measures, to ensure that all South Africans understand and embrace the importance of this significant event.
Mrs M N MDAKA
Mrs S V KALYAN
Mrs M N MDAKA: Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:
That the House debates the roles and contributions that the South African Parliament has made to the transformation of the Pan-African Parliament.
Mr A M MPONTSHANE
Ms M N MDAKA
Mr A M MPONTSHANE: Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:
That the House debates the process of appointing educators vis-à-vis the influence of unions in interviewing panels.
Ms M A MOLEBATSI
Mr A M MPONTSHANE
Ms M A MOLEBATSI: Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House debates mechanisms to improve the distribution to community libraries, including upgrading of existing libraries with new materials, information and communication infrastructure and internet access.
Prof L B G NDABANDABA
Ms M A MOLEBATSI
Prof L B G NDABANDABA: Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House debates how to device means in terms of which official languages are used in the courts, in order to enhance access to justice.
Dr Z LUYENGE
Prof L B G NDABANDABA
Dr Z LUYENGE: Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House debates how government can strengthen the relationship between traditional leadership structures to fast-track the implementation of rural development programmes.
MOTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE
NOTICES OF MOTION
40TH CELEBRATION OF KING GOODWILL ZWELITHINI'S REIGN IN KWAZULU-NATAL
(Draft Resolution)
The Deputy Chief Whip of the Majority Party moved without notice:
That the House–
(1) notes that King Goodwill Zwelithini celebrated the 40th year of his reign as the King of the Zulu nation over the weekend at the kwaCetshwayo amphitheatre, near uLundi in KwaZulu-Natal;
(2) further notes that King Zwelithini is the only Zulu monarch to rule for more than four decades;
(3) acknowledges the role the King has played in bringing about peace and stability as well as unifying the people of KwaZulu-Natal;
(4) recognises the sterling work the King is doing in the fight against HIV/Aids, which has devastated many rural areas in that province, as well as his role in the promotion of circumcision among young men; and
(5) wishes King Goodwill Zwelithini many more prosperous years.
Agreed to.
Mr M J ELLIS
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY
NATIONAL ALBINISM MONTH
(Draft Resolution)
Mr M J Ellis moved without notice:
That the House-
(1) notes that 1 to 30 September 2011 is National Albinism Month;
(2) further notes that during this month the Department of Health provides information to help eliminate discrimination against people living with albinism;
(3) acknowledges that individuals living with albinism are still discriminated against and that many misconceptions with respect to albinism still exist; and
(4) urges South African citizens to respect individuals living with albinism and to eliminate discrimination.
Agreed to.
Mrs S V KALYAN
Mr M J ELLIS
RHINO POACHING
(Draft Resolution)
Mrs S V Kalyan moved without notice:
That the House–
(1) notes that since the beginning of 2011, 279 rhinos have been killed by poachers in South Africa;
(2) further notes that at this trajectory the total number of rhinos poached in South Africa this year will exceed the already alarmingly high figure of 333 rhinos killed by poachers in 2010;
(3) condemns the acts of poaching and all people complicit in these acts;
(4) acknowledges the statement by the Minister of Water and Environmental Affairs on 30 August 2011 about government's efforts to reduce poaching in South Africa and further acknowledges that the response to poaching is multi-faceted;
(5) urges the governments of countries to which rhino horns obtained through poaching are being exported to take stronger measures to prevent the import of rhino horns;
(6) calls upon the Minister and the MECs for Environment and Conservation to further step up their efforts to curb rhino poaching; and
(7) calls upon all South Africans to report to the police any activities that may be linked to the abhorrent practice of rhino poaching.
Agreed to.
Mr M J ELLIS
Mrs S V KALYAN
MUSCULAR DYSTROPHY AWARENESS
(Draft Resolution)
Mr M J Ellis moved without notice:
That the House–
(1) notes that September is the 37th Muscular Dystrophy Month;
(2) further notes that this month focuses on widespread educational campaigns to raise awareness about this disease;
(3) recognises that 1 in every 1 200 people in the world suffers from this or related disorders; and
(4) calls upon the Department of Health to distribute information on this disease and ensure that the services, namely transportation, disability grants and counselling will be offered to those living with this disorder.
Agreed to.
FIRST ORDER
MOTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE
PROMOTING AND PRACTISING GOOD GOVERNANCE AS A MEANS OF ADVANCING PEACE AND SECURITY: DRAWING LESSONS FROM RECENT EVENTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
(Debate on Inter-Parliamentary Union Topic)
Mr K B MANAMELA: Hon Speaker and hon Members of Parliament, Kofi Annan, the former United Nations Secretary-General, declared that "good governance is perhaps the single most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development".
According to the United Nations Development Programme, the generic principles that enshrine good governance are democracy, effective public sector institutions, the rule of law, a strong and popular peoples' participation in decision-making and management of public resources for the benefit of all.
The uprisings in what was later to be dubbed the Arab Spring echoed the absence of all these factors in Middle East and North African states. Many of these states lacked popular democratic participation of the people in electing their leaders into powerful political positions, the role being taken by army-generals or the royal elite.
In some instances, the role of the public sector was relegated to service the ruling and middle classes of the concerned countries rather than for the collective development of all the people.
Many of the countries opened their doors to imperial plunder by their former colonies because of their precolonial history. The result of this, given this scramble for survival and human development, were foreign financed civil wars or stage managed elections in order to remove the unelected and corrupt classes throughout the region, every decade, since the 1930s.
The absence of strong popular participation by the people through their own mass formations resulted in the silent crashing of any political descent and the exile of agitators of democracy, as was the case in Egypt and Algeria.
The political conservatism in this region was also supported by a regional block of the Arab League, which offered the inter-regional solidarity as it relates to their class interests, economic, political needs and isolation, which was in most instances at the whim and demand by the United States and the European Union countries.
Most of these economies, with abundance in oil reserves, became the outposts of energy, hungry western and northern economies also served as protectorates for Israel against all those who sought to create a collective Arab state and liberate, in particular, the people of Palestine from its occupation.
They, like thirsty nomads, swallowed every neoliberal prescription from the International Monetary Fund, IMF, and the World Bank as they've privatised key sectors of industry and opened their markets for foreign plunder.
The region will forever remain the jewel of the North and the West, as long as its location allows both powers the will to continue with their global domination.
Who would have known that what was initially a random killing of a young educated vendor, Khaled Said, by hired thugs on the payroll of Egyptian police mid last year, would have triggered public protests and ultimately the overthrow of long-serving dictators in Egypt and Tunisia, and sustained mass pressure in Syria, Jordan, Morocco and Bahrain?
The opening of the Facebook account, aptly titled, "We are all Khaled Said", by Wael Ghonim, a Google executive based in Dubai, suddenly erupted into a massive political interests and action in both Tunisia and Egypt, and ultimately, the entire Middle East and North Africa were covered with unrest. This reaction was not merely a revenge for Said's death or adventure to realise what many had professed on the social network. Many of the protestors were responding to the failure of economic policies and the global economic crisis. There were also collective victims of unrepentant power mongers who sought to hand over power from generation to generation.
Although they identified themselves with Khaled, they also borrowed the past civil and anticolonial war battle cries for change. They were also determined in their calls for democracy, liberty and economic freedom.
Although we have seen three heads of states being crushed two by popular uprisings and one through intervention by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Nato, forces as in Libya, others such as Morocco, Jordan and Bahrain are holding on for dear power assisted openly by the United States, France and Britain.
It is well known that the three countries' foreign policies are aimed at defending any government that seeks to protect its own political and economic interests. That is why, for instance, Mubarak and Ben Ali, were not removed five or ten years earlier, when they assumed office, but stayed in the office because they were protected by those whom protected their economic and political interests.
Unlike in the governments wherein their economic and political power are threatened, such as in Chile with Allende, Guatemalan Arbeniz, Haiti's Aristide and several others, including Cuba's Castro and Venezuelan Chavez, many people in the Western and Northern powers insisted on removing all these people if they threaten their economic or political stability in those regions.
In the case of Indonesia, for instance, we saw the rise of Suharto, the rise of Pinochet in Chile, army-generals in Argentina and various other dictatorships that were facilitated by Western and Northern powers. This became the case even in the intervention of Nato forces with regards to the Middle East and North African interventions.
Whilst police killed thousands of protesters in Egypt, Morocco or Bahrain, in Libya, the so-called armed rebels or so-called armed civil protestors were assisted by Nato forces in order to find Gaddafi dead or alive. This is consistent, in our view, with the foreign policies of both the North and the West in ensuring that it only protects those whom are willing and able to protect their economic hold in those particular regions.
The US President Barack Obama issued various statements, including a declaration of war against Gaddafi and an ultimatum for his removal or resignation. The International Criminal Court, ICC, pronounced that they will prosecute him. Whereas in the case, for instance, of Mubarak, there is no mentioned of ICC or expropriation of his wealth, which was in Britain, and of any external intervention in terms of his prosecution. These are the inconsistencies, which we are talking about, with regards to interventions and impositions of good governance in that particular area of the world.
One of the most interesting and striking examples is how the multinationals intervened actively to aid the rebels in Libya, whereas some of the formalised powers such as France openly assisted countries such as Egypt, Bahrain, Morocco to ensure that they quell the protests which were there, in their particular countries.
Of course, people rose up because they were tired of dictators who stayed in office for 40 years; who used the resources of their economies for their own personal accumulation; who elected their own predecessors, who quashed or crushed any popular movements; who disrespected the respect of law or the rule of law; who ensured that no public institutions served the will of the people; and who, unlike in many instances in our countries where civil societies are allowed to be heard, where NGOs can freely express themselves, where trade unions goes to the streets and protest for wage demands or formal worker rights, where the bourgeoisies or the business people are allowed to go on investments strike and where all these rights are enshrined as in South Africa. In many of those areas, these particular rights were not accorded. We applaud the revolts by people in those areas for having removed all those dictators.
We should completely condemn any external intervention, particularly by imperialist forces whose intentions was to protect their own interests as was the case in Libya. And, we have to put emphasis, particularly, especially because South Africa's policy of nonintervention includes and encourages discussions or a discourse whereby all parties involved, in all those countries, engage and shape the future of their own countries.
What we see now, unfortunately - maybe a case wherein the forces that united behind Khaled Said - may not be the actual benefactors of the democratic dispensation in Egypt, Tunisia and in the entire Middle East. Those are some of the things in which we believe that our government need to play a role in ensuring that the actual people such as the workers, the poor and the general populace in those countries become the benefactors of a democratic dispensation. Those countries do not remain the outposts for Northern and Western powers as they continue with their global dominance.
Therefore, in our view, calls against authoritarianism and dictatorship, including calls for democracy and good governance, will become nothing for the peoples of that region, if all these things that we said are still continuing.
What are the lessons for us? Firstly, as South Africa, there is a lesson in terms of the foreign policy. We have maintained a policy of nonintervention where there are conflicts and we have sought to export the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, Codesa, model of discussions amongst warring parties. When Brittain's finger was itching to pull the trigger on Zimbabwe and that of France on Ivory Coast, we offered to mediate and negotiate and even presented a platform for democratic prosperity.
Where these were not ignored, years of facilitation ultimately yielded fruits, as was the case in Sudan. But, in instances where the former colonisers lost their patience, they deployed skilled military interventions, as was the case with Ivory Coast and Libya.
Secondly, as a country, we have to protect the institutions that insulate our sustained democracy. We have just held successful local government elections, where in all citizens have the right to vote for their local representatives and institutions such as the Constitutional Court whose intentions are to protect and advance the interest of our democracy.
What we have seen in the past had been opportunistic attacks, for instance, on the ANC or any of its allies when they expressed political objective objections on some of the rulings, for instance, of the courts. But, today, we hear people standing on pulpits of moral high grounds, wanting to declare themselves as the sole criticisers of, for instance, Judge Mogoeng Mogoeng, given whatever his strengths or weaknesses are. [Applause.] But, we are not afforded that opportunity and right to say that which we think as it relates, for instance, to judges and magistrates and their judgement. Many of them have made far worse judgements compared to Judge Mogoeng Mogoeng. [Applause.] But, here in South Africa, we have the right to do that.
As we have seen in all those Middle Eastern countries and as the Editorial of the New Left Review declared, and I quote:
Everything began with the death in despair of a pauperised vegetable vendor, in a small provincial town in the hinterland of Tunisia. Beneath the commotion, now shaking the Arab world have been volcanic social pressures: polarisation of incomes, rising food prices, lack of dwellings, massive unemployment of educated and uneducated youth, amid a demographic pyramid without parallel in the world.
If we do not deal with the unemployment crisis amongst young people, we may see what is happening in the Middle East erupting in our own country. If young people are without jobs; if the economic ownership and control of our country is untransformed; if 6% of white males, who are still at the helm of our economy and the majority continues to be excluded, we will see what is happening in the Middle Easte. Thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr K S MUBU
Mr K B MANAMELA
Mr K S MUBU: Mr Speaker, hon members, today's debate on the topic of "Promoting and practising good governance as a means of advancing peace and security: drawing lessons from the recent events in Middle East and North Africa", comes at a time when we, the citizens of this continent, should actually be hanging our heads in shame, because the events of the past months had been about nothing but poor governance.
From the events in Tunisia, Algeria, Ivory Coast, Zimbabwe and, most recently, in Malawi, Swaziland and Libya, the operative word or underlying factor has been good governance having been compromised by those who have been entrusted with the responsibility of promoting and practising good governance.
Mr Speaker, according to the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, good governance is described as, "The process of decision-making and a process by which the decisions are implemented or not implemented". On the other hand, bad governance is regarded as one of the root causes of evil within our societies. For example, today major donors and international financial institutions are basing their aid and loans on the condition that reforms that ensure good governance are undertaken by recipients of such aid.
Perhaps the question that we should be asking ourselves is what constitutes good governance. Mr Speaker, there are so many definitions of what makes good governance but for the purposes of this short speech, I would like to say good governance involves the following: It is when elected officials perform effectively through clearly defined roles; or, secondly, when those who are entrusted with governing, promote acceptable and ethical norms and values. Thirdly, good governance is when leaders take informed and transparent decisions affecting the masses of the people – that is good governance. Fourthly, good governance is when public officials engage stakeholders, and I want to emphasise stakeholders, and make accountability real and not a joke. Mr Speaker, a joke is told of President Mugabe when he was advised that he should involve stakeholders in the process of discussing political reforms in Zimbabwe. He said that the problem with involving stakeholders is that they take the stick and leave us with the bombs. [Laughter.]
Mr Speaker, the debate around good governance in Africa has never really been a major topic of discussion in my view, until probably recently when the upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa erupted. I also believe that in the early years of Africa's independence, good governance was never a serious issue for majority debate, because the avenues and platforms for such discussions either never existed or were brutally suppressed by those in positions of authority. This probably explains why many African dictators and tyrants such as Idi Amin, Macias Nguema, Kamuzu Banda, Jean Bédel Bokassa, Mobuto Sese Seko, Sékou Touré, Sani Abacha and many others managed to hold onto power for so long. This is because they were not accountable to anyone but themselves, their cronies and their families.
The dawn of democracy on our continent, as witnessed by the second revolution of 1990s, awakened many of us Africans to a new reality that the founding fathers of our independence were not necessarily correct by undermining good governance. The 1990s therefore proved that the one party-state system and dictatorship in general had reached their sell-by dates. In some countries, such as Zambia for example, the one party system was used as an excuse for uniting people of various tribes, but it was evil in many ways.
Today, young, charismatic and educated Africans want to see a new Africa emerge from the postcolonial era of the Big Man. Democracy was experiencing its rebirth in Africa once again. The recent events in North Africa and in the Middle East, in my view, Mr Speaker, signify the third revolution, or as they say in the Shona language of Zimbabwe, "the Third Chimurenga". It has shown that Africans can no longer tolerate or allow dictators to run roughshod or amok in our countries. President Barack Obama once said that Africa needs strong institutions of democracy and good governance and not strong men. There is no place for strong men in Africa.
The now defunct Organisation of Africa Unity and its successor, the African Union, AU, have been a major disappointment to the people of this continent. For example, in the Libyan debacle, not to mention Zimbabwe or the Ivory Coast, the AU has proved again that it is a shambles. Instead of blaming itself for mishandling the situation in Libya, the AU set out to blaming North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Nato, for intervening militarily in that country. As far as I am concerned, that is very hypocritical. While Gaddafi was killing his people, the AU was busy constructing what I will call a gravel road map for a so-called political resolution of the conflict.
Former President Thabo Mbeki, in my view, seems to have suddenly gathered enough courage to condemn the so-called North African despots, and he was reported in last Sunday newspaper as saying:
Both of them, Ben Ali of Tunisia and Mubarak, held on to these positions through what were described as democratic elections. The reality however is that these elections were not democratic by any stretch of the imagination, and therefore both presidents and the groups they had led clung to power by resorting to other means, which deliberately sought to frustrate the will of the people.
Mr Speaker, if I were to meet former President Mbeki today, I would ask him the following questions: Where was he when these dictators were committing these atrocities? What did he do to ensure that they did not cling to power unnecessarily as he reportedly said? Wasn't he attending the AU summits and other heads of states meetings where these dictators were present? Why didn't voice out his displeasure at the time? Has he now found enough courage from the safety of the political wilderness to speak so eloquently against these dictators? [Interjections.]
As a former President of this country, I think Mr Mbeki toasted some of these leaders whom he now condemns, but at the time, he never raised a finger against what he now calls illegitimate and corrupt governments. [Applause.]
What lessons can we learn from these recent events? In my view, these are the first lessons we have to learn. Firstly, opposition cohesion is very important and, at the same time, a capable leader or leaders who can unify various elements is important in winning people's support. The second lesson is that the disposition of the military is crucial. In Africa, and in particular in sub-Saharan Africa, we know that the military has been a wild card in the game of political transition. Whether army officers remained loyal to the incumbent or defected to the opposition had a decisive impact on the course of political events. Zimbabwe is a very good example. The military can either prop up an illegitimate regime or can help to remove it.
Authoritarian regimes are most susceptible to reform when domestic pressure and international pressure converge, as in the case of Libya and Egypt. Also, protest movements usually originate within civil society. As we have seen in North Africa and in the Middle East, civil society is a very important and powerful tool for political reforms. We should therefore never underestimate the role of civil society in the life of our nations on this continent.
Finally, Mr Speaker, the biggest lesson I think we can draw from these events is that the people of Africa and the Middle East are fed up with dictators and tyrants. The time for change is now. Leaders can no longer take people's will for granted. It is time for dictators to shape up or ship out. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr L RAMATLAKANE
Mr K S MUBU
Mr L RAMATLAKANE: Speaker, hon members, I rise to offer some views in this debate that I considere very important. As members of the South African democratic Parliament we have the collective responsibility to speak loudly on these matters to the world and on behalf of our continent.
Allow me to digress a moment to talk about a critical matter. The weaknesses that we are experiencing in Parliament as a focus group is that there is little effort that is being put in place for co-ordination and making sure that international matters are co-ordinated and engaged. Those who are entrusted with this job are dropping the ball big time and urgent measures are required on this particular front.
In 2009, President Barack Obama said in Egypt:
I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose.
Good governance includes accountability, transparency, efficiency, effectiveness, responsiveness, forward vision and the rule of law. These elements form the guiding compass which the nations of the world are losing and striving for. The practice of good government is the only way to sustain peace and security in the world.
The lesson drawn from the recent event demonstrates beyond the shadow of a doubt that the wave of democratisation is sweeping through the world. People of affected nations have therefore chosen democracy and not autocracy.
The matter of good governance should always ensure that government strives to produce quality product output, including service delivery to citizens at the best cost and to ensure that outputs meet the original intention of the policy-makers.
Forward vision is the government's direct ability to anticipate the future of the problems based on the current data and trends. Policy must therefore take into account future course and therefore anticipate economic, environmental and demographic change.
For the National Parliament it is critical that we continuously engage in this debate determining the direction against all things that undermine good governance nationally and intentionally. It must be understood that the requirements of basics needs of the citizens, if not fulfilled, leads to discontent. No amount of suppression can last forever.
We must realise that food price, everyday living and increasing the inequality gap remains a breeding ground for revolts. However, it is important to note that we must guard and protect the interests of our nations against the underlying interests of external forces that do not serve our collective nation state.
In pursuit of natural resources such as oil some nations show a complete disregard for good governance and democracy. The popular uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa have alarmed and reminded many governments around the world that accountability, good and proper governance is of utmost importance.
Autocracy, poverty, underdevelopment, unemployment and corrupt rule have contributed to the social uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa. We should learn from these lessons. It has shown us that the citizens of the world need full participation in the affairs of their respective countries. We must always be the advocates of democracy across the nation states.
This brings me to the initiative that was driven and championed by our country in a continent in the form of the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad. We must show that this Nepad process was of course a foresight designed to ensure that the policies and practices of countries conform to the political, economic and corporate governance values, codes, and standards as contained in the Nepad declaration.
As I conclude, as Parliament we must drive the agenda that we should become the prime mover of the centrepiece for Nepad process for the socioeconomic development of Africa. We must ensure that Parliament's voice is always heard on the side of the people, the citizens and the voiceless poor of the country in the world and in our continent. [Time expired.]
Mr M B SKOSANA
Mr L RAMATLAKANE
Mr M B SKOSANA: Mr Speaker and hon members, the big question of the day is: will the revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa eventually translate into peace, security and democracy for the people of this region?
Maximilien Robespierre said the following about the revolution, "a revolution is just a crime destroying another crime". Bear that in mind.
The manner in which events in Libya eventually turned out should have taught South Africa and the African Union that Africa tried in vain to play in the rough league where might is right and where national interests are paramount, eternal and perpetual; just to paraphrase British foreign secretary, Lord Palmerston.
In particular, where the powerful nations of the world sense that they will be adversely affected, the option of the African Union, AU, calling for an inter-Libyan political dialogue became a lost cause the minute the United States, US, France and Britain called for regime change in Libya.
Effective representative democracy and strong co-operation among parliaments and parliamentarians of the world cannot happen freely in the atmosphere of regional and international conflicts.
The causation of the international conflicts is invariably connected with the national and regional geopolitical dynamics where parliamentarians operate and where most of the world conflicts have their roots and are anchored.
The Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, must therefore encourage regional and national parliaments to forsake the umbrage of innocence and change the paradigm that holds the view that conflict resolution is the monopoly of the head of the state and the executive, with the exclusion of the role Parliament and parliamentarians must play.
In the end, it is the constituencies of the parliamentarians that are turned into theatres of conflict where men, women and children die and many more are displaced.
Parliament is where good governance, a true multiparty system, democratic elections, lasting peace and sustainable social and economic justice must be promoted.
It is therefore rational within the context of the IPU mandate to call upon the Pan-African Parliament to establish a standing parliamentary peace organ to engage the parliament of Israel, the Palestinian Legislative Council, the parliament of Zimbabwe, and the parliament of Swaziland, among other parliaments on the African continent where conflict and political instability have become the order of the day, just to assist in bringing about peace, security, political stability, democracy and development. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr H T MAGAMA
Mr M B SKOSANA
Mr H T MAGAMA: Speaker, hon members, as the topic suggests, the practise of good governance can and should be a catalyst for advancing peace and security, without which the world will descend into perpetual chaos. This also implies, therefore, that good governance can, indeed, effectively be used as an instrument for achieving the developmental and poverty eradication challenges faced by countries.
There are lessons to be learnt from the seismic shifts in the political environment in the North and in parts of the Middle East. These developments are cause for concern, and demand visionary and selfless leadership able to manage the fluid situation and transform it into a lasting peace. These uprisings, hon members, offer important lessons which we must seriously reflect upon and devise appropriate responses to, in tandem with the African Union's twinned mission of promoting peace and security, and fostering democracy across the continent.
There are striking similarities across the Middle East and North Africa. Though this region is not homogenous, it has religious and cultural commonalities. Glaringly, in all these states facing popular uprising, there has been a tradition of, amongst others, authoritarian and extended leadership terms; emergency laws or police states which prohibited political activity and had no constitutions; strong military support for presidents and leaders who enjoyed support from the West in the fight against terrorism and the West's pursuit of other geopolitical and strategic interest; the tendency towards hereditary succession; appallingly poor human rights records; restricted political participation and brutal repression of political activities; media censorship; dire economic situations characterised by high youth unemployment, which in turn resulted in a lack of resource distribution at the lower levels of society; a high level of unemployed graduates; widespread corruption amongst the ruling elite; and high food and fuel prices.
Popular participation in economic recovery and development has been increasingly recognised by the AU, including the United Nations system. The Economic Commission for Africa, ECA, in one such effort, has been at the forefront of the good governance debate, repeatedly pointing out the centrality of governance factors underlying the contemporary African predicament and stressing the interrelationship between good governance and sustained economic development. The
ECA has maintained that reconstituted, proactive, democratised developmental states hold the best prospects for the region's recovery and development.
Good governance has also been a topic of discussion in the international arena since the 1980s, particularly following the adverse results of the International Monetary Fund's, IMF, structural adjustment programmes.
Recently in Africa, the issue of good governance has been recognised and articulated to have an intrinsic link with human development, including poverty reduction. In the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, African leaders recognised that the process of achieving economic growth and development is heavily influenced by a considerable number of political factors, including economic, corporate and political governance as a prerequisite for sustained development. The Nepad framework also recognises that for African public institutions to function effectively, considerable reform and capacity-building are necessary.
The AU has adopted a number of instruments on human rights, governance, democracy, disarmament, terrorism, and good neighbourliness, which put forward a consolidated framework of norms and principles, whose observance would considerably reduce the risk of conflict and violence on the continent.
The slow implementation of the provisions in the relevant AU instruments, particularly those relating to the promotion of democracy, good governance, free and fair elections, human rights and justice remain a major challenge. Adherence to these instruments will contribute towards creating conditions conducive to socioeconomic development.
The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa, Mena, region prove that institutional reforms are indeed necessary, and that focus needs to be placed on strengthening parliamentary oversight, administrative and civil service capacities, promoting participatory democracy and decision-making, and adopting effective measures to combat corruption and funds embezzlement and to push for judicial reforms.
This Parliament has ratified the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, signalling a clear commitment from South Africa to subject itself to these values. It is incumbent upon our country to engage our Southern African Development Community, SADC, sister countries to also ratify this critical instrument.
The newly created state of South Sudan faces the enormous challenges of the nonexistence of institutions to support its new-found democracy and deliver much-needed services to its people. This is a prerequisite for the creation and consolidation of a strong, democratic and viable state that is able to deliver to its citizens.
In this context, we salute South Africa for her role in helping the people of South Sudan with, amongst other things, the tedious task of capacitating its civil service to create viable, effective and efficient institutions of governance. The same holds true for South Africa's efforts in doing the same in other countries such as Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
I want to caution though, that, while good governance is a crucial element of the democratic and developmental character of the state, it is, by and in itself, not a universal remedy that will cure the deep-seated inequalities, poverty and underdevelopment so pervasive on the African continent. It is an unassailable fact that a self-perpetuating and parasitic relationship exists between poverty and conflict. Where armed conflict is widespread, poverty is entrenched and sustainable development becomes impossible. Conversely, in countries where poverty increases, the risk of instability and violence grows comparatively. Our analysis, therefore, is that poverty and underdevelopment are threats to stability, democracy and peace.
To this end, civil society has an important role to play as well, by building a broad coalition of forces against poverty and underdevelopment, by nurturing democracy and by pursuing good governance. Parliamentarians and their relevant committees should actively exercise their oversight role over executive action through periodic investigations, reviews, hearings, etc. Particular attention should be paid to assessing government effectiveness and efficiency against agreed goals such as the Millennium Development Goals.
Africa must work hard to enhance the culture of free and fair elections in Africa and the Middle East. The people's faith and confidence in public institutions must be enhanced through regular elections, transparent, free and fair electoral processes, and credible institutions that support democracy and the rule of law such as parliaments, electoral commissions, the police, impartial judicial institutions and others.
Countries must tackle potential and raging conflicts in a timely and peaceful manner through established national, regional or continental frameworks for conflict management and reconciliation.
In this context, South Africa remains committed to the advancement of the African agenda as the central pillar of her foreign policy outlook, with it constituting the basis of her engagement with the rest of the world. We do this, recognising that South Africa is an integral part of the African continent and that South Africa's national interest is inextricably linked to and best served through Africa's stability, unity, peace and prosperity.
Now, hon members, let me quickly respond to what hon Mubu has raised. The hon member made the point that Africa should hang its head in shame. I cannot strongly disagree with you, hon member. It is those, hon members, who deceived the world, who broke the trust that the community of nations put in them by pursuing a regime-change policy, instead of pursuing the protection of civilians, which, in fact, was the mandate of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Nato, forces in Libya.
Our engagement with the matter in Libya has always been on the issue of the protection of civilians. You see, civilians cannot be protected by being bombed. Through Nato bombings in Libya, more damaged is done. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Order! Order!
Mr H T MAGAMA: The AU proposed a road map which sought to deal with the conflict in that country through peaceful means. The fact of the matter is that you perhaps may not agree with how the AU wanted approach the matter, but you cannot substitute a peaceful resolution for war. That, you cannot do. [Applause.]
There lies a greater danger in countries abusing UN resolutions to pursue a war against heads of state which threatens their own geopolitical and strategic interests ... [Applause.] ... as opposed to finding a comprehensive political solution to the problems facing that country. In fact, as we speak, the AU has made the point very clear that, after bombing Gaddafi into submission, the problems of Libya have not been solved. You still need the political solution that will bring all the warring parties together. It is short-sighted to think that you can resolve the problems of a country by sending warplanes to kill people en masse. I thank you so much. [Applause.]
Mr C P MULDER
Mr H T MAGAMA
Dr C P MULDER: Hon Speaker, it's interesting to listen to the hon Magama and his concern about civilians, but I did not hear the ANC being concerned about the civilians when they were brutalised by the Mugabe in Zimbabwe. [Interjections.]
Speaker, I think we all agree that the promotion and practice of good governance is definitely a means of advancing peace and security. But, surely, that can't be the full reply or full answer to the question, because if that was the case we should look at which government in the world has the best governance and then ask them to rule the world – it doesn't work that way.
The hon Manamela spent some time talking about the Western and the Northern powers, but, once again, he also didn't say a single word about Zimbabwe and what's happening there – no concern, nothing. Protecting Zimbabwe once again. The problem is that maybe we differ in terms of what democracy means and, at some stage, we should talk about it.
The other problem is that if one person governs like Gaddafi over 99 others, then it is dictatorship and the world says it's wrong. If 10 people govern over 90 people, that is hypocrisy. That is also wrong. [Interjections.] Oh, please keep quiet!
The SPEAKER: Order! Order hon members!
Dr C P MULDER: But, if 51 govern over 49, then you say that's democracy. Then it is perfect, no problem, nothing wrong. I'm telling you that the 51 may be the best government ever. But, just maybe, the 49 doesn't want to be governed by the 51. That's an outdated concept of democracy and we have to look again at what democracy really means. In the last couple of seconds, I want to caution the hon member to stop blaming the minority.
The SPEAKER: Order, order, hon JJ!
Dr C P MULDER: Hon Speaker, could you please ask Mr Jeffery to behave himself?
Dr C P MULDER: In the last seconds, I want to caution the member that it is a very dangerous thing to blame the minorities in this country for the failures of this government. It's not minorities that are responsible for corruption in South Africa. [Interjections.] It's not minorities that are responsible for the fact that 95% ...
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Let the speaker be heard! [Interjections.]
Dr C P MULDER: It's not the fault of commercial farmers or minorities that 95% of all transferred successful commercial farms have failed. It's not the fault of big business or minorities or anybody else that this government has failed to create jobs and that we've got a large number of people out there who are jobless. You've got to take responsibility for your own failures, and then, maybe, one day you can be able to say that you are trying to work towards good governance. [Interjections.]
Mrs C DUDLEY
Dr C P MULDER
Mrs C DUDLEY: Speaker, the desire for more freedom, dignity and decent employment has been growing steadily in the Middle East and North African region. Now that existing power relationships have been shredded, the need for mechanisms for good governance and the resolution of remaining tensions are critical.
In Libya, there are no mechanisms in place at all to even begin to address ongoing tensions or the increasingly desperate humanitarian situation. The ACDP calls on the African Union, AU, and African leaders to focus on supporting the Libyan people in rebuilding their country and their lives and we support offers by South Africa to assist in the drafting of a constitution to put such mechanisms in place.
We are also encouraged by the release of funds facilitated by the United Nations Security Council, which we hope will significantly ease the hardships currently being endured by the people of Libya. An all-inclusive transition to peace, unity and democracy is likely to be a long and very hard road.
While the ACDP supports legitimate aspirations of the people in North Africa and the Middle East for democracy, justice, peace and security, we are aware that many forces are at work in what has been dubbed the Arab Spring. Commentators say that the budding of democracy may not be the full story or even a significant part of the story. North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's, Nato, intervention in Libya, for example, is believed by many to have had more to do with Gaddafi's plan to launch a gold dinar and sink the United States, US, dollar than the protection of people under attack from their own leader.
Others like Dr Walid Phares have cautioned that true secular reformers could be outmanoeuvred and marginalised by the Muslim Brotherhood throughout the region. While masses, and particularly real revolutionary youth, were exploding against dictators from Egypt to Libya and Yemen to Syria, Islamist networks were said to be systematically climbing the ladder of each national revolt.
Regardless of the complexities, promoting and practising good governance as a means of advancing peace and security is key in the Middle East and North Africa, just as it is anywhere else in the world. It is also imperative that the people in any country assume full ownership of their own future and resist becoming dependent on others. Thank you.
Mrs M N MATLADI
Mrs C DUDLEY
Mrs N MATLADI: Motlotlegi Mmusakgotla [Hon Speaker], there are many inferences and lessons that a person or a government can draw from what has happened in the Middle East and North Africa. I'm of the opinion that we need not intellectualise this debate, but, rather, break it down to basics of governance in a democratic state. Although there well may have been influence of third parties or the West to be exact, as alleged by some, it is important for any entity to sweep its own side of the floor before it starts allocating blame.
Governance is a manner and style in which government relates and interacts with the society it governs. There are four suggested pillars that can be used as a measure of whether governance is good or bad: the degree of trust in government, the degree of responsiveness in the relationship between government and civil society, the government's degree of accountability to its voters, and the nature of the authority that the government exercises over its society.
We, as Parliament, have a role to play in terms of ensuring that proper legislation and policies that articulate the four stated pillars are in place. I dare say that we are, thus far, playing that role well. However, we are lagging behind in our oversight role as it has not translated to a more accountable government.
The state has a responsibility to protect, regulate, develop, maintain and sustain its citizens, bearing in mind the availability of resources. In paper and in theory, Parliament holds government accountable. We purport to do that through various committees. If we do this effectively and efficiently, then the million dollar questions are as follows: Why do we continue to see service delivery protests in each and every province? Why do we continue to read of senior public officials entangled in corrupt activities? Why has violence by our police force against civilians and vice versa increased?
If we are to maintain peace and security, and seek to avoid a repeat of what happened in North Africa, we, as Parliament, need to ensure and strengthen our oversight role and hold government truly accountable to us and to the electorate. I thank you.
Ms C C SEPTEMBER
MRS N M MATLADI
Ms C C SEPTEMBER: Hon Speaker, hon members, let us reiterate again today, when the visitors leave North Africa, when the visitors leave the Middle East, it will be the Africans that will still have to solve the problems of the African continent.
In 1986, a Kenyan scholar, Ali Mazrui, called for a metaphorical bridge across the Red Sea that would reintegrate Africa with Arabia several million years after a natural cataclysm tore the Arabian Peninsula from the rest of Africa. He noted that, just as in the view of continental Pan-Africanists, the Sahara Desert is a sea of communication linking states below it with their neighbours above the desert. So, the Red Sea could become a similar bridge. Mazrui also noted that, until the 1950s, Emperor Haile Selassie had officially located Ethiopia as part of the Middle East rather than Africa, before re-Africanising the country, like Egypt's Nasser.
How can South Africa, a developmental South African foreign policy, build bridges between North Africa and the Horn and the rest of the continent? It is maybe important to reiterate - for those, again, who do not understand the premise where we move from - what we said before 1994 and what we continue to say: the essence of the ANC-led government in South Africa's foreign policy is to promote and protect the interests and values of its citizens. We pride ourselves on a commitment to peace and to human dignity in the far corners of the globe. We recognise, however, that the security of our people and their yearning for a nonracial, nonsexist democracy also lies close to the foreign policy of a democratic South Africa. Furthermore, it will actively promote the objectives of democracy, peace, stability, development and mutually beneficial relations amongst the people of Africa, as a whole, as well as Pan-African solidarity.
South Africa's viewpoints reflect our domestic character – a constitutional state bound by the rule of law. Why does it have to be different when it comes to the other parts of Africa? The events described in a recent editorial in The Guardian, "Ten days that shook the world", spread from Tunisia to Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, Djibouti and Morocco. It was a revolution sparked by the self-immolation of the heroic street vendor in Tunisia. It has erupted throughout the Middle East and affected the international community.
It has strengthened our resolve and belief, as the ANC, to continue to reiterate the following: a belief in and a preoccupation with human rights which extend beyond the political, embracing the economic, social and environmental; a belief that just and lasting solutions to the problems of humankind can only come through the promotion of democracy worldwide; a belief that justice and international law should guide the relations between nations - why must it be different in other countries if we believe it here in South Africa? A belief that international peace is the goal to which all nations should strive. Where this breaks down, internationally agreed peaceful mechanisms to solve conflicts should be resorted to, and not bombing - as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Nato, is still continuing with up till today, even during the month of Ramadan.
Furthermore, a belief that our foreign policy should reflect the interests of the continent of Africa; a belief that South Africa's economic development depends on growing regional and international economic co-operation in an independent world; and a belief that our foreign relations must mirror our deep commitment to the consolidation of a democratic South Africa.
That is why we joined the Organisation for African Unity, OAU, as it was called then. The prime objective was to help the organisation realise its goals of deepening the unity of Africa's diverse peoples and cultures, and advancing their common wellbeing. It is disappointing to hear that no one spoke about the fact that we need to strengthen and continue to strengthen this organisation and not look on the other side of the Mediterranean.
Security is not only limited to military matters. It has important political, economic, social and environmental dimensions. In addition, the security of the state is dependent on meeting the social, cultural, political, economic, and human rights needs of its people. Enduring security can be achieved through national and regional efforts to promote democracy, respect for human rights, sustainable development, social justice and environmental protection.
We believe that the threat or use of force by one state against another is an unacceptable instrument of foreign policy. This Parliament must condemn it as such and not try to find other means of defending it.
In 1994, we stated as a democratic South Africa that we will endorse international resolutions concerning the United Nations Charter. These are the Manila Declaration, the Declaration of the Principles of International Law, and many others. Africa has the best possibility in this milieu of emerging from an era of political and social decline into a renaissance of hope and social progress. It can, on a massive scale, turn adversity into opportunity.
Good governance plays a key role in rebuilding postconflict countries. Since the human and institutional resources needed in that reconstruction have often fallen victim to the previous violence, we believe that countries in this transition phase require the assistance and co-operation of the international community. These are the things that we must talk about – not about how we must hang our heads in shame. The task is thus to build transparent, efficient and participative governance structures that can help to stabilise the volatile transformation of postconflict societies. - You sort out these farm workers in the Western Cape. [Interjections.]
Many people write off Africa as a hopeless place where rampant civil wars use children as cannon fodder and military coups keep peoples' aspirations for freedom at bay. It may be true that this is the only image we view daily on television news and read in the international press. Fortunately, however, there is a different image of Africa. It is an image that signifies a new wind of change blowing over Africa, a wind that started from the Republic of South Africa, the continent's youngest and healthiest nation, gathering momentum to sweep away all political, economic, social and environmental ills in Africa.
Africa saw its first winds of change in the 1960s with many of our great leaders. What we should be talking about is what the African Union, AU, has agreed upon in its African Charter. How do we learn the lessons of strengthening these noble ideas and decisions taken by these African leaders? How do we strengthen them against the diversity that we see coming from different worlds? Why do we have to compromise on the position that we have taken and say that it will be good to rather opt for war instead of opting for what, in South Africa, we were quite happy to go and do: find a peaceful solution? Why can we not defend that same one when it comes to all the other countries in Africa?
We should strengthen the African Charter and make sure that we implement the promotion of holding of regular free and fair elections to institutionalise the legitimate authority of representative government as well as the democratic change of governments. We should prohibit, reject and condemn unconstitutional change of government in any member state as a serious threat to stability, peace, security and development. Furthermore, we should make sure that, as in the section in the African Charter in Article 23 that speaks of unconstitutional changes of government, we should speak out more to strengthen these and ensure that it does not happen.
We stated in there that parties agreed that the use of, inter alia, the following illegal means of accessing or maintaining power constitutes an unconstitutional change of government and shall draw appropriate sanctions by the Union. Countries have agreed in the African Charter that any coup d'état against a democratically elected government should not be accepted; any intervention by mercenaries to replace a democratically elected government should not be accepted; any replacement of a democratically elected government by armed dissidents or rebels should not be accepted; any refusal by an incumbent government to relinquish power to a winning party or candidate after free, fair and regular elections ... [Interjections.] ... should not be accepted; ...
Hon MEMBERS: Zimbabwe!
Ms C C SEPTEMBER: ... and any amendment or revision of the constitution or legal instruments, which is an infringement, should not be accepted.
The importance of peace in the Middle East is paramount; peace that includes the rights of the people of Palestine too. We wish more parties could speak about the plight of the Palestinians also, ... [Interjections.] ... instead of wanting to start in Zimbabwe and end in Zimbabwe. [Interjections.]
We believe that the United Nations must ensure that equality of sovereignty is the only determinant of power in its deliberating bodies. [Interjections.] There can therefore be no inequities generated by centres of privilege underpinned by the "special powers" that hon Kohler-Barnard wants. [Interjections.] Just to respond – yes, she has been shouting at me all the time. Now that I answer her, she is stunned! [Interjections.]
Ms D KOHLER-BARNARD: Chairperson, on a point of order, please: I would appreciate it, if someone is going to throw my name around, that they would use the term "honourable". Thank you. [Interjections.] That is what one does in this House. [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Thank you, hon member. Order, hon members!
Ms C C SEPTEMBER: Ag shame, she probably wanted ...
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Just continue, hon member.
Ms C C SEPTEMBER: The hon member probably wanted to say something. [Interjections.] She is probably bored with herself. [Interjections.] [Laughter.]
As I complete my speech here today, let me just say very quickly to the hon Mubu, this is what was said about the stake, "You grab your stake and you come and see me with your stake to come and talk to me". That is what Mugabe said. Thank you very much. [Laughter]. [Applause.]
An HON MEMBER: Is that the best you can do?
Debate concluded.
SECOND ORDER
FIRST ORDER
CONSIDERATION OF REQUEST FOR APPROVAL BY PARLIAMENT OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY, SADC, PROTOCOL ON GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT
Mrs D M RAMODIBE: Hon Chairperson, hon members, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, today we are tabling the South African Development Community, SADC, Protocol to the National Assembly for consideration. The SADC heads of state and government summit which took place in August 2005 mandated the SADC secretariat to develop a draft protocol on gender and development. Following a long process which included participation of governments and civil society organisations in the region, the protocol was drafted and adopted by the SADC heads of state on 17 August 2008 at their summit in Sandton, South Africa.
The Portfolio Committee on Women, Children and People with Disabilities has had an opportunity to engage on the protocol and recognise the value and the positive impact it has on the lives of women in the SADC region as a whole.
It is important that government strengthens its commitment to national, regional and international legislative measures aimed at addressing gender inequality and women empowerment. The objectives of the protocol is to advance and promote gender equality by ensuring accountability by all SADC member states; provide a forum for sharing best practices; facilitate peer review and support; and to provide a SADC legal instrument for advancing gender equality.
Its main provisions require member states to enact laws and enshrine in their constitutions gender, disability, equality promotion and mainstreaming. It also requires member states to enact laws that prohibit gender and disability discrimination.
Progress made in South Africa against the protocol is as follows: The Constitution of the Republic prohibits all forms of discrimination. Section 9 of the Constitution promotes gender equality; whereas, section 12 and other laws addresses gender issues. Section 187 provides for affirmative action.
Lastly, the protocol is consistent with international law and South Africa's international obligations. The subject matter deals with issues for which South Africa has already assumed international obligations. We are of the view that the protocol does not conflict with, but is rather complimentary to those international obligations. Funding and monitoring are critical if we are to achieve our goals.
I wish to move that this House consider and adopt the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development as tabled. I thank you. [Applause.]
There was no debate.
Southern African Development Community, SADC, Protocol on Gender and Developmentapproved.
SUBJECT FOR DISCUSSION
SECOND ORDER
THE IMPACT OF THE GAUTRAIN SERVICE DISRUPTIONS DUE TO CABLE THEFT ON THE VIABILITY OF MODERNISED PUBLIC TRANSPORT AND COMMUTER CONFIDENCE
(Subject for Discussion)
Mr P D MBHELE: Chairperson, hon members, twice in one month the operation of the Gautrain was disrupted as a result of cable theft. The first cable theft caused a total of 54 trains to be cancelled. It took about seven hours to resolve the problem.
As this train is used largely by business people and airport passengers, it is no exaggeration to say that the loss of time is not only an inconvenience, but it is simply disastrous. At the very moment when everyone was extolling its virtues, the inability of the train to operate on two days in one week has robbed this service of all lustre. Commuter confidence which was building up was severely shaken.
If South Africa is to establish a modernised and viable public transport system, it has to recognise the importance of combating organised crime. This is a challenge greater than the threat of terrorism. Economic sabotage is costing the economy both directly and indirectly.
While the annual direct cost of copper cables is R10 billion, the indirect cost is much higher. With metal prices remaining high or going up, members of organised crime will continue to steal copper while the export market is available to them. Amendments to the International Trade Administration Act will have to be undertaken urgently, with all role-players, to criminalise trade in stolen copper and other metals.
The fact that South Africa exports 350 000 tons of copper scraps per annum must indicate what large quantity of copper, which is stolen each year, gets exported without a problem. It is just too easy. Government has certainly not been on top of the problem. Although the Second Hand Goods Act was promulgated in April 2009, draft regulations have yet to be formulated. This is indeed an indictment on government.
The announcement by the Minister of Public Enterprises to make cable theft a serious economic offence equivalent to economic sabotage is welcomed, provided that it is followed up with swift action. The Minister of Energy and the Minister of Transport reiterated the same stance. All of us, therefore, would like to know when this classification of cable theft as a serious economic offence will happen as there seems to be consensus within Cabinet regarding this.
For the Gautrain to succeed, it is essential that trains run on schedule. Many commuters have been testing the system during the month of August, and how they will react in future will depend entirely on the level of certainty that the Gautrain can generate.
We should bear in mind that a staggering R30 billion was poured into the Gautrain programme and that this massive expenditure cannot be made futile because government does not have the will to act.
Commentators are noting that the actual cost of lost copper is quite significant. In June this year, the copper theft barometer showed that R14,37 million of copper cable theft had taken place. This year, R105,56 million worth of copper cable was stolen. While this figure is worrying, the knock on effect of the loss of service to the economy is even more considerable.
What is government doing about this? Apart from policing failures, has the government resorted to any technological solutions, such as the use of infrared cameras and alarm systems? Have any arrests been made? Has any of the stolen copper been identified with any of the copper dealers? In the absence of stern government action, copper cables will continue to be stolen and services will continue to be disrupted.
The impact of the Gautrain service disruption due to cable theft has already been negatively felt. Two times in a month is two times too many. On a broader level, the availability of modernised public transport and commuter confidence has been sharply called into question. Everyone knows what the underlying problem is, and everyone in the country is now waiting to see how government is going to act to bring to an end the lucrative trade in stolen copper cables which are effectively sabotaging our stressed and struggling economy. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M C MANANA
Mr P D MBHELE
Mr M C MANANA: Hon Chairperson, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon Members of Parliament, comrades and friends, transport is a basic need and a vital tool that enables our communities to access employment and economic opportunities. The ANC government has massively invested in public transport, with a transport infrastructure development programme never before seen in our country. This infrastructure development constitutes part of the ANC's job creation and decent work through infrastructural development programme.
South Africa, as a regional and continental economic hub, requires a transport system that will enhance rapidly-involving markets for labour, capital, goods and services. Transport infrastructure needs to respond to the demands of these markets within the region.
From 1994, one of the major tasks that the ANC government undertook was to conduct a massive survey of infrastructure needs in the face of the obvious backlogs. The infrastructure backlog of the apartheid legacy totalled some R170 billion.
The centrality of infrastructure development, through well-planned and managed infrastructure programmes, is a catalyst for development and the base upon which economic programmes can flourish. Any development process must entail a commitment to investment in infrastructure.
The budget of the Department of Transport indicates that rail transport expenditure increased from R7,5 billion in 2007-08 to R9,3 billion and is expected to increase from R9,5 billion to R10,8 billion over the medium-term. Transfers to the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa are expected to grow by R2 billion between 2010-11 and 2013-14.
Gauteng, the country's economic hub, which has been experiencing serious traffic congestion for many years on its major routes, has had to respond to what could have resulted in serious impediments to the overall growth of the economic hub.
The N1 freeway carries some of the highest traffic volumes in South Africa, with more than 157 000 vehicles travelling on it per day and traffic growth rate of 7% per year. There are currently 300 000 cars per week between Pretoria and Johannesburg on the N1. Traffic congestion on this portion of the N1 freeway is estimated to cost more than R300 million per year, including production time lost during travelling time, higher transport costs and above average accident rates.
The ANC's emphasis on investing in public transport is a conscious decision to provide a service to the majority of our people who do not own private transport and who need efficient and effective public transport. This conscious decision equally seeks to attract commuters away from their private motor vehicles and contributes towards lowering the carbon footprint. This places a grater responsibility on national, provincial and local governments to ensure that public transport systems meet the needs of the communities they serve.
The provision of an affordable and efficient transport system that reduces overall household expenditure on travel cost and decreases actual time spent on travelling is critical. The Gautrain, an 80 kilometre rapid rail network, was conceived and developed to connect Johannesburg, Pretoria and OR Tambo International Airport, easing congestion on the highway between Johannesburg and Pretoria by offering commuters a safe and viable alternative to road travel.
Apart from alleviating the severe traffic congestion, economic development will be stimulated by the rapid rail system and it will have distinct environmental advantages over other forms of transport.
Passenger figures since the operation of the Gautrain service between Johannesburg and Tshwane have been beyond expectations. During the first week of operation, the number of passengers steadily increased from 19 248 on the first day of operation to 41 883 on 9 August 2011.
Phase 1A of the Gautrain has been operational between the airport and Sandton since 8 June 2010 and Phase 1B between Hatfield and Rosebank since 2 August 2011. Phase 1A has experienced very sporadic and isolated cable theft of small lengths that were replaced without any apparent service disruption.
However, Phase 1B was disrupted on 10 and 16 August this year as a result of cable theft. On 10 August, 160 metres of copper core earthing cable was stolen from a substation near Pretoria station and the line between Hatfield and Centurion was closed for over six hours as alternative power was routed to the section of the line. On 16 August, 150 metres of signal cable in the section through Centurion were stolen, resulting in an eight hour shutdown of the line between Hatfield and Centurion.
To attract and retain commuting passengers, the service must be extremely punctual and reliable and the operator immediately deployed busses to furry passengers between these two stations. It is estimated that between 3000 and 4000 passenger trips were lost on each of those days as result of the theft.
With two cable theft which brought the Gautrain to a halt, commuters are wondering whether their newest form of transport is reliable. There is not only a direct impact on operations, but also on people's long-term view of the service and the Gautrain commuter link is becoming especially vulnerable to perceptions around certainty, as it is expected that 75% of the customers are loyalty customers.
This recent disruption of the Gautrain services, due to copper theft, has drawn renewed attention to the overall economic impact of this crime. The Gautrain is not the only entity affected by cable theft, also hard hit is the Passenger Rail Agency of SA, Prasa, which operates the Metrorail commuter train services, as well as power utility Eskom, phone company Telkom and many other municipalities. In the case of Metrorail, theft of cables makes up to 70% of the incidents of theft and vandalism across the whole rail network, with around 20km of copper cable currently lost a month to criminal gangs. The intrinsic value of the copper might be relatively low, but the consequences are very dire for the economy.
Both the Minister of Transport, hon Ndebele, and his provincial counterpart, Gauteng MEC for Roads and Transpost, hon Ismail Vadi, do not only see these criminal acts as interference with the normal functioning of public transport, but as acts of economic sabotage which has caused a massive inconvenience to thousands of working people using the Gautrain. MEC Vadi condemned these acts in the strongest terms and called on law enforcement agencies not to see this as petty crimes and urged them to leave no stone unturned in apprehending the perpetrators of these criminal acts.
With the Department of Energy estimating that cable theft had cost the country around R100 million last year, and that the indirect costs to the economy is far higher, the Minister of Energy, hon Dipuo Peters, wants copper theft to be classified as economic sabotage. She has already suggested to the Minister of Justice, hon Jeff Radebe, that legislation be changed so that cable theft can be classified as a serious offence. The law has got to make it harder for thieves to steal copper and sell it for a quick buck. It has to be tougher and the penalties much steeper, because it is now clear that copper theft is a highly organised syndicate and slowly becoming a national epidemic.
Law enforcement agencies have got to intensify and be given the required resources to fight against the epidemic which has become a costly nuisance to public utilities which are forced to spend millions of rands on repairs and security, all at tax payers' expenses.
We need to start calculating the cost to the economy and the cost to the lives of the people of South Africa if anybody steals this particular important resource. There is no technology available that is able to replace copper for the transport network, as well as for electricity and for the provision of telecommunications.
It is, therefore, necessary that our public transport system be developed to a point where commuters of all strata would consider public transport, rather than private transport, as a mode of choice. For that to happen, public transport must prove itself to be reliable and punctual, which in turn can only happen if the scourge of cable theft is contained effectively.
Public transport must continue to attract new riders and retain existing ones, as well as ensure support from the communities at large. The provision of effective passenger transport service is vital, not only for the sustainability and growth of business and job creation, but also for discouraging sprawling land use, which is inimical to sustainability. Public transport is the thread that ties together many aspects of modern existence. People depend on it, and they often spend a significant proportion of their income on it.
In conclusion, transport has a huge impact on the lives of our people, as well as on our economic growth and development. Our ability to spearhead growth and development will be partly measured by our success in providing a transport system consistence with the demands of our people and our economy.
It is of utmost importance, therefore, that public confidence in our public transport system be regained and that we continue to ensure that the mobility of our people be enhanced to reach their places of employment, enabling them to access opportunities and thereby contributing to building better and sustainable communities. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr P VAN DALEN
MR M C MANANA
Mr P VAN DALEN: Chairperson, hon members, today, I present a plan for us, finally to resolve the copper theft crisis in our country. Copper theft is an alarming and escalating problem. The SA Chamber of Commerce and Industry estimates that it costs our economy direct and indirect losses of R10 billion a year.
It is also clear that this crime is perpetrated by an increasingly sophisticated and highly organised group of syndicates. Their primary goal is to strip our infrastructure of as much copper as they can, in order to export it as scrap copper.
It is time that we take a stand. For too long our parastatals and government sat idly by as a small group of thieves enrich themselves at the expense of our country's infrastructure. For too long our parastatals and government departments have refused the support and advice of industry and security experts.
When the DA was elected to office in Cape Town in 2006, we were faced with the same problem. We decided to deal with the issue head-on by instituting a specialised unit to combat copper theft. This unit became famous in Cape Town as the "Copperheads", and was responsible for dramatically reducing the rate of copper theft in the city. I believe that a similar approach in the rest of the country should be followed.
Speaker, I therefore propose that the following be done immediately to combat copper theft across the country: Put specialised units in place in municipalities and parastatals that are especially hard hit by copper theft, as this approach was successful in Cape Town and can work elsewhere; and implement the Second-Hand Goods Act, No 6 of 2009, which was signed into law in 2009 and is yet to be implemented. Its provisions will help the police to enforce the law better in this regard.
The police should declare copper theft a priority crime. This will free up more resources to spend on cases relating to copper theft and will oblige the SAPS to spend more time on investigating these cases. Give copper theft its own crime code in the SAPS electronic crime database. At this stage there is no separate database on instances of copper theft and therefore it is difficult to put a sophisticated anticopper-theft strategy in place. By simply giving copper theft its own crime code, we can record the instances of copper theft more thoroughly and wage a more effective campaign against it.
Set copper theft reduction targets, and hold leaders accountable for these targets. Work much more closely with industry and security experts. There are numerous organisations and individuals who are capable of providing expert assistance and are willing to do so, but they are all too often ignored by officials from state-owned enterprises or government departments. The SAPS does not carry the responsibility for protecting our infrastructure alone. Every entity that has copper cabling in the ground or in the air must have its own specialised unit to deal with this.
This is the plan I propose to you today. Let us endeavour together to protect our country's infrastructure and make it a reality.
IsiXhosa:
Izinyoka ngabavukeli mbuso.
English:
Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr E J LUCAS
Mr P VAN DALEN
Mr E J LUCAS: Chairperson, let me begin first by congratulating South Africa on the milestone achievement with the introduction of the Gautrain. It was an immense project with monetary, labour and logistical intensity as well as tight completion deadlines, as it was required to be in operation before the start of the 2010 World Cup. All deadlines were met albeit with a few teething problems, but, nonetheless, the project was completed.
Moreover, the Gautrain project aligns itself appropriately with South Africa's stance on the reduction of carbon emissions by effectively reducing the amount of motor vehicles on the roads, as commuters will take the train. Reportedly, this will also alleviate the volume of road traffic congestion by, reportedly, as much as 20% along the N1's Ben Schoeman Highway.
There have been a couple of setbacks with the project, with water seepage in certain sections and a collapse of a portion of the tunnel. But the major problem, which must be urgently addressed, is that of the copper cable theft. Not only does this disrupt service, but the replacement of this cable is immensely cost prohibitive.
Perpetrators of cable theft must face heavy criminal sanctions and this should be extended to the buyers thereof as well. It is unfortunate that the buyers are not being exposed. In the case of gold, the buyers were known even though they were part of the Mafia and people were scared to identify them and give their names.
If there is no market demand, there will be no theft. In this regard, we would like to see a special investigative unit of the SAPS created and dedicated to the investigation and arrest of the perpetrators of this crime. As an alternative to copper cabling, we should also be conducting feasibility studies on fibre-optic cabling. This might be more expensive initially, but it carries far less attractiveness to thieves, as its resale through criminal networks will have far less demand. As such, it will not have to be replaced every few months because of copper theft.
Because of the 2010 World Cup, and understandably so, the Gautrain project needed to be completed rather hastily, which led to a few problems, the most notable being a collapse of certain sections of the tunnel. This, we are told, was due to the cement not being allowed time to cure.
Contractors must accept responsibility for inferior workmanship and not be let off the hook. Going forward with further projects of such nature, we need better preparation, less speed and more haste. But all in all, the IFP would like to see this problem being seriously attended to. I thank you. [Applause.]
MR J J McGLUWA
Mr E J LUCAS
Mr J J McGLUWA: Chairperson, just last night, thousands of commuters travelling out of the Cape Town CBD by rail were stranded for hours, causing panic and frustration for many. This has become a daily norm, largely due to cable theft. At the same time, the introduction of a modernised, high-tech rail system, namely the Gautrain, has been subjected to the same disruptions, also due to cable theft. This is costing the country billions of rand.
All industrial cables have a laser serial number that can be traced back to the original owner. The ID therefore calls upon the South African government to pass stricter rules and regulations governing those in possession of export licences. The police and all ports of entry must strictly enforce these regulations, before any cables are exported.
If we are not able to control these illegal exports, then we might even have to consider imposing an outright ban on the export of scrap copper. As a government, we are losing the war on copper theft. This poses a major threat to our economy.
Afrikaans:
Ek wil beklemtoon dat, as ons nie die geveg, of die stryd teenoor die uitvoer van onwettige koper kan wen nie, ons net sowel die uitvoer van koper in sy totaliteit kan verbied. Ons is besig om die stryd teen koperdiefstal te verloor, en dit kos ons land baie geld.
English:
The ID calls for the government's urgent intervention, in order to prevent the Gautrain from becoming yet another multibillion rand white elephant.
After all the publicity, it would be a crying shame if our Springbok rugby team were to be stranded tomorrow en route to the O R Tambo International Airport due to disruptions to the Gautrain service. I thank you. [Applause.]
Adv A de W ALBERTS
Mr J McGLUWA
Adv A de W ALBERTS: Chairperson, the subject matter about the Gautrain cable thefts seems quite simplistic, but it hides a complexity that deserves proper attention. It is a little loose thread in our society – one of many – that, if pulled, reveals flaws in our society and the lack of policy response thereto by government.
We can start by asking why, in the first place, people steal Gautrain cables or anything else for that matter. This could lead us to the inference that people steal mostly, but not always, because they do not have jobs and find it difficult to make a decent living. We can then ask why they do not have jobs.
It is our view that the current economic system in South Africa contains certain internal inconsistencies that allow the system to work against itself, like affirmative action and black economic empowerment that carves minority expertise, experience and mentorship out of the system. External factors that undermine the economic system, like corruption, and flawed procurement based on patronage, has now almost become endogenous to government.
If we can start fixing the economy from a systemic perspective, we will be surprised at the growth in quality jobs and the concomitant reduction in cable theft in general, but also with regard to the Gautrain itself.
Afrikaans:
Ons kan ook vra waarom daar iets soos die Gautrain in die eerste plek is. Sekerlik nie sodat kabels gesteel kan word nie. Die trein moet tog bydra tot ons vervoeruitdagings maar, indien ons verder kyk, kom die besef dat die projek nooit ingepas het in enige ... [Tussenwerpsels.]
Mrs T V TOBIAS: Chairperson, I just wanted to know whether the hon member would be willing to take a question.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: Hon member, are you willing to take a question?
Adv A de W ALBERTS: Yes, I am.
Mrs T V TOBIAS: Chairperson, I would like to know how affirmative action can cause cable theft,
Adv A de W ALBERTS: I did not hear the question.
Mrs T V TOBIAS: The hon member said that affirmative action is causing cable theft. I want to know how, hon Chairperson. [Laughter.]
Adv A de W ALBERTS: It is an indirect factor that plays a role in making our economy less optimal. As a result, people do not have jobs and, at the end of the day, when people do not have jobs, they become hungry and then they have to steal. So there is a logical reaction to that. It is quite logical. [Interjections.] [Laughter.] Chair, has my time expired?
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: Order, hon members! No, hon member, you still have a few seconds.
Adv A de W ALBERTS: In conclusion, the taxpayer thus becomes more pressured by large projects that do not fit optimally into our economic system. For instance, we do not have a proper plan for transport in this country. Our system must come clean from its internal inconsistencies and external contagions, so that we can create real jobs. That, in short, is how we will stop the Gautrain cable theft in future. I thank you.
Ms C DUDLEY
Adv A de W ALBERTS
Mrs C DUDLEY: Chair, the Gautrain is a magnificent service and the cable theft that threatens it must be stopped. A Bombela spokesman says disruptions are already having a massive impact on the economy and are demoralising commuters. One comment on Twitter says, "I'm starting to think that Gautrain isPublic Utility Transport Corporation, Putco, in drag."
Somebody reasons that the cable theft problem appears not to be underground but with the area around substations or inside substations, where cables buried in concrete have to rise. These appear to be the thieves' target areas and, clearly, the points at which greater security is required. Unless cable theft is an inside job, which must be investigated, dogs and CCTV cameras are not doing the job. There must be a vulnerable point in the present system which needs urgent attention.
In the United Kingdom, UK, cameras and motion detectors are camouflaged inside discarded pipes, bits of sleepers, and stones glued together. Disguised in vulnerable places, they send images of thieves to railway police on their cellphones for detection and arrest. Surely, we can do this too.
A South African inventor has in fact patented a durable tamperproof shield for underground cables using redundant truck tyres. The tamperproof shield prevents cables from being directly accessed or dragged from the ground. Local firms have systems to take photos over three to five kilometres for alert and detection.
The Gautrain is ours. We should protect it and extend the concept to benefit our economy and the people of South Africa. The ACDP calls on the Minister of Safety and Security to crack down on not only those stealing, but also those dealing and creating a market for cable theft. Thank you.
Ms D E DLAKUDE
Mrs C DUDLEY
Ms D E DLAKUDE: Hon Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members, the Gautrain rapid rail link is a state‑of‑the‑art rapid rail network in South Africa and the biggest public-private partnership initiative in Africa. It is the largest and costliest transport infrastructure ever undertaken by the Gauteng provincial government.
The initial cost was estimated at R3,5 billion to R4 billion when the project was announced in 2000. This figure was, however, revised upwards to R7 billion for purposes of the environmental impact assessment process in 2003. It was finally revealed as being R20 billion in 2005 after the successful bidder for the project was announced and a contract came into existence. Currently, the Gautrain project is said to cost R25 billion. On 15 February 2006, the then Minister of Finance, Trevor Manuel, indicated in his Budget Speech that R7,1 billion had been taken from the national fiscus and allocated to Gautrain.
The rail system was build by Bombela Consortium, a partnership between Bombadier Transpotation, Boygues Travaux Publics, Murray and Roberts, Strategic Partners Group, RATP Development, the J & J Group and Absa Bank. It is 50% owned by its international partners and 50% by Murray and Roberts and the Strategic Partners Group, the consortium's black economic empowerment component.
The network is 80km long and is connected to other forms of public transport like taxis, busses and Metrorail public train system. Commuters can also use Gautrain busses to destinations within a 15km radius. Travelling at 160km per hour, Gautrain takes 42 minutes to travel between Johannesburg and Tshwane. From Sandton to OR Tambo International Airport, it takes 15 minutes, and a provision has been made for passengers to remotely check in at Sandton in future.
It was estimated that Gautrain will create 93 000 direct, indirect and induced jobs during construction. More than 3 000 jobs per year will be created during operation. On 17 March 2009, the Gautrain announced that it has created more than 63 000 direct, indirect and induced jobs. In terms of the Gauteng Growth and Development Strategy, the Gautrain is required to contribute towards broad-based black economic empowerment in terms of procurement, broadening the ownership and control, and skills transfer. Emphasis is also placed on the empowerment of women, youth and people living with disabilities.
The Gautrain is expected to reduce traffic congestion on the N1 Ben Schoeman Highway by 20% with 100 000 daily passenger trips. The N1 freeway currently carries some of the highest traffic volumes in South Africa, with more than 157 000 vehicles travelling on it per day and a traffic growth of 7% per year. It is estimated that about one fifth of Tshwane-Johannesburg commuters will switch from travelling by road to travelling by rail. The anticipated shift will, in turn, curb road accidents, deterioration of the road network and attendant road maintenance.
Notwithstanding the noble objective that the Gautrain is expected to achieve, it has been beset by cable theft, which, if not urgently attended to, has the potential of further denting the image of public transport, and, therefore, counter government's endeavour to promote the use of public transport as the preferred mode of transport. This debate attempts to look at the impact of the Gautrain service disruption on the viability of modernised public transport and commuter confidence.
Launched on 2 August 2011, the Gautrain's Johannesburg-Tshwane link has twice been halted after copper cabling used to electrify the system was ripped out of the ground. Criminals made off with 200m of cabling. As a result of this illicit act, Gautrain services were disrupted and commuters were left stranded. An emergency bus service was implemented to ferry passengers affected by cable theft incidents to their various destinations.
It is estimated that South Africa loses about R5 billion a year owing to cable theft; and that disrupts rail services, electricity and telecommunications. The estimated direct cost of cable theft in the country is R500 million a year. Business Against Crime South Africa, BACSA, contends, however, that the indirect cost to the economy is conservatively 10 times higher than the expenditure required for replacing stolen cables. The knock-on effects of the cable theft include a reduction in production or service delivery, a drop in productivity and loss of business to competitors.
The BACSA maintains that there has been a dramatic increase in cable theft since 2006. It is believed that the record commodity price of copper and strong demand for metal are the main reasons for escalating occurrence of cable theft in South Africa. The cost of copper stolen cannot be compared with the economic cost borne by companies and the general public.
It is, therefore, a truism that cable theft is not just an issue for Gautrain alone, but for all South Africans. Cable theft represents a direct assault on people and communities who rely on rail travel, electricity and telecommunication to go about their daily activities.
The Bombela Operating Company has committed itself to spending more money with a view to preventing its services from sabotage arising from cable theft. Accordingly, it has undertaken to launch a comprehensive investigation on how to prevent this from happening in future.
According to Gautrain Management Agency's chief executive, Jack van der Merwe, there will be an installation of CCTV cameras throughout stations, rail reserves, walkways and parking areas. In addition, the control centre will monitor trains as well as stations at all times. Another proposed measure by Mbombela is to have the cabling buried deep underground and secured under several meters of concrete, to ensure that the cables remain secure and cannot be stolen.
We, therefore, propose that those found guilty of cable theft must be given harsh penalties to ensure that those would-be cable thieves learn a lesson from them and realise that it is not easy to benefit from cable theft. Communities should also be made aware of the negative impact that cable theft has on the country's economic wellbeing and the inconvenience caused to commuters who have to bear the brunt as a result of this misdeed. Only a collaborative and holistic strategy will ensure that the fight against cable theft is won.
In conclusion, hon Chairperson, in the ever-evolving customer‑focused society, citizens benefit from a growing choice of transport modes and compare transport performance with other services. They expect mobility solutions that are quick, safe, convenient, reliable, clean and affordable. To achieve this, transport operators need to meet two challenges: on the one hand, they must keep pace with their clients' needs in order to deliver innovative quality and make people change their attitudes and behaviour; and on the other hand, they must change their corporate culture of being a fleet manager to a customer-oriented company and boost the sector's potential and attractiveness. If Gautrain is to achieve its noble objectives, it has to attend to these twin challenges. I thank you.
Mr M S F DE FREITAS
Ms D E DLAKUDE
Mr M S F DE FREITAS: Chairperson, there is consensus that the over a 150 000 vehicles travelling daily on the N1 highway is untenable, particularly in light of the fact that traffic is growing at 7% per year on that freeway. The Gautrain project was built to alleviate this traffic pressure. Motorists were encouraged to get out of their cars and into the Gautrain. From the inception of this project, when it was first announced back in February 2000, it was billed as a world-class project.
Indeed, it should be considered that it was initially announced at costing R4 billion; and it was revised again in 2003 to R7 billion and again to R20 billion in 2005. It is now hovering around R30 billion. With this kind of money that's gone into this project, how is it that the entire project ground to a halt not once, but twice during this month because of cable theft? Despite the assurances that the cables be buried under a concrete, thieves proved that this was simply not the case. Why were alternatives not considered and used? Before the cables were stolen, extensive remedial work had been required to deal with excessive water seepage into the tunnel between Rosebank and Park station. It is because of this that Park station is still not operational.
How is it that this has come to light only now after so much of taxpayers' money has been spent? How is it also that the security service provider for the train service strategic partner's group, which is a shareholder in the Gautrain consortium, was found not to meet the legal requirements of being registered with the Private Security Industry Regulatory Authority? As a result the directors of this company also resigned earlier this month. The reality is that, despite the Gautrain website describing this project as one with "high standards of corporate governance" and that it is completely transparent, nothing could be further from the truth.
The project is the largest and costliest transport infrastructure project ever proposed in Africa and it was never discussed in Gauteng legislature or submitted to any significant public debate before it was approved and put to tender. In fact, the transport portfolio chairman of the time, hon Jeremy Cronin, now the Deputy Minister of Transport, in a budget debate told this House that his information was that the project's cost was escalating "quietly and below the radar screen", although Members of Parliament were told hand on heart here in Parliament just a few years ago what the written in stone "absolute upper limit" was. At the time he was talking, the project was billed at R20 billion.
In November 2005, the portfolio committee, still led by Jeremy Cronin, held public meetings and subsequently advised Cabinet to scrap or postpone the project - this is not what I am saying, this is what really happened. However, the national Cabinet decided in December of that year to financially support it.
The lack in transparency and information available not only presents apparent surprises like cable theft, but also makes the public, the DA and myself very suspicious. Why is it that the budget, its costing details and shareholder's details for this project have never been made public, even after my request for this to the Minister? I smell a rat. If there is no reason to smell one, then why am I stonewalled every time I request this detail? [Interjections.] The public deserves better treatment than to be left stranded, not only because of cable theft, but also because they are not being provided with the full details for this project.
It is time the Minister provides us with all the information. I will keep fighting to obtain this information that presently appears to be top secret. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr N M DUMA
Mr M S F DE FREITAS
Mr N M DUMA: Chairperson, hon members and comrades, in March 2007, Cabinet approved the Public Transport Strategy and Action Plans 2007 and 2020. The socioeconomic objective of this strategy was to create a lasting legacy of a socially inclusive public transport system in South Africa. It was within this context that ANC-led government began the process of providing infrastructure that could meet the country's economic demands whilst also addressing social needs and the legacy of the fragmented apartheid transport system. As part of this strategy, the integrated transport plans were developed and integrated public transport designs were developed. This set in motion significant public transport initiatives.
In line with our 52nd National Conference Resolution on Economic Transformation, an important characteristic of the provision of transport infrastructure was to ensure that these projects and programmes translated in both social transformation and communities as partial plans to+ create employment. The emphasise since 2007 has been on making steady progress towards ensuring that rail is the backbone of South Africa's public transport system. Key elements of this rail investment strategy have been and are being implemented.
The logic behind this decision is a universal one in that you cannot build yourself out of traffic deadlock on the same roads and freeways. Therefore, the built environment must be complimented by effective transport regulation planning and management. The most recent national Household Travel Survey reflects that 38 million citizens live in households with no access to a car; 14 million learners walk to school; 13,7 million citizens use public transport at least once a week; and seven million workers and learners use public transport every day. Given these figures, which require an updated survey to be undertaken, present a formidable picture to transport planning and regulation. Transport infrastructure therefore must be commensurate with the needs of the people and the economy.
It is fully understandable that there might be a conflict between providing higher levels of service and minimising infrastructure cost on both higher levelled infrastructure needed for the efficient functioning of the economy and the infrastructure required for social development. However, given the long-term nature of the investment in the transport system, South Africa is building a strong base for the creation, maintenance and upgrading of its transport infrastructure. Investments are made after thorough analysis of the return on such investments.
In the case of Gautrain, investment decisions were taken against a set of criteria which include lifetime costs; economic, social and other returns on the investments to the country; returns to the transport system itself; and returns to the commuters. Investment in the Gautrain project is actively meeting the ANC objective in terms of South Africa's public transports strategy which requires the effective promotion of public transport. Gautrain presents the freedom of mobility, building business confidence and reflects pride in what our nation is capable of doing.
The immediate and continuous objective must be to nurture the public who perceives public transport as a practical, realistic and economic alternative to the use of private cars. Amongst the critical elements in an effort to build an efficient and sustainable transport system, safety in all modes of transport is a key priority of the ANC. Railway operations should embrace safety as part of its operating philosophy and this requires a great sense of responsibility on safety and environmental issues. Compliance to the dictates of safety requirements will not only impact positively on society, but also preserve the railway assets base and enhance and improve the competitiveness of railways.
The Railway Safety Regulator worked closely with the concession company since 2007 to ensure that safe completion and operation of the Gautrain rapid rail project. To this end the railway safety regulator engaged Gautrain project in the phases of design, construction and testing and commissioned by conducting safety reviews, assessments and inspections on all safety aspects.
The transport strategy requires the active promotion of public transport. The Gautrain project illustrates the commitment in this regard and strives to support priorities which are, among others, accelerated economic growth as well as development and infrastructure delivery with emphasis on broad-based black economic empowerment and on job creation.
Up to 8000 people worked on the Gautrain during this construction phase. In addition, skills transfer took place during this phase on a massive scale. The local recruitment and training of drivers has also taken place. The Gautrain's driver compartments and control systems are more advanced than any other trains presently running in South Africa. The well-tested and tried technology that is applied in the Gautrain constitutes part of the public transport strategy. New rolling stock has been customised for Gautrain with 96 new rail cars made from energy efficient lightweight aluminium. This is the first in South Africa; it is also the first time in many years that new rolling stock has been acquired.
Gautrain is not only about a train, it is indeed a story of how far we have come and reflects the intention of where rail transport within the transport strategy is heading. It is about a new energy that has come to life that connects and integrates transport, bringing jobs to the people and people to jobs. We are confident, as ANC, that we will build this transport that connects people to jobs and jobs to people because we as ANC do not smell a rat, we are in charge of the country and we are doing our job. [Interjections.] I do not know why the DA sees their system functioning when the ID says the system is not functioning because only yesterday people in this province did not go home because there were no trains. I do not know why the DA could not smell a rat when the train was not going to move. We are in charge of the country and every aspect of the railway in this country. We are in charge. Thank you.
Mr P D MBHELE
Mr N M DUMA
Mr P D MBHELE: Chairperson, I would like to thank all Members of Parliament for their participation in this crucial debate. It is very important that we are afforded an opportunity to be able engage one another on crucially important issues. I am sure that we have given government some food for thought and that we will be able to tackle this issue with renewed vigour. The Gautrain is emblematic of South Africa's drive for an improved public transport system. Its success is of the utmost importance.
We need to realise that the failure of Gautrain currently is not because of viability issues but because of government's inability to tackle copper theft. We call on government to act decisively and with urgency in order to ensure that the Gautrain delivers on the promise it has shown.
Stakeholders and government entities need to put the Gautrain at the top of their priorities in order to ensure that when next we debate this issue, we could congratulate all involved on the success achieved. I therefore thank you, Chair. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
The House adjourned at 17:13.
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