Hansard: Appropriation Bill: Debate on Budget Vote No 5: International Relations and Co-operation
House: National Assembly
Date of Meeting: 21 Apr 2010
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Minutes
THURSDAY, 22 APRIL 2010
PROCEEDINGS OF EXTENDED PUBLIC COMMITTEE – COMMITTEE ROOM E249
___________________________
Members of the Extended Public Committee met in Committee Room E249 at 16:51.
House Chairperson Mr K O Bapela, as Chairperson, took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
APPROPRIATION BILL
Debate on Budget Vote No 5: International Relations and Co-operation
The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION: Hon Chair, hon chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation and hon members, Your Excellencies Ambassadors and High Commissioners, representatives of international organisations, distinguished guests – I am also quite honoured to see that we have amongst us here, Justice Albie Sachs and his spouse – all other dignitaries here with us today in this House, ladies and gentlemen, fellow South Africans, comrades and friends, nearly a year ago, our fourth democratic government was installed on the basis of an election manifesto which promised that working together we could do more. Embodied in this were the aspirations of our mothers, our fathers, our brothers and sisters, and, indeed, our children.
Hardly three months thereafter we stood before you promising in our first budget speech that, while our department would consolidate those areas where it was on track in terms of our international activities, it would urgently have to locate itself squarely in the national effort to ensure that all of us, bound together by a common patriotism, will rise together with a singular sense of purpose in pursuit of the agenda outlined by our President.
We stand here before you, Chairperson, today confident that our department has not only fully aligned its work to our key domestic priorities, but that it has also woven this into our strategic focus which is based on the primacy of the African continent; the certainty of our Southern African Development Community, SADC, region; our commitment to South-South relations and the centrality of multilateralism; the significance of relations with countries in the northern hemisphere; and the strengthening of social, political and economic relations.
Hon Chair and members, therefore the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, Dirco, working together with other departments – and I see Minister Cwele, one of our important partners, with us here - will be the bridge builder required to forge a better democratic South Africa, a better Africa and a better world. Dirco will be the path-finder. Dirco will be the one that goes out there and breaks down obstacles where we encounter them. Dirco will always be there to help us find new opportunities for our country.
Today, our country finds itself in a position of responsibility as a member of the international community. We are constantly reminded when we are invited to forums such as the G20 and the Nuclear Security Summit held in Washington last week that more is expected of us. In fact, we are always expected to punch above our weight. For our country, our region and our continent this is a responsibility we can neither shirk nor fail at. In rising to this challenge, we should never miss the opportunity to look back and learn from our successes and setbacks in our endeavour to remain focused on our goal for a better life. We must also frankly assess our capacity against the weight of rising expectations.
We, at the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, have been involved in all these exercises. We will be coming to this House in the course of this financial year to engage hon members further on the substance and direction of our foreign policy. We will seek members' support in order to strengthen Dirco in its principal advisory and implementing role on international relations. This will culminate in a White Paper that will serve as a guide in the conduct of our foreign policy. We will also present a Bill for the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency for your consideration. This will give a legal framework to the execution of our foreign policy and facilitate more effective co-operation with our international partners.
We are currently in the process of consulting our stakeholders on the need for the establishment of a foreign policy council. This will serve as an avenue for our non-state actors to interface with Dirco on our foreign policy development and implementation.
As part of our public diplomacy, we have commenced with a very exciting outreach programme throughout the country to communicate directly with our communities about our foreign policy. As a consequence, we have been to the Limpopo province, to the Eastern Cape, and recently, to the Free State. We intend to visit all remaining provinces in the course of this financial year. Our annual conference is also a platform for us to reach out to our think-tanks for dialogue with them on our foreign policy. Implicit in this is also accountability to the people whose mandate put us in office.
As the focal point of our foreign policy in our government, we are cognisant of the fact that we can do our work better and more effectively when all international engagements of our government departments, our provinces and municipalities are well co-ordinated. This avoids duplication, working at cross-purposes, or functioning in a manner that could suggest wrongly to our partners abroad that we are not a well-organised government and country. This would be undesirable.
Over the past 16 years since our freedom in 1994, there have been many achievements in our country on the foreign policy front. But there are also lessons from experiences, which we cannot ignore. Therefore moving forward in the fourth administration, we have to build on our achievements and the wisdom that we have gained from the past lessons. There must be continuity to consolidate our gains, but also change to improve on our work and respond effectively to emerging global trends.
In terms of building on the foundations of our foreign policy and our constitutional values, we must pursue more strongly the dynamic linkage between what we do abroad and what we want to achieve in our country. We have to continue thinking globally and acting locally. We should continue to bring into full view our national interests in the context of our pan-African commitments and our role and responsibilities in the world.
Chairperson, the year 2010 is historic in many ways: 21 March this year marked the 50th anniversary of the Sharpeville massacre, which was a significant turning point in our liberation struggle and gave impetus to the establishment of the anti-apartheid movement across the world.
This year we are also celebrating the centenary of Kwame Nkrumah and the 110th anniversary of the first Pan-African Conference which was held in 1900 under the leadership of Henry Sylvester-Williams. We also join the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo when they celebrate the 50th anniversary of their country's independence on 30 June 2010. We remember in our hearts Patrice Lumumba whose tragic death is another story in the chronicle of the painful history of the rebuilding and the decolonisation of this continent.
South Africa remains committed to regional economic integration in Africa, very much in line with the dreams and visions of Patrice Lumumba. We believe that our work in SADC should build on the free-trade arrangement achieved in 2008 by focusing on boosting regional production capacity, facilitating cross-border trade, and developing cross-border infrastructure. The current Chairperson of the African Union, the AU, the President of Malawi, says that it is about time that African governments stop building highways to nowhere, that we should not build a highway that starts on the N1 and ends at Beit Bridge. The N1 highway should continue across the country of Zimbabwe and into other African countries. That is the only way we can say that integration is, indeed, at work.
We also believe that the time has come to extend preferential markets across Southern and Eastern Africa through the Tripartite Free-Trade Area that will draw together SADC, the East African Community and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, Comesa.
The decision by the 14th Session of the African Union to integrate the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, into the African Union and establish the Nepad Planning and Co-ordinating Agency, NPCA, as a technical body of the AU is an important step towards the acceleration of the implementation of the Nepad programme. The newly-established NPCA will give focused attention to the implementation of the regional integration programmes and projects whilst the African Union Commission will continue to deal with policy and serve, importantly, as the secretariat of the AU.
The AU-Nepad African Plan of Action for the period 2010 to 2015 is a master plan for concrete projects that will serve as a catalyst for the development of our continent. We call upon our partners to work with us in mobilising requisite resources and implementing this master plan.
The accession by 30 out of 53 of our countries on the continent to the African Peer Review Mechanism, APRM, is a concrete demonstration of the strides we are making as a continent with regard to promoting democratic governance and people-centered development. Even more encouraging is the fact that a substantial number of these countries, 30 of them including our own, have already undergone the peer review process which entails, among other things, developing a national programme of action to improve the systems of political and economic governance and putting measures in place for socioeconomic development. This positive development, including the increasing number of elections taking place in our respective countries, augurs well for our efforts aimed at consolidating democracy on our continent, Africa.
The establishment of the Pan-African Parliament was a step forward in giving all the peoples of Africa a voice in running the affairs of our continent. As provided for in its founding protocol, the Pan-African Parliament has to be transformed from a consultative to a legislative body. In transforming the Pan-African Parliament, we will need to take into account its experience and history since its establishment in March 2004 with a view to building a strong, efficiently run and effective Pan-African Parliament at the service of the African people. In this regard, we wish to congratulate, and proudly so, Advocate Zwelethu Madasa, our very own former MP, on his appointment as Head of the Administration of the Pan-African Parliament. [Applause.]
Our determined focus on Nepad, the APRM and the Pan-African Parliament is in line with our strong-standing commitment to doing whatever we can to support African Union organs and institutions that are based in our country. It is also part of our overall programme of engagement with the African Union. This includes our support for other AU bodies, such as the AU Commission, whose capacity and capability as the engine room of the AU are indispensable to the achievement of the objectives for which the AU was established. We are working with fellow African countries and the AU Commission to ensure the speedy setting up of the financial institutions that are envisaged in the Constitutive Act of the African Union.
The work we do with the African Union and the Regional Economic Communities should be complemented by strong bilateral relations focused on tangible results orientated with other African countries. To this end, we are currently strengthening our bilateral instruments and mechanisms to ensure that they work better for our mutual benefit.
The gains we have made on the continent have not been without setbacks, especially in the area of peace and security. This includes the resurgence of coups and other forms of unconstitutional change of government. We are unanimous in the African Union on the urgent need to strengthen our response to situations of unconstitutional change of government, to close all the existing loopholes and make sure that we strengthen all the instruments and mechanisms that put a stop to this.
The African Union has declared 2010 as the Year of Peace and Security in Africa, and we are therefore called upon to redouble our efforts in the resolution of conflicts on our continent. As former Secretary-General of the UN Koffi Annan said, there will never be peace or security if there is no development, and there can never be development where there is no peace and security.
Hon members, on 1 April 2010 South Africa proudly became a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council for the next two years. We also have the support of all African Union members to seek a non-permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council for the period 2011-12 in October this year. I thought hon members would be happy about this. [Applause.]
I have no doubt in my mind that you will use your membership in this House, including in all our committees, to reach out to all parliamentary bodies all over the world for their support for our very important bid. We see our membership of the AU Peace and Security Council and that of the UN Security Council as an opportunity to continue contributing our efforts and resources to the peace, security, stability and development of our continent and to also make our humble contribution to global peace.
South Africa will continue to carry out the SADC mandate to facilitate negotiations between Zanu-PF and the other MDC formations for full implementation of the already-signed Global Political Agreement. We are also pleased to have reached a stage at which we can say that, through our very hard-working President, our facilitation efforts to end the conflict in Burundi are drawing to a very, very positive conclusion. We join the international community in looking forward to elections which will start next month in Burundi.
South Africa's commitment to the peaceful resolution of conflicts and matters of post-conflict reconstruction on our continent are well demonstrated by our continued engagement in the Sudan. With elections having taken place a week ago there, South Africa remains of the firm view that this democratic process holds profound consequences for the future of that country.
I would humbly want to make use of this opportunity to confirm that we are working with all involved for the safe release and return home of our four compatriots who were recently kidnapped in Darfur. Our hearts go out to their families, and we pray for their safe return.
The continuing impasse in Madagascar is yet another concern for us. It will require our resolve as SADC and the entire African continent to stand firm against unconstitutional change of government. We look forward to the outcome of the consultation on Madagascar which will be hosted by hon President Zuma on 28 April. We urge all the leaders of Madagascar to use this opportunity to advance the cause of peace, stability and democracy in the interests of the ordinary Malagasy people.
The last few decades have seen the ascendance of some countries of the South to an influential role in global affairs. Indications are that they will be a more formidable force in the future. Some, like China, India and Brazil, are rapidly increasing their weight in the global economy, transforming the balance of forces internationally in favour of the people of the South. We have to intensify our bilateral relations with countries of the South, especially with those that are strategic to us because of their economy, history, and geopolitical orientation. We also have to take full advantage of South-South multilateral forums such as the Non-Aligned Movement, the G77, China, and the India-Brazil-South Africa Summit, Ibsa.
We have been intensifying our engagement with China, India and Brazil, among others, through our bilateral relations and Ibsa, and our outreach to Brazil, Russia, India and China, the BRIC countries has also been quite important. In fact, during the course of this year, we shall have interacted at official state visits with all the members of Ibsa and the BRIC. As an example, we are working on elevating our relations with China to a higher level – to a comprehensive strategic partnership level. China has but two other countries which have been put at this very important level of partnership. The Ibsa summit that met last week in Brazil was convened back-to-back with that of the BRIC. Our business sector was represented for the first time in this back-to-back forum, and met just prior to the joint summit.
We have to pay close attention to partnerships with other key countries of the South which have interests in the continent, such as the Forum on China-Africa Co-operation, FOCAC, Africa's comprehensive partnership with India, the Korea-Africa Forum, the French-Africa forum, the New Africa-Asia Strategic Partnership Summit, NAASP, and lastly, the Africa-South America Summit. These forums have demonstrated to us - some even during the difficult years of apartheid - that they can be trusted allies and partners in our struggle for a better Africa and a better world.
We continue to build on the long history of our bond of friendship and solidarity between us and the countries of the South. We will continue to learn from their experience, especially on how, in spite of the colonial history that they share with us, they managed to transform into the tigers that some of them have become today. We will also continue to strengthen people-to-people and cultural exchanges between us and the people of the South and use bilateral relations and structures such as Ibsa to intensify exchanges between us in areas of mutual benefit. I have come across a lot of members from both the ruling and opposition parties in Brazil, and they looked quite happy when they attended the Parliamentary Forum of Ibsa this past week.
We will continue to provide our support to the settlement of the Palestinian question in the context of the two-state solution and to call for the speedy resolution to the question of the Western Sahara. We remain committed to the strengthening of ties between the African diaspora and our continent, and we are still quite prepared to host the African Diaspora Summit in the near future.
In this regard, we should rally behind the people of Haiti at this difficult moment in its long history. The response of South Africans to the tragedy that befell the Haitians has been overwhelming and, indeed, a clear expression of our ubuntu. We are doing our part as Dirco to contribute to the humanitarian effort currently unfolding in Haiti, and this process has been led by our very capable Deputy Minister Sue van der Merwe. Furthermore, we will not rest until an inclusive democratic dispensation is achieved in Haiti.
Our approach to bilateral and multilateral engagement with countries of the world is not limited to Africa and the South. We also value our relations with countries of the North. Each of these geopolitical spaces, that is Africa, the South and the North, is indispensable to our balance and sustained forward movement in international relations and co-operation.
The President Obama Administration in the United States of America has taken steps which have helped create conducive conditions for re-engagement between our two countries. This culminated in the conclusion of a memorandum of understanding to anchor a strategic partnership between South Africa and the United States just a week or so ago.
The European Union, EU, as a bloc remains a strategic partner, especially in the areas of development, trade, and co-operation. The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement, whose instrument of ratification has been tabled for consideration by the House, provides a framework for this strategic partnership. We are partners with the EU in tackling some of the pressing issues on the continent like institutional state-building particularly in the DRC, and post-conflict reconstruction in Burundi and the Sudan. We have to speed up and conclude the Economic Partnership Agreement negotiations in a manner that will not undermine the regional integration of our continent. This will also help strengthen the partnership between Africa and the European Union.
South Africa's partnership with the North is not limited to the United States of America and Europe. It also includes important partners such as Japan and Russia. In the context of changing relations between the North and the South, we appreciate the role of the G20 as a new centre of the global political economy.
The United Nations, representing as it does the universal voice of humanity, is still pivotal in global politics, especially with regard to building peace and development in the world and promoting the protection of human rights of all our people.
The Millennium Development Goals, MDGs, are good examples of the collective agenda of what nations of the world can set for themselves when they work together, rich and poor, big and small. Thus, we intend to play an active role at the MDG Review Summit scheduled for later this year so that we can contribute to accelerating the flow of resources to Africa for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals' targets.
With regard to the reform of the United Nations and its key institutions, the fifth round of negotiations in New York should be another opportunity for Africa and its partners for reform to rally behind the agenda that will ensure that the composition and work of the UN Security Council reflect the geopolitical reality of the 21st century. South Africa is in support of the view which was expressed at the last summit of the African Union that Africa should from time to time reassess and strengthen its approach to these reforms to ensure that we achieve our common objective.
While appreciating the important steps that have been taken recently towards the reform of the Bretton Woods Institutions, we believe that more still needs be done towards addressing the concerns of developing countries with respect to the relevance, transparency and representivity of these institutions.
Our participation in the Nuclear Security Summit held in Washington recently was guided by our three-pronged principled approach to nuclear matters. These are nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation and peaceful uses of nuclear material. We shall also be working for a successful consensus outcome of the 2010 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference scheduled for next month.
Today, 22 April, is the 40th Earth Day. We celebrate the planet and close ranks to secure its future, especially against the threat of climate change. Everywhere in our country and all over the world, people are planting trees on this day to green our future. On Earth Day we remind ourselves of the Kenyan proverb that says, Treat the Earth well. It was not given to you by your parents; it was loaned to you by your children.
Although we did not conclude a binding agreement at the 15thConference of the Parties, COP15, South Africa regards the Copenhagen Accord as a step forward in an inclusive multilateral outcome that must be concluded in the near future. Accordingly, we are in contact with the government of Mexico which hosts COP16 this year - I was there two days ago - and intend to take full advantage of the opportunities to make our contribution to this endeavour when we host COP17 in 2011.
We at Dirco have effected measures to strengthen the department internally. Notwithstanding the financial constraints and austere measures implemented by the department, we are truly confident that we will deliver on our strategic plan for 2010-13. We have a good and dedicated team at Dirco. I must recognise here, colleagues, that I have very, very capable Deputies – hon Deputy Minister Ebrahim Ebrahim on my right and hon member Sue van der Merwe on my left - as well as our senior management and staff under the leadership of a very capable director-general, Dr Ayanda Ntsaluba, and his team at the back. We also thank the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation and our Cabinet for continued support and for keeping us on our toes.
In the next 49 days we will be hosting the Fifa 2010 World Cup. Our department, and this includes our missions, is giving full support to ensure the success of this event. A few minutes ago, as I walked into this room, the hon Minister of Sport and Recreation was responding to his Budget Vote debate. I just want to say to all South Africans that where I have been in the past week, in almost five countries, all over the world, and from reports that we get from our missions, the world wants to come to South Africa. The world is excited about coming to South Africa.
By the time I left Mexico two days ago, 15 000 tickets had been bought by Mexicans. Everywhere I went, even if I could not speak good Spanish, if you just say the words, South Africa, Mandela, 2010, they are coming! So, the negativity that we hear about comes from South Africans, not from foreigners. As Dirco, we would want South Africans from all corners of this country to open their arms and their hearts, very much in line with the concept of ubuntu, to receive these guests the South African way.
We want to take this opportunity, once again, to thank all the members for their continued support and we hope they will also be supporting this Budget Vote. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
/Robyn/
END OF TAKE
Mr T W NXESI
The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION
Mr T W NXESI: Hon Chairperson, the flu bug which is going around has affected me. So let me start by apologising for my voice as it will not be the well-known shop steward's voice.
Hon Minister, Deputy Ministers, hon members, Excellencies, ambassadors and high commissioners, let me begin by thanking the hon Minister for her very informative and engaging presentation on her Budget Vote. I have noted that the department has a huge mandate, though its allocated budget of R4,8 billion for this financial year has decreased by nearly a billion rand from the R5,6 billion which was allocated the previous year. We trust, hon Minister, that your department will be creative enough to manage and execute the mandate within the existing allocation.
From the outset, I must hasten to raise an issue which is very important in the execution of the mandate of the portfolio committee. Whilst we strive to monitor and oversee the department's activities, the current oversight model in Parliament poses some challenges to the work of the committee. Although the committee has formal access to the department and queries it when necessary, the committee has not been able to conduct effective inspection in loco parentis or do oversight visits in all the areas under the department, including South African missions abroad and project areas where South Africa is involved in pursuance of the African agenda.
However, I have a great sense of comfort to mention that this challenge is being actively addressed before it becomes an impediment by the relevant authorities in Parliament. The committee will be able to reach all those responsible for the execution of the South African international relations policy and measure the department's service delivery on the basis of the impact it exerts internationally.
Despite the challenges I have alluded to, the committee continues to execute its mandate and consequently I'm aware, Madam Minister, that your department is faced with two major capacity-building challenges. The first is in property and asset management, because of the huge property portfolio your department has to manage in the missions abroad. The second challenge is the need for training in the new skills of economic diplomacy to address the current developments in international relations. The global shift towards closer co-operation in economic development requires highly trained and experienced men and women who can effectively represent this country in global economic engagements. This is all the more urgent in the wake of the global economic meltdown, and the tentative moves by the international community to restructure the international financial institutions and economic relations.
I'm convinced that the creation of the SA Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa, will fill the existing gap around the effective co-ordination of economic engagements with the outside world. However, the real relationship with the African Renaissance and International Co-operation Fund or demise thereof, must be explored further in order to have continuity with regard to the consolidation of the African agenda as a matter of urgency.
Again, I wholeheartedly support the principle of deepening relations with countries in Africa through opening diplomatic missions in all the African countries. However, the department should probably identify and prioritise countries in Africa which South Africa can foster strategic partnerships for development. Zimbabwe is one of them, of course. It should be one of those countries.
At this juncture I would like to commend all the diplomatic efforts undertaken by the Department of International Relations and Cooperation, Dirco, under the leadership of the Minister and, of course, led by President Zuma on behalf of SADC to ensure compliance with the Global Political Agreement in Zimbabwe. Since these interventions, a number of positives have emerged both politically and economically, including the creation of a democratic space; the polarisation of political parties has been abated; there are signs of economic recovery, including stable prices of commodities; there is added value to the currency; there are increasing levels of investments from the SADC countries and Asia, and South Africa has injected almost R300 million; and there is the international community's involvement through the trilateral arrangements. Therefore, we must not just look at the negatives. Of course, we agree that more still has to be done but out of this engagement we can start to see some positives.
I therefore call upon all South Africans in unison to rally behind the efforts by the President of the country and the Ministry on behalf of SADC at this critical and sensitive stage of mediation in Zimbabwe. I appeal to all patriotic South Africans in all sectors to ensure that in their engagement with their allies or counterparts, their actions should promote and not undermine or reverse the gains that have been achieved thus far. Failure - we must understand the implications – to resolve the Zimbabwean situation will cause instability not only in the country but in the whole region.
The struggle for self-determination by the people of the Saharawi Republic remains a sore point in the history of liberation in Africa. All necessary measures have to be taken to put back onto the global agenda the resolution of this conflict and to actively engage the international community on the plight of the Saharawi people.
The development and streamlining of public diplomacy strategies cannot be overemphasised. The department must be more visible and less elitist in the conduct of the South African international relations policy. The Minister must ensure the strengthening of democratic accountability of foreign policy nationally and ensure there is a national dialogue internally on the policies South Africa pursues individually or jointly with the international community in pursuit of effective global governance.
Clearly, the portfolio committee and this Parliament have a crucial role to play in democratising international relations. I hope the House will not think me arrogant if I quote from my response to last year's international affairs budget to make the point. I suggested then that we needed to discuss the following propositions: one,
that the legislature and the portfolio committee needed to play a role in facilitating debate on international relations and co-operation issues to foster public understanding and awareness, and to provide a platform for solidarity and civil society to raise issues of concern; two, that our understanding of international relations and co-operation would be enriched by greater knowledge of the social structures of the countries we interacted with so that we did not simply deal with the ruling elites but also saw all sides of the picture. We therefore, Minister, welcome the idea of an International Relations Council. It is a beautiful idea.
I believe that our ability as a nation to wield soft power in international relations is greatly strengthened to the degree that our own people are able to understand and support policies which not only advance the national interest, but also contribute to global peace and sustainable development. I might also add that success in this area would also start to address the xenophobic fears that have regrettably manifested themselves in recent years.
Turning to South-South relations, these are fast developing into bigger strategic partnerships of emerging powers to promote mutual economic co-operation, while, at the same time, leveraging their growing influence to challenge unfair trade relations with the rich industrialised economies of the world. South Africa's participation in Ibsa is remarkably visible, and Ibsa's programmes are aimed at addressing domestic priorities. There were various sectors at the past summit that you referred to them, Minister. They met side by side, but regrettably there was no labour forum - one of the most important social partners. But, at that summit, it was agreed in the parliamentary forum that the parliaments of the three Ibsa countries should exercise oversight over all the Ibsa agreements and ensure that implementation took place. We can't just go to conferences, pass resolutions and resolutions and not look at their implementation. It is important that as soon as possible South Africa also assess opportunities in the Bric countries: Brazil, Russia, India and China - and we welcome some of the initiatives you were talking about, Minister - and eventually consider joining this grouping as the two organisations' mandates are highly complementary.
Hosting and participating in international conferences should not be the only yardstick for the work of the department. Money should be spent on conferences where South Africa will have an impact on shaping agenda and will accrue benefits for our population and that of the continent as a whole. The measure of performance here should be tangible results, not mere presence at conferences.
South Africa must stand ready to take advantage of the current realignment of forces taking place in world politics and international relations. As we participate in global power structures like the G8, the G20 and the many G structures that exist, we must be ready to advance strategic interventions to influence the agenda.
South Africa should continue to act internationally as a facilitator and moderator, deploying soft power with clear objectives and goals, including consolidating and elaborating on our role as an emerging country in the Africa region, and maintaining momentum for the promotion of the African agenda, whilst participating fully in the process to develop a more equitable system of global governance.
The campaign for the release of the Cuban Five should be intensified to ensure adherence by the international community to the universal application of human rights principles. Minister, I know we can and we must facilitate and engage the Unites States on this as part of our South agenda.
One final note of caution is that this House and Parliament must be concerned about the manner in which international engagements and visits are conducted without proper consultation with the Department of International Relations and Co-operation. We would like to see the department strengthening its hand in co-ordinating international engagements and visits by sister departments, provincial and even local governments, as well as Parliament and provincial legislatures. This is necessary to prevent wasteful duplication, possible competition and conflicts of interest, and to ensure that as a country we speak with one voice. [Applause.]
Minister, we need to remind the department that you were given such a mandate by the Cabinet meeting of 19 November 2008 when Cabinet approved the document on measures and guidelines for the enhanced co-ordination of South Africa's international relations. So, you don't have to beg anybody; you must just implement. With those words I want to welcome and support this particular budget. Thank you. [Applause.]
MS
END OF TAKE
Mr K S MUBU
Mr T W NXESI
Mr K S MUBU: Chairperson, Minister, Deputy Ministers, other Ministers in the House and hon members, the year 2010 marks 50 years since the attainment of independence by many African countries. The winds of change that blew across the continent saw no less than 15 countries attain their independence in the year 1960 alone. That decade was a watershed period for the African continent as country after country shed their colonial yolk to attain a new status of nationhood.
There was euphoria all around as new countries emerged to take their rightful places in the international community. New names of cities, countries, flags, national anthems, currencies and, in some cases, new airlines suddenly emerged. It was an exciting time for the continent. There was a sense of optimism and hope among the people of Africa, but half a century later that hope and optimism has been replaced by disappointment and dismay. In his book The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence Martin Meredith said that "in the last half century of Africa's independence, there has been a litany of incompetent governments, of insatiable greed and exploitation on the part of leaders and their cronies, of unbelievable power lust and the resulting repression ... of millions of ordinary people".
Nearly 30 years later, in 1994, after Africa's independence, South Africa also claimed its rightful place among the family of liberated nations, thereby having been the last bastion of colonial rule on the continent. The year 2010 is very important in another respect, as it marks 20 years since the release of Nelson Mandela from prison.
As a little boy growing up at Katima Mulilo on the banks of the Zambezi River on the Zambian side of the Caprivi Strip in what was known at the time as South West Africa, now Namibia, we used to sing a little song that we were taught in primary school, which is sung in my language, the language of the Lozi people, Silozi. We used to sing:
Silozi:
Mandela uka zwa mwa tolongo, ato lukulula sichaba sa hae. Mandela uka zwa mwa tolongo, ato lukulula sichaba sa Africa.
English:
Translated this means that Mandela will come out of prison to liberate his people; he will come to liberate the people of Africa.
In 49 days' time, we will be hosting thousands of foreigners on our soil that will come for the 2010 Fifa World Cup. It is important that during this time we, as South Africans, are on our best behaviour throughout the tournament, lest we damage our reputation and image abroad.
In 1994 we opened diplomatic missions in all manner of countries across the world. I guess with the euphoria of liberation, we had to please some of those countries that supported the liberation struggle, even when they did not deserve the honour of a full diplomatic presence. But what sort of return on investment are we getting from some of our diplomatic relations today? Isn't it about time to take stock of some of these relations and to review their usefulness to this country?
The articulation and application of our foreign policy requires that there should not be ambiguity and double standards on the part of our government. As a sovereign nation, we should not be seen to capitulate under pressure from certain quarters because of what the governing party is able to gain out of such relationships. Rather, our national interests must come first. At the same time, our approach to instances of human rights abuses by some of our diplomatic partners leaves much to be desired. For example, our government's conspicuous silence on the passing of laws banning homosexuality in Uganda and the arrest of two gay men in Malawi cannot go unnoticed. Not far from home, we continue to witness the unabated violation of human rights in Zimbabwe under the dictatorship of Mugabe.
We cannot be proud to be a nation that respects human rights and the rule of law when our diplomatic friends are guilty of doing the opposite. If, as expected, South Africa is admitted for a second term on the UN Security Council in 2011-12, the DA would expect this government to be more vocal on issues of human rights. One is forced to ask the question: Why do we insist, in fact, on a second term on the Security Council when our first term under President Mbeki was so shambolic because we failed to speak out on issues of human rights abuses in Myanmar and Iran?
Xenophobic attacks on fellow Africans in South Africa need to be condemned with the contempt they deserve. Some of us who are South African citizens, who were born outside the borders of this country, face another form of apartheid in this country from fellow black South Africans. This happens in subtle ways sometimes, but at other times it is open hostility and aggression. Black South Africans have a name for people like me; they call us "Makwerekwere". Personally, in this august House, some hon members have questioned my nationality, including a Minister who once said ...
IsiZulu:
Kodwa wena uvelaphi?
English:
The attraction of skilled and qualified foreigners should be encouraged in view of the shortage of skills in our country to contribute to its development. In the past few months, we have witnessed numerous reports of fellow South African citizens finding themselves in all sorts of difficult situations abroad. In some cases, I have been approached by relatives of victims for intervention.
Madam Minister, each time I contacted your office, you have been more than willing to listen to my interventions. I would personally like to commend you and your deputies for your open-door approach and your willingness to listen. [Applause.]
We all have a responsibility to portray our country in a positive light to the outside world, regardless of our party-political affiliation. In this regard, I am proud to say that some former leaders in my own politically party, the DA, are doing just that. They are ably serving our country as ambassadors abroad.
On the current budget, the portfolio committee is aware that there has been a reduction of about half a billion rand, as compared to the 2008-09 budget. However, we are made to understand that the department will achieve its objectives even with this reduced budget. It's our hope that you will be able to do so.
Finally, Madam Minister, I would like to congratulate you and your staff on your spanking new headquarters building in Pretoria. It's very, very nice. In October last year the portfolio committee took a tour of that facility, and I remember telling your director-general, Dr Ntsaluba, that he really must be the envy of a lot of other departments that do not have a facility like his. But such a facility can only be useful if good policies come out of that department. I thank you. [Applause.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr K O Bapela): We thank the hon Mubu for the words of praise of our icon, Nelson Mandela. Although we missed the melody, we ask that he sing the song for us outside this honourable House. [Laughter.]
NPM//Mia
END OF TAKE
Ms L S NGONYAMA
Mr K S MUBU
Mr L S NGONYAMA: Hon Chairperson, Minister, Deputy Minister, ladies and gentlemen, I commend the department for its outstanding work, good governance and clean audit. On the continent and the world we have done well in promoting peace. However, this department has a very important responsibility to project who we are as a nation.
Benedict Anderson in his book Imagined Communities proposes the following definition of a nation: "It is an imagined political community" and it is "both inherently limited and sovereign". It is "imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion". The achievement of communion is vitally important for South Africa.
President Mbeki pointed out that regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail, the nation always is conceived of as a deep, horizontal comradeship. By improving national relations, through public diplomacy, we can improve international relations as a nation.
My issue today is that of public diplomacy - the national message. What then is our unified national message? Just before 1994 President F W de Klerk sought to reintegrate South Africa back into the international community through visits to approximately 27 countries. Under President Mandela, we communicated a message of reconciliation, nation-building and the upholding of human rights. The world took note.
Under President Thabo Mbeki, South Africa sought to be firmly located in the context of Africa. The "I am an African" speech, as well as his promotion of the African Renaissance and Nepad, enabled President Mbeki to take forward what his predecessors had begun. South Africa began to have a magnified role in Africa and the world. Africa and the world took note.
Do we have a clear message for Africa and the world now? How are we promoting our wonderful Constitution and our implicit adherence to its principles and values as part of that message? Also, are we clear about who is carrying our message for us today to the world? More pertinently, do we really understand who we are as South Africans? If we were to ask a cross section of the 55 million South Africans what our unified message was and who our messengers were, will we get a coherent response? Do they know?
As South Africans we must all respond to this message collectively. It is very important to have consistency in respect of what we say and what we do and how we define ourselves as a nation. If the message and the messengers in support of the national mandate resonate with all of us, they will resonate with the rest of the world.
IsiXhosa:
Kufanele ziqale ekhaya zize zivakale eziZweni
English:
It is for this reason that Cope is so strong in support of an activist state and of citizen democracy. For us, it does not suffice to pay lip service to the Constitution. The Constitution must come alive in practice, and as South African we must take collective responsibility for articulating our unified message that will speak volumes for us. On the other hand, if we speak with a forked tongue or if we posture without belief, who will buy the dummy we seek to sell? The world will not take us seriously if we hold the Constitution in the one hand and a chisel in the other hand.
Therefore I am urging that we clarify for ourselves who exactly we are. This will help us to clarify our common message, identify our messengers and help us to choose the instruments for delivery.
IsiXhosa:
Singobani? Uthini umyalezo wethu? Oonozakuzaku bethu bangobani?
English:
Minister, the media offers powerful tools. Every day governments of the world and other agencies scan the media to build national profiles. How others perceive us is not the control of this department. That lies elsewhere. Often the Minister will be asked to do most difficult job of having to undertake serious damage control rather than have the opportunity to control the message.
Damage to our image can come from politicking politicians, from brassy youth leaders, from disorderly civil society and from some rapacious businesspeople. How people do business on the continent can have serious consequences for our image and branding. The department needs to be proactive in ensuring that our engagements with Africans are mutually beneficial. It is for this reason we emphasise the importance of public diplomacy.
The forging of a common national identity is an imperative. We cannot defer this in the hope that it will emerge by itself. In spite of the differences that people have in countries in Asia, and in Switzerland and America, they are at least able to project a common national identity. We need to know who we are.
Minister, the great gripe that I have comes from government not investing adequately in stimulating public diplomacy. I believe that this is a challenge for the department. Public opinion has to be cultivated to shape our foreign policy. I submit that public diplomacy must play a pivotal role in shaping a favourable projection of ourselves as a nation. By public diplomacy I certainly do not mean public relations. That would merely be cosmetic. I am seeking something more authentic.
Public diplomacy must serve as a tool for national unity. We need to use it to promote our ideas and values and to build peace among ourselves, our neighbours and the world. Recent developments in our country, especially the youth leader's visit to Zimbabwe, have deepened our concern both about the message we are transmitting as well as about the profile of some of the messengers.
Public diplomacy cannot be driven by party affiliation, irrespective of the party or by party T-shirts, caps and the banging of drums. A partisan approach will create contestation. Also, because of our democracy and the building of sturdy alliances, we can engage with people abroad in mutually beneficial relations.
A proactive engagement with people in our own country will create a platform for proactive engagement with the countries of the world. This means that as leaders we must mind what we say and how we behave. To see how we are progressing, the department must establish a barometer to measure whether we are rising or falling internationally. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr M B SKOSANA
Mr L S NGONYAMA
Mr M B SKOSANA: Hon Chairperson, hon Minister, Deputy Ministers, hon members, today the IFP is tempted, although with some trepidation, to predict difficult times ahead for South Africa's realist-idealist approach to international relations and co-operation, characterised significantly by legal and moral values, pragmatism and international principles, to name a few.
Plato, in his search for the ideal form of state, discovered that he did not like international relations and believed that the only time when states should relate was when they were at war with each other. He supported a politically and economically self-sufficient state, with no trade relations and agreements with other sovereign states. He argued that such a state of international affairs would prevent the encroachment of the soul mates of foreign trade and investments, that is, political and moral decadence, including corruption and economic domination. His became a strong call for vigilance against the making of modern-day political and economic slavery by economically powerful nations of the world.
It is an empirical fact that national interests have a fundamental bearing and influence on foreign policy formulation and direction, and one of the major determinants of an effective foreign policy is found in the national character of the state. Here we refer to: one, strong sovereign authority, that is the collective will of the people; two, efficient and visionary leadership; three, a strong sense of national security; four, good laws; and, five, economic wellbeing. A deficit in any of these principles would no doubt result in what prominent African author and professor Chinua Achebe once observed: that when the centre failed to hold, things were bound to fall apart.
Since 1994, Madam Minister, the Presidency in conjunction with the Ministry and department has established a stable foreign service, girded firmly by prudent foreign policy and officialdom. On the contrary, the centre represented by domestic policy is not steadfast and herein lurks our nemesis-in-waiting. When one of Africa's biggest economies threatens to become the Achilles heel of Africa's political and economic sovereignty, colonial political domination and economic exploitation are unalterably revisited on the millions of people of the African continent.
The South African body politic is allowing itself to be infested with vices that are historically responsible for the predicament - at worst, the demise - of many of the post-colonial African nation states, when their administrations collapsed under harshly escalating poverty and unemployment, human and drug trafficking, small arms proliferation and ethnic wars, political infighting, crime and racism.
In case we don't believe the racism, some people believe that racism is widely feared as the expression of psycho-historical fantasies, grounded in the culture of powerful nations and social groups, and with its irrational power it will continue to distort both domestic and foreign policy and undermine freedom, independence and human rights.
Madam Minister, while supporting the department's strategic priorities for the period 2010 to 2015, the IFP urges the department, among other things, to place stronger and wider emphasis and resources on public diplomacy to further empower and consolidate the sovereign authority of the body politic. Once you have a weak body politic or the sovereign authority is weak, then the foreign policy is going to be weakened.
Further, the IFP urges the department to expedite the establishment of a specialised programme on the deployment of Africans in the diaspora, in particular in the public service, education and the economy. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
NG
END OF TAKE
Mr H T MAGAMA
Mr B M SKOSANA
Mr H T MAGAMA: Chairperson, hon Minister and Deputy Ministers, distinguished guests, comrades, ladies and gentlemen, in five days' time we will be celebrating 16 years of freedom, democracy and the right to be citizens in our own country. When we do so, we must indeed ask ourselves how far we have come in abolishing the contradictions that continue to define South Africa's social and economic conditions. In that context, what is the role of International Relations and Co-operation?
In responding to this question, my organisation, the ANC, humbly and honestly states that we come a long way. Considerable progress has been made. A lot still need to be done, but by working together we can do more.
The ANC proceeds from the premise that there can be no lasting prosperity and stability in South Africa when there is strife, abject poverty, war, conflict, instability and underdevelopment in Africa.
Let me state from the very outset that our budget must indeed advance our commitment to robust international engagement. It must help us to achieve our own national priorities and contribute to the task of shaping our country's and continent's development in the interest of a better life for all.
The ANC believes that economic and political co-operation with other countries can and must help us to achieve our own national priorities and improve the lives of our people. We shall indeed continue to work towards a better life for all, a better Africa and a better world, without hunger, disease, conflict and underdevelopment.
This also relates to international and continental solidarity work, party-to-party relations, etc. Amongst other things, this refers to solidarity with Cuba, and the Western Sahara, continued support for the peace process in Zimbabwe, support for the Palestinian people's cause for freedom and self-determination through indeed the realisation of a two-state solution, the resolution of the conflict in Somalia, and normalisation and a return to democracy, peace, stability and development in Haiti.
We must ensure the consolidation of the African agenda through working together with all other peoples on the continent and continue to engage with countries such as India and Brazil through Ibsa, and with China and beyond.
We need to strengthen our strategic capacity of response to developments in our region, continent and the world. Our continent has the possibility to move towards a renaissance of hope and social progress. At present, in spite of the global economic crunch, economic growth is accelerating.
There is a determination to turn our continent into one of the centres of rapid industrialisation and social development. Indeed, most of the conflicts on the continent have been resolved and democracy is spreading.
President Zuma's state of the nation address reiterated the government's commitment to peacekeeping missions and humanitarian assistance in an effort to build a better world and a better Africa through multilateral fora, such as the African Union, the United Nations and other international instruments.
Indeed, the recent African Union endorsement of South Africa's candidature for a nonpermanent seat on the UN Security Council relate directly to this message and is an endorsement of our good record on the world stage, in spite, of course, of what our detractors at home may say.
Our country must continue to promote multilateralism in matters of peace, stability, development and reconstruction. This includes pursuing even more vigorously the campaign for the reform of institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the United Nations, into truly democratic and developmental institutions of global governance.
The building of a cohesive regional economic bloc is of absolute necessity and requires a developed-oriented approach to international relations. It calls for the acceleration of infrastructure development, and the advancement of trade and development through collective planning and execution of regional programmes. These, together with the streamlining of our priorities, will strengthen our collective bargaining power.
Furthermore, the deepening of development and the seeking of integrated approaches to engagement on trade agreements, peace and stability and post-conflict reconstruction require co-operation and resources. The powerful nations need to co-operate in order for us to achieve the Millennium Development Goals and put the advancement of the African agenda on a sound footing.
We need to be mindful of the fact that peacemaking or peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance and development could be expressed in different forms by different countries. The IMF and the World Bank should have that understanding when deciding to extend or withdraw financial support to diverse countries.
Amongst other things, it also requires a fundamental tilting in the international balance of forces – the hon Ngonyama will know what I am talking about - through a co-ordinated programme of the forces of the left, hon member, not just at the diplomatic and government level. However, this requires a thorough analysis and a clear understanding of the current international balance of forces, which continue to favour economies of the advanced and powerful countries.
Chairperson, I can see the longing in the hon members' eyes. Hon members, South Africa is one country with one President who, in terms of our Constitution, is responsible for conducting foreign policy. The failed attempt by the Leader of the Opposition to scupper the World Bank loan for the construction of a power plant, for the purposes of political points scoring, is, at the least, short-sighted, irresponsible and unpatriotic. This happens with no regard for the consequences for those of our people who as yet do not have access to electricity and with whom the ANC government has entered into a social contract on the basis of the ANC's election manifesto.
Be that as it may, great advancement could and should be made in consolidating the African agenda. Bringing these basic services to our people must be a cornerstone of our approach because this is indeed Africa's time.
Through this budget we will be able to maintain our focus on strengthening the African Union and its various organs, promoting the implementation of the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, and promoting regional integration through the Southern Development Community, SADC. Supporting peace, security and stability and contributing to peace-building initiatives, such as postconflict reconstruction and development, will remain key focus areas for our country.
In this regard, the mooted SA Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa, will be prioritised as a mechanism that is earmarked to perform the crucial function of co-ordinating all of South Africa's development assistance throughout the African continent and the world. Sadpa will also be responsible for implementing South Africa's development, co-operation and partnership policy.
Our country continues to playing a leading role in continental efforts to strengthen the African Union and its organs and to work for unity. The focus will be on revitalising Nepad as a strategy for common and social development on the continent.
The Freedom Charter continues to guide our approach to international relations, underpinned by the African agenda, as it recognises the rights of all peoples of Africa and the world to independence and self-government.
Indeed, it is through co-operation that Africa's development can be realised. Other critical areas for advancing the African agenda include the consolidation and deepening of economic continental integration; strengthening bilateral relations with strategic countries; resolving conflicts peacefully through dialogue; promoting and preventing violations of human rights; and enhancing peacekeeping processes.
It must be emphasised that the ANC remains part of the progressive forces of change internationally in order to contribute to global transformation of a better life for all. This involvement should be guided by the principle of internationalism, and commitment to human and people's rights against all abuses and violations. The state of the nation's address reaffirms our commitment through the resolution of conflict around the world through dialogue and peaceful means, an entrenched principle in the Freedom Charter.
Finally, hon members, dear South Africans, the violence directed at African foreign nationals, notably refugees and asylum seekers, remains a matter of grave concern and severely dents our country's image in Africa and the world, and the ANC calls on all our people to desist from such actions. Furthermore, the scandalous, if not atrocious, treatment of 45 African refugee children in Strandfontein, many of them as young as two years old, who have been forced to sleep on the cold, dirty floor of a toilet in a dilapidated building by the DA in the Western Cape, must be condemned in the strongest terms possible. [Interjections.] Cape Town, hon members, is not a colony and the Western Cape is not a republic.
This, together with the infamous degrading and inhumane open toilet scandal, the Hitler's Nazi-style demolition of Christian churches in the townships and the appointment of a lily-white executive council, only serves to confirm what we know: that in spite of its token deployment of a black person here and there and mastery of the act of window-dressing, the DA remains deeply antiblack, anti-African and antitransformation. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mohau/VM
END OF TAKE
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Mr E I Ebrahim)
Mr H T MAGAMA
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Mr E I Ebrahim): Hon Chairperson, Minister Nkoana-Mashabane, hon chairperson and members of the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation, members of the diplomatic corps, ladies and gentlemen, the context in which we present this budget was articulated by the President during his 2010 state of the nation address when he said, in part, that the programmes and work of various government departments would be measured by outcomes developed through our performance monitoring and evaluation system.
Such an approach to the work of our government is critical because we have committed ourselves to five priorities: education, health, rural development and land reform, creating decent work, and fighting crime.
Ladies and gentlemen, make no mistake, these are not mere interests that we wish to pursue but, as the former Secretary-General of the United Nations once noted, priorities that speak to three interlinked and fundamental freedoms, namely freedom from fear, freedom from want, and freedom to live in dignity. These are freedoms that should be enjoyed by the peoples of South Africa, Africa and the rest of the world.
Accordingly, our commitment as a department, based on the co-operative system of government, is to contribute to the creation of a better South Africa, a better Africa and a better world.
It is, first and foremost, on our continent of Africa where we will continue to focus our energies in terms of the realisation of these freedoms through our concerted efforts to contribute to a peaceful and stable continent. Therefore, while we join the 27 African countries marking their 50th anniversary of independence, we remain conscious of the fact that thousands of ordinary African citizens still struggle to lead a life free from fear because of conflicts, and free of want because of poverty and related challenges.
We will therefore not abrogate our responsibility to see the protracted negotiations on the political stalemate in Zimbabwe coming to an end. To demonstrate our eagerness to have this stalemate resolved in Zimbabwe, our President has deployed a high-level mediation team to Zimbabwe to facilitate the implementation of the Global Partnership Agreement, in keeping with the Southern African Development Community mandate. It is precisely because the issues at stake in Zimbabwe are of such fundamental freedoms that the political dialogue has been protracted, and, South Africa, in its capacity as a facilitator, has to approach this situation with much care.
For the first time in 24 years, we recently witnessed the holding of multiparty elections in the Sudan, enabling the people of this country to decide who should lead them. Despite claims of irregularities and pronouncements that these elections did not meet international standards, they nevertheless mark the start of an irreversible process leading up to the referendum in 2011. Our efforts will be geared towards contributing to a stable Sudan, particularly in support of the people and the current government of South Sudan.
In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the DRC, we will continue our extensive efforts to assist the government in state-building, and to deliver a better life to its people. Given the history of the
DRC as a country in which the main interest of foreign countries has been the exploitation of natural resources, we take pride in the fact that our country is making tangible positive interventions to enhance economic and political governance and social development.
As the rest of Africa celebrates its independence from the bane of colonialism, it is unconscionable that the people of Western Sahara are yet to enjoy their right to self-determination. With concern, our government has noted the deteriorating human rights situation in the occupied territories of Western Sahara. In this context, it is our observation that the latest report of the UN Secretary-General on the situation in Western Sahara failed to adequately address the question of human rights violations.
In the context of multilateralism, we will, among other things, engage on the issue of including human rights in the mandate of the UN mission in Western Sahara. We will continue advocating our principled stance for the people of Western Sahara to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination.
In his speech to the council of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation, Aapso, in Tripoli in January 1971, Oliver Tambo spoke strongly to the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and I quote:
The intransigence of Israel in its continued occupation of Arab land and its denial of the just demands of the Palestinian people has turned the Middle East into an explosive battleground seriously endangering world peace and security.
Guided by Oliver Tambo's reading of the situation in the Middle East a few decades ago, our present-day commitment to contribute to a better world will ring hollow if we deviate from the simple truth that the Israel-Palestine conflict is primarily about freedom to live in dignity.
In our continued engagement with this situation, the two events that had and will have a bearing on the Middle East Process were the Israeli invasion and assault on Gaza in 2009 and the election of a right-wing government in Israel. Let me also take this opportunity, once again, to salute Justice Richard Goldstone and the team of eminent jurists that he led, whose painstaking work exposed the calculated and well-orchestrated violations of international humanitarian law in Gaza.
This administration will continue to support international efforts aimed at bringing about a lasting solution to the conflict. Specifically, we will also play our part as a member of the international community in ensuring that the recommendations of the Goldstone Report are implemented, that the economic strangulation of Gaza is lifted, and that the cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem and the targeting of land for further settlement construction come to an end.
We will continue to call for a total settlement freeze. We will also insist on a just peace to be reflected in all our peace proposals, which should make provision for the right of return for Palestinian refugees, for East Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine, and for Palestinians to have complete control over their natural resources, such as water. To achieve this, we will aim for seamless co-ordination between our head office and our various multilateral and bilateral missions on whose agenda of work the question of Palestine is discussed.
The armed struggle in Sri Lanka between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the LTTE, has ended, but many of the underlying issues have not been resolved. Many countries were shocked at the brutality of the war, which led to the displacement of tens of thousands of people, many of whom are still in camps. We appeal to the Sri Lankan government to expedite the return of displaced Tamils and reintegrate them into society. In the past South Africa has expressed its willingness to assist in peace and reconciliation in the country and we are prepared to continue our efforts in this.
As highlighted by the Minister, the issues of nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation remain part of our foreign policy engagements in multilateral forums. We will continue to support the work of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the IAEA, as the competent and legitimate forum on issues of nuclear energy. It is in this context that we will continue to actively participate and pronounce ourselves on all matters within the IAEA, especially the legitimate right of all states to use nuclear energy for peaceful means.
Accordingly, in the run-up to the 28 May 2010 review conference of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, South Africa will maintain, amongst other things, its support for the full implementation of the treaty, as well as its universality; that nuclear disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation are inextricably linked, and both therefore require continuous and irreversible progress; that the peaceful use of nuclear energy is inextricably linked to nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation obligations under the Treaty; and that the IAEA should be provided with the necessary support and assistance to fulfill its statutory mandate. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
VM/
END OF TAKE
Mr B H HOLOMISA
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Mr E I Ebrahim)
Mr B H HOLOMISA: Chairperson, hon Minister, Deputy Ministers and hon members, the UDM supports Budget Vote 5.
IsiXhosa:
Kwaye sithi kusihlalo weKomiti yeMicimbi yeSebe, aphile ngokukhawuleza. Kwisidlo sangokuhlwa siza kumnika iyeza; siza kumxubela bhaya ebharini. Ndiyathemba ukuba ibhari iza kube ikhona ngokuhlwa kwanamhlanje.
English:
Since the advent of democracy, we have, as South Africans, cleansed ourselves of our polecat image on the international stage, thanks to the visionary leadership we have been exposed to in this country. Who would have thought in 1994 that today we would be on the eve of hosting the Fifa World Cup? Indeed, within this period, we have already risen to the United Nations Security Council, and even chaired that august forum.
It is gratifying to hear that the African Union, at it last meeting, resolved that South Africa must once more return to the UN Security Council as a representative of the continent. This is a sign that the continent holds our country in high esteem and wants us to continue with the work we begun during our previous tenure on the UN Security Council.
During this new term, there should be close co-ordination between the department, the Presidency, the Minister and the portfolio committee to make sure that we read from the same page. The UDM feels strongly that we should use the opportunity presented by the willingness of the Obama Administration to return to a multilateral style of international relations. We must encourage this trend.
How wonderful it would be to reach the day when all players in the nuclear arena sit around a single table. South Africa must play a role in bringing countries like Israel, Iran and North Korea to the round table to face reality and submit to the international nonproliferation treaties.
However, we must not fool ourselves that countries such as Israel will easily give up their nuclear arsenals as long as the Middle East question is not resolved.
Now that the Obama Administration has shown its commitment to multilateralism, a chance exists that this spirit will spread to other Security Council members and that a resolution can be found to the Middle East conflict.
In October last year, I was appointed to the Interim National Defence Force Service Commission by the Minister of Defence. Our mandate is to look, amongst other things, at the conditions of service of SA National Defence Force members. My observation is that the Department of International Relations and Co-operation and the portfolio committee need to consult intensively with the SANDF about our current and future peacekeeping efforts to ensure that we have the capacity to fulfil those duties.
In conclusion, allow me to add to the concerns of the chairperson of the portfolio committee. The Department of International Relations and Co-operation is the eyes and ears of the country. It is also responsible for selling South Africa on the international stage.
Whilst we note the right to freedom of expression, the Ministry should not be afraid to call to order those political leaders, even in the ruling party itself, who are sending out mixed signals on economic policy. It is necessary to rein in those people in the tripartite alliance, who, because of the fundamental policy differences amongst themselves, are jeopardising foreign investment with reckless comments about policy and constitutional rights in South Africa. We have witnessed this recklessness for the past 15 years.
Finally, whether we like it or not, the debacle of the Eskom-Hitachi deal has created the impression that foreign investors have to enter into business partnerships with the ruling party or those linked to it. The sooner the political heads of this department explain to the powers that be the danger of this international impression of corruption, the sooner we can save ourselves from being relegated to the backwaters of foreign investment. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mrs C DUDLEY
Mr B H HOLOMISA
Mrs C DUDLEY: Chair, Ministers, the ACDP notes that the Department of International Relations and Co-operation has been allocated R4,8 billion in this financial year, a 22% decrease.
This department is tasked with advancing a robust programme of international engagement and maintains a presence in 107 countries through its 123 missions with extremely limited resources. How much will financial limitations impact on the effectiveness of the department, hon Minister?
Trade and economic issues are at the very centre of international relations and are central to the modern diplomat. Steps must therefore be taken to ensure that South African representatives abroad are well versed in economic and trade maters. The ACDP supports efforts to secure improved investment and trade links worldwide by developing links with established trading and investment partners, encouraging new links with emerging markets, representing the interests of the South in international forums, and extending assistance to Southern Africa in the interests of stability and development.
Closer relations with neighbouring states are essential as Southern Africa's economic, political and security status will always impact heavily on South Africa. South Africa therefore stands to benefit if it facilitates growth, development and security in these countries.
The ACDP calls on government to actively pursue the establishment of common security arrangements in Southern Africa to develop a co-ordinated approach to cross-border trafficking in small arms, human trafficking and refugees.
The ACDP believes that environmental issues and their impact on society should not be taken lightly as people living in South Africa, present and future, have a right to a safe and healthy environment and a life of wellbeing. We must not allow our country to become a dumping ground for toxic waste.
Sustainable development is of critical importance in terms of global policy, but this should not be in the guise of population control in Africa, as it has been, with conventions being signed that discriminate against the most vulnerable of all human beings: pre-born babies.
The world is witnessing a tragic rise in the tide of refugees, and the ACDP strongly supports the work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the UNHCR. Xenophobia is on the rise globally and it is a constant threat to peace and security within our borders. Hon Minister, to what extent does this situation impact on the work and budget of the department?
South Africa must have a professional diplomatic service independent of the narrow confines of party politics. State protocol services are set to be in high demand during this financial year, owing to the projected increase in the number of international dignitaries that will travel to South Africa for the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup and related activities. The ACDP notes that the increase in the protocol and diplomatic budget is estimated at 86,5% in order to provide this service.
We are pleased to see that the department has upgraded its information and communication technology infrastructure. The project was costly, but the department and government will benefit in time from savings on communication costs and there is likely to be improved service delivery.
The new state-of-the-art head office campus now houses the department's officials who were previously scattered throughout the City of Tshwane in seven rented buildings. This should also increase efficiency greatly.
The ACDP will support this budget, despite our concerns regarding government's often short-sighted and biased approach to the Middle East conflict. I thank you.
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The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Ms S C van der Merwe)
Mrs C DUDLEY
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Ms S C Van Der Merwe): Chairperson of the House, Minister Nkoana Mashabane, Deputy Minister Ebrahim, other Ministers and Deputy Ministers that are here, hon Members of Parliament, Your Excellencies Ambassadors and High Commissioners, the presentation of our budget to this House today comes, as the Minister has said, just 49 days before the kickoff of the Fifa World Cup Soccer tournament – the first time ever on African soil. It is with a sense of excitement that our country readies itself to welcome hundreds of thousands of fans from the length and breadth of our continent and from all over the world.
The Fifa World Cup will be important to South Africa in many ways. It will showcase South Africa to the world as a tourism and investment destination. It will enable us to show that South Africa and Africa can successfully host an event of this magnitude, and thus it will give us an opportunity to realise some of our objectives as a country.
The Minister spoke of how we leverage support for our national interests through our international relations work. During the World Cup we will have a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to do this not just through the experience of the fans that come, but also through the television coverage all over the world.
The Minister has also described our work as bridge-builders and as pathfinders for new opportunities in our efforts to build our country. We want to show today how we are doing that and draw the definitive link between our international efforts and our ambitions for a better life for all our people.
Thus, our work starts here in South Africa and then extends to the international community through a very extensive network of bilateral relationships with virtually every country in the world. We have missions in 107 countries and representations through nonresident ambassadors in many more. Naturally, though, we place emphasis on our relationship with neighbours on the continent and our immediate neighbours in the Southern African Development Community, SADC, region.
Working with our sister Departments of Finance and of Trade and Industry, we have made significant progress over the past few years on integrating our region. We already have strong political bonds with our neighbouring countries, which bonds have their roots in our history. It is our challenge now to translate those strong bonds into practical benefits for our people.
Having launched the SADC Free Trade Area in 2008, our work now focuses on consolidating the FTA and moving steadily towards a SADC-wide customs union. Currently, 13 countries with a registered market of 170 million people with a combined GDP worth US$360 billion comprise our SADC FTA region. When Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo join, 77 million more people will be added, with an additional market of US$71 billion. Such a position will greatly enhance our attractiveness as a trading entity and we continue to work actively to consolidate this position.
This process of regional integration has to leverage the experience of our 100-year-old Southern African Customs Union, Sacu. It is also critical that, as we build the SADC-wide customs union, we are vigilant and ensure that the measures we take will serve to cushion us during the stormy periods, such as the current global economic crisis. Therefore, we must build a customs union able to diversify its economic relations, particularly with the rapidly growing markets of the South.
At the frontline of our efforts in promoting our trade and economic interests are our diplomats, posted in all corners of the world. The chairperson of the portfolio committee will be very pleased to know that these diplomats are now all exposed to specialised training in economic diplomacy. The main elements of this training focus on providing diplomats with an analysis of the international economic environment, and on studying legal aspects of economic interaction, as well as on briefings on the interrelations between economic policy and South Africa's foreign policy.
We use both our bilateral relationships as well as the many multilateral forums to which we belong to promote South Africa and encourage investment. A huge opportunity to promote South Africa this year will be the Shanghai Expo in China, to be officially opened on 1 May 2010. This is a world expo, which only takes place every five years and is considered the Olympics of economy, science and technology. It gives South Africa the opportunity to showcase itself as a unique combination of a modern economy that is globally oriented, but with the spirit, energy and human-centeredness of Africa.
We have a magnificent South African pavilion, which we anticipate will attract much interest from the estimated 70 million visitors to the expo. Several South African companies, including those with cutting-edge technologies, will participate in our pavilion, and we will have the opportunity to further promote the Fifa World Cup to this huge audience.
South Africa is the largest economy on the African continent, and our diplomatic efforts are as extensive as many countries larger and more powerful than we are. We believe this imposes on us a particular responsibility, a duty. We see our work therefore as not only promoting the interests of South African people, but also the interests of our neighbours on the continent, whose interests must also be a priority for us.
South Africa has a modern infrastructure including a sophisticated telecommunications network, a highly developed financial services industry and developed transport networks, amongst other things. We are therefore in a strong position on the continent to act as a hub, a stimulus for growth in the region and a driver of continental prosperity. To us, a prosperous continent will be to the benefit of all of us.
So, since our country gained its freedom, South Africa has focused its foreign policy on this African agenda, on building African institutions and on promoting peace on the continent. We have spent considerable energy and resources on these efforts and, as mentioned by the Minister, we now need to consolidate those efforts and streamline them to the greatest effect.
To do this we have begun work on the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency – mentioned by other colleagues in the House today. The concept of such an agency has been agreed by Cabinet and we are working on the next stage of its development. Our thinking includes working on the existing African Renaissance and International Co-operation Fund, or the ARF, and expanding it to become the envisaged agency. This will require a new piece of legislation, which will be brought before this Parliament in due course.
It is envisaged that such funding that is already earmarked for the ARF will form part of the initial budget of the agency. We have held discussions with many similar agencies in other countries, including those countries from the developed and developing worlds, to gain from the international experience and to inform our work in this regard. We have had an enthusiastic response from our development partners, and will continue discussions with them so as to leverage trilateral co-operation methods to further enhance the effectiveness and the impact of the agency.
Members will be engaged in this discussion through the lawmaking process, and we look forward to your inputs in this regard. The focus of the partnership agency will be on African partnerships. The Minister outlined earlier the work we do in the African Union context. It was therefore with great humility that we received the support of the African Union in our bid to serve a second term on the United Nations Security Council as a nonpermanent member.
And, as the Minister also said, our current membership of the AU Peace and Security Council will provide us with good synergy in promoting a closer relationship between regional structures and the United Nations Security Council. We will keep this House updated on developments in this regard as the campaign for our candidature progresses.
I would like to acknowledge the distinguished guests we have here today from the institutions studying international relations, and our guests from academia, from the business community and from the diplomatic corps. I would like to thank them for their ongoing co-operation.
In line with the Minister's leadership in bringing international relations to our people, I have also invited here today to this Budget Vote debate some members of my own community: from Stellenbosch, where I'm deployed in a constituency office; and from Claremont, where I work with a community-based group of domestic workers on a housing project; as well as my comrades in my branch. [Applause.]
I did this so that they could be here, in a sense representing the broader South African community, so they could see how our international efforts impact on the lives of ordinary South Africans. I wish to thank them all for coming, and I hope that they have found this interesting and that they now understand why I'm so often absent.
I would also like to thank Minister Nkoana-Mashabane and Deputy Minister Ebrahim for the great pleasure of being able to work with them. I too would like to acknowledge with thanks and appreciation the professionalism and support that I receive from our director-general and the officials he so ably leads. They are some of our brightest minds and contribute significantly to the challenging world of our international interactions. I am very proud to be part of our South African diplomatic service. I thank them all most sincerely for their hard work and dedication to the cause of South Africa's international work. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr K O Bapela): Thank you very much, hon Deputy Minister. Hon Sunduza, I am aware that you are presenting your maiden speech. Hon Ngonyama, don't disturb her.
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Ms T B SUNDUZA
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Ms S C van der Merwe)
Ms T B SUNDUZA: Chairperson, hon Minister Mme Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, hon Deputy Minister Ebrahim Ismail Ebrahim, hon Deputy Minister Sue van der Merwe, distinguished guests, hon members, your excellencies ambassadors and high commissioners, and my family via satellite communication, I would to thank the ANC for giving me this opportunity.
The current international situation within the South has changed in recent years. More countries than ever before have democratic dispensations. Our country has pursued co-operation with the nations of the South. It has done so through trilateral and multilateral forums.
These forums include the India-Brazil-South Africa, Ibsa, Initiative, the New Africa-Asia Strategic Partnership, the NAASP, the Indian Ocean Rim Association of Regional Cooperation, the IOR-ARC, the Forum on China-Africa Co-operation, the FOCAC, and the G77. These forums comprise nations that belong to the Non-Aligned Movement, NAM. Our theme, namely the "Pillars of the International Relations Foreign Policy of the Department" takes account of the South-South co-operation pursuit.
There have been important developments in South-to-South relations. Countries of the South tend to operate incompetently due to peculiar conditions created by the advanced superpowers within the globalisation framework. There have been social and economic challenges in Africa historically and the rest of the South, under the hammer blows of the structural adjustment programmes and the generally rampant imperialism.
As we speak, there are millions of people in the South without access to clean drinking water; others will go to bed tonight. Poverty has increased in recent years in both absolute and relative terms in Africa, Latin America and in the advanced countries themselves.
It is really at this period that neo-liberal orthodoxies have become increasingly hegemonic. We are talking about the dominant ideology permeating the world economy. It evolves within the process of globalisation. We recognise that globalisation is the process of trying to integrate national and international markets. We also note that neo-liberalism tends to paralyse the economy, creating a gap between the rich and the poor people of these countries.
As a consequence, developing countries operate under difficult circumstances because of peculiar conditions created by the unequal relations in the world economy. The current crisis has resulted in huge job losses and decreased production. Some countries have emerged more powerful than others. For example, China, India and Brazil have become significant economic powers. Different countries have experienced the impact of the global economic crisis differently. South Africa and Africa, relatively, appear to have been trailing the above global South countries in economic growth. In intensifying South-to-South co-operation, there is a need to deepen co-operation with these countries and ensure acceleration of trade relations.
However, our country might not be occupying leadership positions in any of the institutions of the South whose members are also part of the United Nations system. The state will continue to promote co-operation with its southern partners through the India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue Forum, the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation, the Non-Aligned Movement and the G77 group, as well as the Forum for China-Africa Co-operation, the FOCAC, and the New Africa-Asia Strategic Partnership, the NAASP.
Our country is aiming towards building solidarity and interdependence amongst the nations of the South in order to be better positioned to address common challenges, such as poverty, unemployment, education, health, and the challenges confronting women and the youth. South Africa will continue to pursue co-operation in the fields of science and technology, and trade.
We will focus on securing and consolidating trade agreements with countries of the North and will participate in new forums that promote economic and political co-operation, including the Africa-European Union Strategic Partnership, the partnership between the EU and Latin American countries, as well as the Tokyo International Conference on Trade and Development, the TICAD. Our ongoing participation in the Commonwealth Youth Programme will receive attention, particularly as the funding mechanism for this structure has been changed to assessed contributions, meaning that there will be a focus on performance, which carries with it suggestions of accountability requirements.
Some studies suggest that peace-building or peacekeeping and reconstruction could be a rhetorical cover by powerful countries of the North and donors, while, in fact, they want to control or even practice neo-imperialism designed to recolonise countries of the South. This position argues that powerful countries tend to ignore the causes of underdevelopment, violent conflict and poverty, which characterise most countries of the South owing to the unequal manner in which they are integrated into the global economy.
The advancing interests of countries of the South and common positions are tabled in various multilateral and intergovernmental institutions, such as the United Nations system, including crucial organs such as the Security Council, and within important institutions such as the World Trade Organisation and the Bretton Woods financial institutions.
Some of the robust engagements that South Africa has had over the past year include talks with general leaders of the G20 on crafting a strategy for dealing with the global economic recession, as well as on the position advanced at the December 2009 Copenhagen climate-change talks.
Our country's efforts have been well noticed and, as such, South Africa was chosen by the AU heads of state and government to represent the continent in the United Nations Security Council when the nonpermanent seat becomes available in 2011. The United Nations General Assembly will decide on the matter in October 2010.
South Africa has also engaged the countries of the North through a number of forums, including the Africa-EU Strategic Partnership, supplemented by South Africa's own bilateral engagement with the EU, as well as the Tokyo International Conference on Trade and Development. The aim of the engagement with the countries of the North has been to cultivate new sources of trade opportunities, investment and development co-operation.
South-to-South co-operation is more relevant than ever before. Globalisation has profound effects on the underdeveloped economies of the South. It has effects on relations between the South and the advanced industrialised countries of the North. Globalisation has also been accompanied by a highly uneven and unequal process of liberalisation. Countries of the South have been pressured to open up their economies by reducing government protection of local producers and by privatising assets that can be bought by multinationals.
The global imbalances tend to compel the countries of the South into having conditional relations with the International Monetary Fund, the IMF, and the World Bank. This situation requires countries of the South to be more united than ever before and to co-operate in terms of trade and development. It requires the strengthening of strategic partnerships and alliances within the South bloc to develop a better life for all. These relations have also ensured that the countries have good economic relations, and they are doing that very well.
In terms of tourism, the statistics show that tourism has increased among these countries. This calls for the further strengthening of forces of the left, not just of governments, and the involvement of organisations, people's movements and international left movements in order to champion popular South-to-South struggles and economic development. With the co-operation of the South forces of the left and with the budget at our disposal, we can do more for our people.
This shows clearly that the hon Bantu Holomisa does not attend the committee meetings, and that is why he relies on media gossip columns. At a committee meeting, which he did not attend, we discussed issues of importance, of global and foreign policy, not gossip columns, but that is what we expect from him. He is from a party of fewer than three people, so they won't deal with anything. The ANC supports this Budget Vote. I thank you. [Applause.]
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Mr S MOKGALAPA
Ms T B SUDUZA
Mr S MOKGALAPA: Hon Chairperson, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, members and guests, South African foreign policy is always perceived by the public as being elitist in nature. This perception means that our foreign policy is inaccessible to the ordinary citizen. This requires a new way of doing business by the department in an effort to ensure that our foreign policy decision-making process reaches the grass roots.
One of the programmes of the department is that of public diplomacy and protocol services, the primary purpose of which is to communicate South Africa's role and position in international relations in the domestic and international arenas. This, however, has been relegated to mainly providing protocol services as opposed to strengthening public diplomacy. This trend should change. South African citizens should be involved in foreign policy decision-making.
The 21st century calls for governments to modernise their international relations. With the growing influence of mass media, multicorporations and strong lobby groups that have access to resources, it has become essential that the department should partner with these bodies to ensure the effective communication of our foreign policy objectives.
This can be done through a public diplomacy programme, which will promote the national interests of our country through understanding, informing and influencing foreign and local audiences. This will help to reduce the degree to which misperceptions and misunderstandings complicate our foreign relations with the world. It could also assist in alleviating xenophobia by explaining to ordinary grass-roots people South Africa's international obligations to Africa and the world.
Public diplomacy is not only state-centric, but it is rather primarily multicentric. We often see a press statement or an advert from the department on its foreign policy objectives and an explanation of why a particular position was taken by government, and this leads to confusion and misperceptions.
Public diplomacy also means that challenges and solutions do not come from states alone; non-state actors can also contribute. This is evolution - from a hard-power to soft-power approach and is the only way to close the gap between domestic and foreign policy. In the modern world order, countries have become brands that should be marketable in a globally competitive economy, hence the need to influence the private sector to instil investor confidence and do nation-building.
The challenge with South Africa's foreign policy is that we do not have a common national interest. Hence, the question arises: What is our national interest with regard to our relationship with China, for example? Dialogue should be encouraged between the government, the citizens and non-state actors to define our national interest. We need clear co-ordination and the engagement of stakeholders, and clear positions on issues of major international importance, for example on the Myanmar issue and UN resolutions. All these have an impact on how we communicate with the people on the ground.
South Africa's image has been dented by some of our social problems like crime and xenophobic attacks; hence we need to strengthen our public diplomacy to make an impact on promoting our international image. The key word here, Madam Minister, is "coherence" in our messages to the world. For example, the issue of nationalisation creates a lot of animosity and confusion, both locally and internationally, if it is not clearly articulated to the world, as experienced recently during the visit to the UK.
The annual report of the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation and the year performance review highlight the importance of public diplomacy as the number one priority of the committee's oversight work, but the committee has not yet conducted any of its plans to engage stakeholders. The University of Limpopo and the University of Cape Town are still waiting for us, and we need to move in this regard. Hence, we urge the chairperson to move with speed to ensure that we engage for public diplomacy's sake.
The Institute for Global Dialogue, in the review of the department's annual report, highlighted the following about South Africa's foreign policy. Firstly, it lacks strategy. What is South Africa's long-term strategy for the next 10 to 15 years? Secondly, what is the diplomatic capital value of the state visits at home and abroad by the President, Minister? What do ordinary citizens get out of them?
Thirdly, what is the desired capital diplomatic value in the bilaterals and multilaterals that we engage in? Is it only for participation and policy outcomes, but with no influence? Fourthly, the inadequate use of soft power tools still persists in the department.
The DA welcomes the proposed White Paper on foreign policy. We also welcome the outreach programmes and the Foreign Policy Council. That will help in the engagement of the citizens in foreign policy decision-making. This is long overdue. We are, however, concerned about the budget allocation to this programme. Only a small portion is allocated to this task, and this means that the department must make sure that this important function is well articulated. We hope that it can achieve its mandate in this regard.
The question is: Do our foreign policy objectives in the SADC region have an impact and influence? If so, why does Zimbabwe still remain a problem? If we continue to commit ourselves to the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms, then why do we engage with dubious governments? Why are we quiet on Myanmar/Burma? [Applause.] We need to revert to our core principles of foreign policy to guide our relations with the world.
In conclusion, how do we align our foreign policy with our national priorities in order to respond to unemployment and education? To achieve this, we must be more strategic than operational. We must shift from quantity to quality. How do we involve our citizens in understanding our foreign policy goals, and how do we explain our foreign policy objectives and positions to our citizens and involve the private sector, the media and the NGOs in foreign policy decision-making to brand South Africa commonly as a destination of choice? How do we make sure that we do not have membership and partnerships for the sake of them? The answer is modernising our foreign policy through public diplomacy. I thank you, Chair. [Applause.]
END OF TAKE
Ms K R MAGAU
Ms K R MAGAU
Mr S MOKGALAPA
Ms K R MAGAU: Chairperson, hon Minister Mme Maite Nkoane-
Mashabane, hon Deputy Minister Ibrahim Ibrahim, hon Deputy Minister Sue van der Merwe, Members of Parliament and guests, I thank you.
Our foreign policy on international relations is guided by the vision of a better life for all the peoples of the world. This requires working for a peaceful and prosperous Africa whilst striving for a better world. This commitment resembles the clarion call, as articulated in the ANC's Freedom Charter, that "There shall be peace and friendship". This vision calls for a better Africa in a better world.
Our theme mirrors the interesting nature of international developments. It refers to "the pillars of the international relations foreign policy of the department" and relates to the strategic policy objectives of the ANC.
The department's budget relates to the underpinnings of this theme. On the whole, the budget is informed by our government's strategic vision for our country, region, continent and the globe at large. We are part of global governance. Having a place among the family of nations is necessary in order to represent our country, region and continent through relevant bodies in the galaxy of nations.
Through global governance we are able to contribute to our socioeconomic stability through multilateral diplomatic engagements on global platforms. In this regard, our country will continue to promote development, security, human rights and compliance with international law. This kind of advocacy cannot take place in a vacuum. It requires active participation in regional, continental and international structures, such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organisation, the African Union and the Southern African Development Community.
Part of the reason for the active involvement of our country in global governance is to promote the development objectives of the developing world, including the attainment of an equitable global order through, amongst other things, active participation in the global economic reform process through continued engagement with international and regional economic financial institutions; support for the current developmental momentum within the G20 through active participation in summit processes; the promotion of national and developing countries' positions in the implementation of G20 initiatives, with special emphasis on the African agenda; the playing of a supportive role in the World Trade Organisation and forging partnerships where necessary; and the continuation of active engagement with global governance institutions on political, economic and security matters, including the reform of the multilateral system to be responsive to the developmental needs of developing countries.
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, the world has become quasi-unipolar, but at a multipolar level the economic crisis has given rise to the emergence of a new economic bloc. For example, there is the China, Brazil, India and Japan bloc for example, and there is the Europe and other economic blocs which seem to be challenging US dominance. Its features tend to be evident in geopolitical blocs amongst developed and developing countries.
South Africa is part of the world economy. In the state of the nation address this year President Jacob Zuma stated that government "will intensify efforts to promote the interests of South Africa globally". It will support efforts to speed up the political and economic integration of the Southern African Development Community, that is, SADC. The President's emphasis demonstrates commitment to the Freedom Charter, namely that "There shall be peace and friendship." This document contends that economic and political co-operation with other countries will bring about a better life for all, peace, and a better Africa and world.
Through participation in multilateral forums our country will strive to ensure, as far as possible, that resolutions of international conflicts are always peaceful and in line with the UN charter and that the principles of international law are always adhered to. Our country's international relations policy, as per the theme, recognises that in order to achieve a better life for all, development and security are better addressed through adequate attention to all global threats facing humanity. It is here that the organs and principal bodies of the United Nations system are of major importance for the maintenance of global peace and stability. The ANC government should work towards effective global governance through the African Union, the United Nations and other such bodies.
The 52nd national conference of the ANC characterised the current global situation as "a situation in which an exploitative socioeconomic system rules the world", and that the danger should not be underestimated of widening wars of conquest and other more sophisticated means of subversion in search of resources, markets and geopolitical advantage. The current international political conjuncture is witnessing a new form of imperialism and neocolonialism emerging in the disguised form of using different struggles and tactics.
In this regard, the ANC needs to strengthen its relationship with the progressive forces of the left. It should forge common programmes through government to build international relationships with other countries and organisations, especially the like-minded ones.
Global governance should seek to mobilise all progressive forces into a common programme to work towards greater peace and stability, dialogue, multilateralism and the closing of the gap between the poor and the rich nations. It should mean struggling for a greater sovereignty for developing nations in order for them to choose their own economic and development path without undue influence by the developed nations.
However, it must be noted that all countries are affected by the recent global economic crisis. The economic crisis has been characterised as the worst since 1929. The recent crisis which affected mostly Asian countries was between 1997 and 1998. In the past we may have exaggerated the global financial crisis. We may have underestimated the ability of countries to survive the recession. We certainly need to learn the hard lessons, positive and negative, from the attempts of this century to build fair, just and inclusive global governance.
Over the last decade we were bombarded with the triumph of the so-called New World Order, after the dramatic events in Eastern Europe between 1989 and 1991 distracted attention away from an even greater human tragedy. After 20 years of claims of a New World Order, the world's superpowers failed to turn their Cold War victory into anything resembling a stable, let alone just and humane, world order.
Global governance should promote national service delivery. It should lead to economic development and peace and security, not just abroad, but specifically to meet the needs of South Africans. It should enhance nation-building and national consciousness or patriotism. In this regard, the strategy and tactics document recognises the overarching role of the national democratic revolution in the construction of a peaceful and stable South Africa.
The current international balance of forces requires that progressive forces be united around a common programme within the global governance system. Our country continues to pursue issues relating to arms control, such as disarmament and nonproliferation, and also seeks to secure a stronger, more binding global agreement on climate change and the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. These strategic tasks occupied South Africa even more in its term as a nonpermanent member of the UN Security Council.
With regard to this point, I would like to refer quickly to the hon Mubu who was saying that we were violating human rights. Unfortunately, the hon Mubu was not here yet – maybe he is getting his information from the side of the media – when the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs in the previous term had an opportunity to call the department to explain the position that was taken in reference to Myanmar. South Africa has always put human rights at the centre of our engagements at home and abroad, including at the UN. We are a very active member of the UN Human Rights Council.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr K O Bapela): Hon Magau, hold on for a minute. Is that a point of order, hon member?
Ms D KOHLER-BARNARD: Chair, it is indeed. With all due respect, the hon Mubu never said any such thing. Thank you. [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr K O Bapela): Hon member, could we just allow the member to continue.
Ms K R MAGAU: Chairperson, the hon Mubu referred to the Myanmar issue, and I am responding to the hon Mubu who is a member of the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation. I am not sure about the Madam over there.
Ms D KOHLER-BARNARD: Excuse me, I believe that I am referred to as an hon member and I am the DA Whip. So, please don't refer to me in those derogatory terms.
Ms K R MAGAU: Okay; the hon member of the DA.
Chairperson, I was saying to the hon Mubu that our government is an active member of the UN Human Rights Council, and the issue at the United Nations was that the issue was not addressed by the right committee, the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations. Rather, it was sent to the United Nations Security Council where it does not belong. That's why South Africa did what it did, and it was the right thing to do. We as the ANC support ... Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
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END OF TAKE
The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION
Ms K R MAGAU
The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION: Hon Chair, every time I have this interaction I go back home rejuvenated, excited that we have dedicated committee members and hon members who really want South Africa to continue shining in the international arena. Today's debate did not disappoint me.
I just want to take this opportunity to humbly remind hon members that we have started talk on public diplomacy. We have done so knowing and having observed that there was a gap. I am very excited that so many of our hon members here have taken this issue so seriously. They are already questioning if we are making desirable progress. At the last province I visited, the Free State – one of three provinces that I visited - I was so humbled to see 3 000 ordinary people of the Free State in a hall in the afternoon asking very interesting questions about connectivity. The main point they wanted to address was connectivity between our foreign policy and our five key priority areas.
There are times when you are even tempted to think that it's about time to find a way to encourage one child from that particular community to join our department, even as a cadet, because they are very much keen to continue this good work.
Talking about nonstate actors, I thought it was this department that said it was about time we opened up the debate about who played in the international forum, who defined and who made contributions to the wellbeing of our foreign policy. I thought it was this department that has called upon big business, and they have responded positively. I am talking about the biggest businesses such as MTN, Sasol and others who have asked me what else I think they should do as our nonstate actors.
It is true that that is why we are talking about establishing the foreign policy council and bringing this White Paper to Parliament. I love the excitement that comes from this Parliament, from our businesses, from our youth organisations outside this room. I want to tell you that this call we are making – the call we made yesterday - is nonpartisan.
Every country I have been an ambassador to have no-go areas and consensus on issues of national defence policy and foreign policy. No political party even enters those areas to start playing games around them, even during the electioneering period. I am talking here about big democracies like India. They can call each other names when they want to garner votes, but when it comes to these two critical areas, they will swear like they would swear with their constitution. I pray for the day when South Africans have a national consensus, and I agree on the no-go areas of foreign policy and defence policy. I think we can co-operate on everything else.
We are not Foreign Affairs; we are International Relations and Co-operation. Everybody from that and this side of the House has been very positive, and the interventions I have been listening to were all very positive.
Let me say to the hon Smuts that in this country, when you were still a member of the liberation movement, the one and only, you knew very well that not a single President came to the Presidency through his own popularity or his own policies. The policies of the ANC are informed by the policy conference - the last one you attended was at Gallagher Estate – in terms of what we would expect of you.
In this country, we have had President Mandela, we have had President Mbeki, we had President Kgalema for a short while, and now we have President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma. The message he delivers around the world is a message informed by the policies of the ANC, by what the populace of South Africa say to him. He is a President that all political parties in this country, including the opposition, say is a very consultative President.
So, when he goes out this country and into the world and is well received, he represents all of us. Who is leading the message - and a clear message - on behalf of all of us? President Gedleyihlekisa Zuma. When you list the number of Presidents that have been in power, you stop at Mbeki. You are the only one who conveniently does not remember to mention your President - my President.
Talking about what the message is we are sending out there, we are delivering a message to Africa of peace, security and development. What message does President Zuma deliver? A message of peace, security and development. Me and our two Deputy Ministers and all the officials you see here support him as the chief adviser of the foreign policy of this country.
When the people of Burundi, when the people of the entire Intergovernmental Authority on Development region, when the people of Zimbabwe see him - the MDC or whatever - they all say, "This is the man of peace", as the people of KwaZulu-Natal would say.
President Jacob Zuma spent months and months of his life in Burundi. When the Burundians attained peace in their own country, they chose to sacrifice their lives in Somalia because they wanted to repay their debt to President Zuma, South Africa and the SA National Defence Force, which supported their efforts to attain peace in their country. They looked back and saw that Somalia was becoming a failed state and said, "We are going there to make our contribution." So, this is what they say about the President of South Africa, President Zuma.
What does President Obama say about President Zuma? It was the first time in my life that I heard a President of the United States say: President Zuma, because you are a man of peace, a leader of grass-roots people, I, President Barrack Obama, want you to know that at the end of my term you can say you had an ally and a friend in the United States of America, and we shall support all your efforts in attaining your five key priority areas. [Applause.]
I have heard the President of China, President Hu Jintao, saying this in a meeting held at our embassy. This shows the level of respect that the people of China, under the leadership of their President, honour our President. When we were in Brazil, a bilateral meeting was held at our embassy and not at the Chinese embassy.
I am responding to your question that we must check our radar as to whether we are rising or falling. I want you to get answers to whether we are rising or falling from these practical examples that I have witnessed.
Hon Holomisa, we have said that I did that, and I got the message from my predecessor, the hon Dlamini-Zuma, that yes, when we were on the United Nations Security Council for the first time, we learnt lessons. One of the lessons was that we thought that South Africans understood what we were going to do there, but we had very little time to communicate what we were doing at the United Nations Security Council and why we needed to be there. Now we are closing that gap.
That is why we are engaging right from the outset, even as we seek votes from other countries, by saying, "Here we are, and we need to walk together." Walk the talk of co-ordination with ordinary men and women on the street. Even when we were in Botshabelo, we tell them what we are doing at the United Nations Security Council.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr K O Bapela): Hon Minister, could you finish up. Your time has expired.
The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION: Yes, Sir. I will. Hon Dudley, yes, we now have the SADC rapid response force or, if you like, the SADC brigade, which is one of the regional economic communities' brigades. We were the first to consolidate it to see how we could continue to protect women and children during times of strife.
Hon Mokgalapa, I learnt from your colleagues from the committee that all the things you said you learnt from the information you got from the department. So, well done! You are learning fast. [Laughter.] You know, talking about influence, I don't remember a single meeting or international gathering at which leaders of the world don't look around and say, "President Zuma hasn't made his comments as yet." Do you agree? If you say yes, then the agenda goes on.
Hon members, I really heartily want to say once again ...
Setswana:
Ke a leboga.
English:
I go out to the world to represent South Africa knowing that you are behind us. I thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
The Committee rose at 19:18.
/Mohau/VM
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