Hansard: Members' Statements

House: National Assembly

Date of Meeting: 26 Jan 2009

Summary

No summary available.


Minutes

UNREVISED HANSARD

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

Tuesday, 27 January 2009 Take: 1

TUESDAY, 27 JANUARY 2009

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

__________

The House met at 14:02.

The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

NEW MEMBERS

(Announcement)

The Deputy Speaker announced that the vacancies which had occurred in the National Assembly owing to the resignations of Ms L M Mashiane and Ms C M P Ramotsamai, had been filled with effect from 9 December 2008 by the nomination of Ms B T Shongwe and Mr R P Zondo respectively.

The members had made and subscribed the oath or affirmation in the Speaker's office.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION

END OF TAKE

Announcement (New Members)

MOTION OF CONDOLENCE

(The late Ms Helen Suzman)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes with profound sadness the death of Helen Suzman on 1 January 2009;

(2) acknowledges the significant contribution she made to the attainment of democracy in South Africa by fearlessly fighting against the apartheid government during her time as the only Progressive Party MP in Parliament;

(3) recognises that since her retirement from Parliament in 1989 she has stood four-square behind the ideals that animate the South African Constitution and stood up without fear or favour for human rights and civil liberties in South Africa and in the wider world;

(4) further acknowledges that she has left a rich political legacy that will inspire all South Africans in the years ahead; and

(5) conveys its condolences to her family and friends and expresses the assurance that she will truly be missed.

I thank you.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I acknowledge the presence in the gallery of the following members of the Suzman family: Mrs F Jowell, daughter of Mrs Helen Suzman; Ms P Suzman, daughter of Mrs Helen Suzman; and Prof J Jowell, son-in-law of Mrs Helen Suzman. [Applause.] You are most welcome in the National Assembly.

Mr A J LEON

END OF TAKE.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION

Mr A J LEON: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon colleagues, on New Year's Day 2009, South Africa and the world mourned the death of Helen Suzman. Yet today in Parliament, we should celebrate her long-lived life and her public service - public service of undoubtedly one the most distinguished parliamentarians of the past century.

Helen Suzman embodied and fought for the essential principles of our own Constitution. Her tireless efforts on behalf of the disenfranchised, the disadvantaged and the downtrodden shone a bright and noble light in the darkness of the apartheid Parliament.

She has bequeathed to us a mighty legacy of achievement, a potent example of holding power to account, and proved in fact that the power of convictions can, over time, defeat the convictions of power.

This exceptional, intensely human and very humorous woman was a unique politician. We should look upon her and learn from her. We will not see her like again.

Her 36 years as the Member of Parliament for Houghton, which for 13 years in pre-democratic South Africa was the only white parliamentary constituency to return a liberal member, were unrivalled in their energy and courage, singular into their commitment to principle and the cause of pugnacious opposition. Alone in the House of Assembly, although protected by a surprisingly supportive Speaker and aided by an affirming media, she confronted the juggernaut of the apartheid state. She did not stop its enactments or excesses in all cases, but she exposed its perversities and its prejudices. She kept alive the democratic values which that system so assiduously undermined.

Her dissent however was never mechanical or knee-jerk: her iron-clad belief in simple justice and the rule of law impelled her opposition and provided her moral compass. As she once observed with so much accuracy: "If you don't know what to do, go and look for the principle." And she practised what she preached. Clad in the armour of principle, armed with a plethora of facts and buttressed by her first-hand visits to the furthest reaches of South Africa's dark empire of racial discrimination, she set the benchmark for conscientious public and parliamentary service.

Ironically, for all its democratic defects, of which this House is only too aware, the previous Parliament in which she served offered her as a single member in a very hostile Chamber, almost unlimited opportunity to perform the role of a doughty fighter, despite the fact that she never belonged, at any stage in her career, to the party in power. She proved by her example something we are apt to forget: government holds no monopoly of wisdom and enjoys no exclusive franchise on patriotism. Often the reverse is true, and in the cruel light of hindsight we have an indication that, frequently, during Helen Suzman's time and afterward, South Africa and its national interest is sometimes better served from the opposition benches, than from anywhere else.

Although she retired from Parliament in 1989, just before the dawn of the new South Africa, she remained actively and vigorously engaged in the politics and the public affairs of our country, first as a human rights commissioner and later as a commentator, and, yes, even at the age of 90, as an agitator. In the words of one of her election slogans, "she fought to put things right". Refreshingly, she had no time for the modern fashion of political correctness or other pretentious and ultimately self-defeating attempts to cut corners on principle and to adjust views, or even bend history itself, to fit current needs or to court majority opinion.

On a more personal level, Helen was the inspiration for my own first political involvement in this country's politics 40 years ago. She enthused an entire generation of then young South Africans, including the Chief Whip of the DA who then was the leader of the Young Progressives, as I recall, and persuaded many that the progressive cause was worth fighting for, and that the system of apartheid was worth fighting against. Then 20 years ago, in 1989, I had the very daunting task of succeeding her as the Member of Parliament for Houghton. I realised that I was standing on the shoulders of a political giant: her legacy, even while she was alive, was writ large and stood in inverse proportion to her very slight physical stature.

There is little doubt or debate that Helen Suzman has, after her death, ascended into the pantheon of liberal greats. But it is perhaps worth noting, in fixing her legacy and honouring her contribution, that she in fact was no ideologue. She summed up her philosophy with the simple premise: "I hate bullies."

Although a liberal, "finish and klaar", as we would say, some of her stances on social issues were radical, and she was in other respects a conservative: she believed, for example, in conserving institutions, from a Parliament populated with serious-minded and honest and hard-working members, to courts of law presided over by sober-minded and independent jurists.

While she celebrated the fact that she lived long enough to see the system which she so vigorously opposed collapse and witness the birth of a new constitutional order, she always maintained a steadfast and unsentimental eye on current developments and remained utterly unafraid to confront the government, whether this one or the previous one, when warranted.

This led to something of a clash in 2004, between her and our previous President, Mr Thabo Mbeki. He accused her of being in favour of change but determined to resist it. On this matter, in fact, I think he was wrong. For what Mrs Suzman opposed was not change itself, but the knock-it-all-down-and-begin-everything-anew approach.

Helen Suzman's funeral, on 4 January 2009, at the Jewish Cemetery at Westpark, Johannesburg, brought together the current political good and the great, and the perhaps not-so-great, of the governing elite, the opposition and civil society. Someone wistfully remarked after her funeral, "It's as though the country is searching for a true heroine." At her graveside they did not have to look any further. [Applause.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

Mr A J LEON

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Deputy Speaker, and hon members, this is just one of the great lessons we take upon ourselves as Members of Parliament, that some of us have never thought we would ever have an opportunity to talk about such a great person. During our youthful days she remained one of the shining examples and part of our own resistance.

She was one of the women that we could rely on in very difficult times. We could always look up to her during the dark days of apartheid and ask, "What can we do? Who can we speak to?" when we lost some of our own brothers as young as they were. Sometimes it was very difficult for us to explain to families where some of our colleagues had gone. I was still young in 1976 when some of these things were beginning to unfold and impact on families in a manner that nobody could explain.

When we resisted apartheid, we were never able to say who we would make friends with, and who would remain part of our families. We lost some of our colleagues during the night, trying to creep towards a house, and we would say we had not seen so-and-so for such a long time. As members of the Congress of South African Students, we did not understand what had happened to some of our best friends. Some claimed that they had crossed the border; some claimed that they had been arrested by the security branch, and so we didn't know where they were.

Typical of her and her leadership, she was able to listen to us and give us an opportunity to give us that type of information at any time of the evening. When we had finished, she would follow up on our behalf, and take it back to the Parliament and to the public eye, so that we could know what had happened to some of our own brothers.

Some of them we had lost, some were buried by the apartheid regime. She helped us to identify some of them, so that we could relate to the families what had happened to some of the student leaders that were part of our own leadership.

We will always remember Helen Suzman for the contribution she has made to our own society. She might have stood up and come to a Parliament that we ourselves had been battling and fighting against, but she remained an inspiration to us as young people during that period. We were able to say that this is one woman and one leader we could rely on.

We stand here as the ANC to say that she made her contribution to society and we are very thankful for what she has done for us, because without her we would never have known what had happened to some of us, some of our colleagues. Without her we would never have known how to relate to people on Robben Island. It had always been very difficult, but she always shed light and provided us with help. As the ANC we are very thankful for the type of leadership she provided throughout the difficult period when we resisted apartheid.

Helen Suzman will remain a shining example to our society of how we should stand up when it is very difficult to do so. She will remain an example of the fact that during difficult times one should never abandon the human soul. One should be able to stretch out one's hand to an individual. One should be able to say to a human soul: "I am still around. I will reach out my hand to you and hold on, even if there are ideological differences, even if there are difficulties." She did it and she enabled us to carry the responsibility during very difficult times. This is the type of example we have set for ourselves.

As Members of Parliament, she told us that we could stand up as an institution and unite, and be able to mobilize and use the platform in a very progressive manner, so that we can attain the goals set by different people. As a Member of Parliament she set that example, and we want to say to her as the ANC that this contribution she made to our society cannot be forgotten or overlooked, because to build a Parliament and be able to sustain this type institution is valuable to society. It is valuable to the poorest of the poor of the society. She was able to reach out to them and set that type of example, and we say to her: Wherever you go, let them look after you. Let the role that you played in society be protected. As the ANC, we are really grateful for the contribution you made.

And I am saying to Members of Parliament, let us learn a lot from what Helen Suzman did in own society. We might have had our own ideas and battles of how we have viewed her during those days of apartheid and beyond, but her contribution cannot be forgotten by this society. She contributed from different walks of life.

I explained to one of the veterans who is going to speak after me, how valuable it is for him to contribute to this particular debate, because she helped us during difficult times to know who was on Robben Island, so that we were able to bring the families of those that were arrested on the borders, when nobody knew that they were arrested and sent to Robben Island.

We would approach her and speak to her and explain that this was a rural family and these were the circumstances that confronted this particular rural family and the police had been making it difficult to reach out to that particular family. However, because she was driven by the needs of humankind, she was able to stand up and say, this is what I have been able to establish about this particular individual, and this is what happened. That is what drove her, the passion to make sure that humankind succeeds during difficult conditions.

We as the ANC say that that type of contribution cannot be reversed and thrown into the sea. We should take the good out of it, and build a better society. The lesson that she has been able to teach us is that as an individual one can set a good example under difficult conditions so that everybody can learn something positive, without politicising the role that you play in society, because without that, society would never be able to look back.

I am saying on behalf of the ANC that there was a lot that Helen Suzman showed us in our youthful days, that resistance without purpose can also create problems. But because she had the purpose of being able to save and help humankind, she helped us during the very difficult conditions of apartheid and today, as we stand here as the ANC, we thank her for the role she played within society. We thank her for being able to hold us together. We have been able to quote her many times. We have been able to interact with her, because of her leadership and the role she played during that particular period.

Those were very difficult and dark days. I remember one of the children we lost was Dlomo from Cosas in Soweto. She was the only one who could help us to trace the whereabouts of Dlomo. She was the only one who was able to help us after the 1976 Soweto uprising to bring to light to the atrocities of apartheid.

She continued to be a liberal, which I respect, because it demonstrates the fact that she was principled in terms of what she believed in and her vision, and she always knew that there were human beings behind and beyond principles and they had to be protected. That is why we will always remember her as the ANC. That is the type of example we would want to learn from and be able to hold up to our own society and children. We can tell our children: Learn from this, that there were some human beings, even under the apartheid regime, who were able to come together and bring light when it was very difficult. Without her, some families would never have known what happened to their children.

We say to you Helen Suzman in Xhosa:

IsiXhosa:

Hamba kakuhle, Nkosikazi, hamba kakuhle, mama, into osenzele yona yinto esisoloko siyijongile, yinto esiza kusoloko siyikhonzile sisithi kuwe igalelo lakho ulenzile, ngelo galelo othe walenza phakathi kwabantu bethu, asisayi kuli libala. Sohlala sikunye nawe, sikukhumbula. Siyabulela.

Prince M G BUTHELEZI

END OF TAKE

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon members, I rise today to honour the memory of Helen Suzman. Being aware, as I am, that I may be the last one left in this House of my generation who worked closely with Mrs Suzman, I feel the burden of conveying the full measure of our country's loss.

Let us not mourn the loss of her life, but rather reflect on her breathtaking bravery, firm convictions and profound integrity so that her life may inspire us all again.

In the narrative of our liberation struggle, Mrs Suzman's role is yet to be fully appreciated. This should not be the closing of a chapter, but rather the opening of a new one in which this House solemnly proclaims the importance of her role to inspire future generations and dignify us all in sharing such a great compatriot.

When coming to power, our ruling party took down a beautiful portrait of Mrs Suzman adorning the walls of this building, and some of us felt that it was a desecration of our liberation heritage. I would like to congratulate the Speaker, because I see that Mrs Suzman's picture has re-emerged in our corridors.

Mrs Suzman transcended all the barriers of segregation and discrimination to soar above the bigotry and injustice of her age, colleagues and context. As a white politician, she rejected the philosophy of apartheid and forcefully advocated full human rights and political franchise for the oppressed masses. She was one of the few white liberals who shared my view that the tricameral system was not a small step in the right direction, but a major setback which entrenched the racial mindset.

As a woman, she shattered the sexist cultural and legal paradigms of our country which saw all women as lesser individuals. She proved her leadership capacity, which few of her male colleagues from any walk of political life have matched. As a Jewish intellectual, she projected an internationally admired image of professionalism, progress and higher morality, which brightened an often fragmented parochial and myopic white political milieu.

Her formidable skills in the predecessor of this House remain unmatched - whether she used her well-reasoned arguments to expose the immorality of discrimination or merely to expose the idiocy of the system. By quoting the Home Affairs reclassification statistics, for instance, I remember her showing how many people in the preceding year had turned from black into coloured and from coloured into Indian or white.

In the eyes of the world, she became the doyen of our liberalism who tirelessly chipped away at the foundations of apartheid, and indeed the whole world honoured her in many ways. As a political agenda, liberalism is far from complete. Her teachings should continue to mark the path of our country's growth and development.

The task before her was not easy. She could have demurred from the burden imposed by history by saying: "Oh, I am a woman" or "I am only one person". Yet in a country racked by atrocities against the poor, the innocent and the disenfranchised, her convictions dictated her duty. She proved that a single committed person can indeed make a huge difference for a whole country.

Perhaps it is this that drew me most to Mrs Suzman. I know the courage it takes to commit one's life to the good of others in the face of peril. In this, Mrs Suzman and I were kindred spirits.

During the 1976 unrest, tensions were running high at Mzimhlophe township in Soweto between the youth in the township and the hostel dwellers. Dr Beyers Naudé phoned me and we agreed that I should come to Johannesburg. He sent Rev Cedric Mayson, who flew me up in a small single-engine plane. When the commissioner of police was made aware of my intention to go to Mzimhlophe the following day, he ordered me not to go there. He even threatened to take action against me if I defied. Mrs Suzman, with whom I was continuously in touch, called me and stated: "Please don't go; it is too dangerous." It was one of those occasions when I had to defy the police commissioner, regardless of the consequences.

A decade earlier, I had been arrested as I returned with my brother-in-law, Dr Mafu Dotwana, from a seminar of the Progressive Federal Party. I was driven to the security police office, but someone had contacted Mrs Suzman and she immediately demanded my release, which was granted, not because anyone within the apartheid regime would do her a favour, but because they feared the international repercussions of her taking up my case.

Her friendship with Madiba - our doyen and icon - is well known, and the visits that she paid him on Robben Island. She did all this when being associated with black politicians was plainly dangerous. Her character would not allow her to sit in silence or pursue personal ambitions when so many were suffering. For this, we must continue to hold her memory as an example for future generations. For instance, I would like this House to resolve that many of our schools or any other appropriate thing be named after her.

I would like to be personal and say that my wife Irene and I never forgot the many occasions that she and her husband, Dr Mosie Suzman, accommodated us in their home because during the apartheid era as blacks we could not stay in hotels.

When she clocked 21 years as a Member of Parliament, Mr Colin Eglin, the then leader of the Progressive Federal Party, invited me to Cape Town to propose the toast at a function to honour her.

She never despaired, never gave up, never faltered, never felt that her energies or resources were inadequate to the task, and never rested. Even in her twilight years, she pursued many causes which were insufficiently attended by our post-liberation government, ranging from HIV/Aids to the fight against poverty. She knew that her work was never finished and indeed, colleagues, it isn't finished.

Mrs Suzman and I walked along the same path for half a century, and I feel the burden of the work which remains to be done. For as long as South Africans suffer in poverty, despair and indignity, the struggle must go on.

Madam Deputy Speaker and colleagues, I think it would be wrong not to pay tribute to her wicked sense of humour - she had a wicked sense of humour. I remember her recalling an incident in the House where Horace van Rensburg gave advice to a very bulky and fat farmer, who was a Member of Parliament here. She told me that Horace said to this gentleman: "Please go to the gym and exercise, then you will see something that you haven't seen in a long time." [Laughter.]

With these thoughts, I offer my condolences to Jowell, Patty and all of them in the family, as well as to my party, on the passing of this brilliant patriot and great leader. May her life continue to inspire us all. INkosi isikelele iAfrika! [God bless Africa!] [Applause.]

Mrs P DE LILLE

END OF TAKE

Prince M G BUTHELEZI

Mrs P DE LILLE: Madam Deputy Speaker, on behalf of the ID I would like also to pass our condolences to the family of the late Helen Suzman.

The passing of Helen Suzman reminds us once again that many of the generation to whom we owe our freedom are slowly leaving us. She has joined others such as the late Oliver Tambo, Mangaliso Sobukwe and Steve Biko.

As a trustee of the Helen Suzman Foundation, I was so often struck by the incredible dignity and humanity of Helen Suzman. As the Helen Suzman Foundation, we will continue to protect and promote her legacy.

The fact that she lived such a long, productive and compassionate life does not take away any of our sadness today. She was a principled woman and never compromised when it came to the truth. Helen always spoke truth to power.

Her contribution and her regular visits to political prisoners will always be remembered. At her funeral, you could see political prisoners from all political persuasions paying their last respects to Helen. May her soul rest in peace! Thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs C DUDLEY

END OF TAKE

Mrs P DE LILLE

Mrs C DUDLEY: Madam Deputy Speaker, the ACDP pays tribute to Helen Suzman, a woman of stature, who demonstrated that bullies can be overcome if you stand up to them. She also demonstrated her belief that political correctness should not override integrity or good ethics, and she did what was right when others would not.

Helen, an English-speaking, Jewish woman in a Parliament dominated by male Afrikaners was an outsider from the start, and her strong public criticism of the governing NP's policies of apartheid at a time when this was unusual amongst white people made her even more of an outsider. Yet, she was a tireless fighter for her cause and showed that one person, even an outsider, can make a difference.

While this amazing lady lived for others, nobody in this world will miss her more than her husband, Dr Moses Suzman, and her two daughters, Frances and Patricia. To you, the ACDP would like to send its heartfelt thoughts and condolences as you mourn her passing and celebrate her wonderful life. [Applause.]

Mr B E PULE

END OF TAKE

Mrs C DUDLEY

Setswana:

Mr B E PULE: Motlatsa Mmusakgotla e tsaa tsia bogatlhamelamasisi jo moswi Helen Suzman a nnileng le jone mo pusong ya tlhaolele. O tsene mo kokoanotheomolao ka nako eo ya basweu fela ka 1953 a le dingwaga dile some a mararo le borataro (36) a emetse lekoko la United Party.

O ntse dingwaga dile 36 mo kokokoanotheomolao a emetse lekoko leo,mme lentswe la gagwe le utlwala go gaisa ba bangwe ba bantsi. Baa ba kileng ba utlwa a bua, le jaana lentswe la gagwe lo santse lo lela mo ditsebeng tsa bone. A buelela botlhe ba ba neng ba gateletswe ka nako eo.

UCDP e lebogela botshelo jo bo tlhwatlhwa jwa dingwaga di le some a robonngwe nngwe (91) jo a bo tshedileng. O supile tota gore bosadi ga se bogole mo go direleng. Motswana o rile; "Mmamotho o amuwa a sule" a boswa jo abo tlogetseng bo ungwele Afrika Borwa molemo. A mowa wa gagwe o robale ka kagiso. Ke a leboga.

Ms S RAJBALLY

END OF TAKE

Mr B E PULE

Ms S RAJBALLY: Madam Deputy Speaker, may I also bring a message of condolence from the MF. While we mourn the loss of the wonderful Helen Suzman, we cannot help but also celebrate the blessing she has been to our nation.

Very few people live to the good age of 91. Helen has indeed seen the part she played appear in the pages of history, and the triumph of our democracy. She serves as a great inspiration to us all, and her open beliefs and commitment to the people have been a great contributor to democracy in South Africa.

Indeed the nation mourns the loss of Suzman and I take this opportunity to convey our sincerest condolences to the family and friends of this most kind and precious soul. Suzman never allowed fear to overcome her beliefs. She is a great example for women globally. Her strength and convictions make her a true South African, one who did not allow the system to override what is right, what is just and what should be.

We believe that her family and friends have shared all her sacrifices and her beliefs and courage. You have been blessed.

Suzman, the nation thanks you for all you have been and so much that you have given us. We pray that you shall continue watching us from the stars and guiding us through your example to a true democracy. May you rest in peace. I thank you, Madam. [Applause.]

Dr S E M PHEKO

END OF TAKE

Ms S RAJBALLY

Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Deputy Speaker, the late Mrs Helen Suzman was a respected politician. She was a brave person. It takes a great deal of courage to stand against what is fashionable or is considered right by the majority.

Helen Suzman served in this Parliament during one of the darkest days in our country. Her voice was a minority voice, always overwhelmed by the voices of those who believed that by virtue of their numbers in this House, they were ordained to tell everybody what was right or wrong.

Suzman's stand in this Parliament demonstrates that the majority can be very wrong. Indeed the apartheiders were all wrong. What they defended in this country was finally declared a crime against humanity by the United Nations.

During the debate on the imprisonment on Robben Island of the first president of PAC, Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, without even a mock trial, Mrs Suzman said, and I quote:

Sobukwe has been detained for another four years in jail. The cardinal point is that Sobukwe is being held in prison as a prisoner and as such deprived of his liberty.

Mr G P C Bezuidenhout asked:

Why do you say that he is living in a compound? Is it not a flat?

Mrs Suzman answered:

I wonder whether the hon member who is so cynical about this would care to take up permanent residence in that flat. Perhaps he will enjoy it.

The PAC salutes the courage of Mrs Suzman. May she be a dynamo of inspiration to all those who love freedom and fight for justice. Izwe lethu. [Applause.]

Mr L M GREEN

END OF TAKE

Dr S E M PHEKO

Mr L M GREEN: Madam Deputy Speaker, on behalf of the FD, I rise in honour of the memory of the late Helen Suzman and in support of this motion. The passing on of Mrs Suzman reminded us once again of the type of leadership this country has been blessed with.

Her lone voice against apartheid was one of moral outrage against oppression, discrimination, racial hatred and the Nationalist policies of divide and rule. Her wit and sharp tongue cut through the NP façade to expose the hypocrisy of a government that was anything but Christian.

The late Helen Suzman will rest in peace. She deserves recognition as a human rights activist, not a recognition cut out of stone but one that inspires a nation to protect the ideals she lived for. This Parliament should be proud of the independent and critical spirit Mrs Helen Suzman brought to this House.

We should therefore continue to protect and strengthen the independence of this institution by remaining vigilant and critical of government. Her legacy should be remembered by cornering off one section in the parliamentary library, such as a Helen Suzman reading room, housing information and works related to her illustrious political history. Long live the spirit of Helen Suzman, long live! [Applause.]

Mr A MLANGENI

END OF TAKE

Mr L M GREEN

Mr A MLANGENI: Madam Deputy Speaker and Members of Parliament, the fortunate thing about being the last speaker is that a lot of things have already been said about Helen Suzman. So, I won't have much to say about her, otherwise it would be a repetition.

In the passing away of that remarkable lady, Helen Suzman, South Africa lost a great human being, a human being who, in this institution of Parliament, single-handedly fought for the rights of all the oppressed people in South Africa, especially the black people who were denied their human rights by the National Party government. Helen Suzman's indomitable spirit withstood all the insults that were hurled at her by the members of the NP at the time.

Helen had great foresight. By 1958 - I don't know if my hon friend Koos was already a Member of Parliament then, or if Hennie Bekker was, if he is here - the ANC had become a great liberation movement. The movement had become a thorn in the flesh of the NP. By 1958 the government felt threatened by the ANC. And the Minister popularly known as Blackie Swart, who was responsible for banning people, especially members of the ANC who were fighting against apartheid laws, etc, had threatened to ban the organisation.

Helen warned the NP in this very institution, Parliament, and said to the government: "At the moment the ANC is a legal organisation operating above ground. If the government bans the ANC, you will be forcing them to go underground. And when they go underground, you will not know what they are doing."

But the government didn't take heed of the advice given by Helen Suzman. At the time, as Helen pointed out, the government knew in advance about anything that the ANC was going to do whilst it was still above ground, whether they would engage in activities such as boycotts, or asking people to stay away from work as a form of protest. But once it was forced to go underground it became difficult for the government to know. Suzman had warned them about such action to be taken by government.

All kinds of insults were hurled at her. She was called a "kafferboetie", or a "kaffersussie", whichever is correct. [Laughter.] But Suzman stood her ground and continued with what she was doing.

Helen was a great liberal. Her mind was free from prejudice of all kinds. She did not only visit us in prison on Robben Island, but also went to the townships, as well to what was then called squatter camps, to see how people were living in those areas. Today we call the squatter camps by a decent name, we call them informal settlements. Only Helen Suzman could go into such areas to see for herself the conditions under which people were living. She would then come to this Parliament and raise these issues.

Again she was called a "kafferboetie" because she took up the cudgels of the black people. Whenever our treatment in prison tended to improve a little bit, we knew that Suzman was on her way. We would get things such as books that one had perhaps ordered more than six months ago. They would give you your books if you were studying, because those were some of the things we raised on Robben Island. You would have to wait for months before you could get prescribed books from the University of South Africa and other institutions, but as soon as you got them, you knew that Suzman was on her way to see the conditions under which we were living, to see how best she could help us.

Only a person such as Suzman could help us. The International Red Cross also used to visit us on Robben Island, but they couldn't do as much as Suzman.

Suzman was not afraid to go to Pretoria to the commissioner and raise these issues personally, to say that these were the conditions under which people were living, please bring about some improvement. She was a fearless lady. As I said earlier, while South African citizens could not go into the townships to see for themselves the conditions under which people were living, Helen Suzman would go there, bravely unescorted, and mingle freely with the people in the squatter camps. Her white friends then could not go. They were afraid and said that the black man was an animal, and that she would be killed. Suzman had no such fears, and was accepted wherever she went.

The ANC pays tribute to this wonderful lady, this remarkable human being. Hopefully her spirit will rest in peace. Let us all draw inspiration from her, as some people have already pointed out. Let us be inspired by the works of Helen. Let us try to follow in her footsteps and work not only for ourselves but for the people of South Africa. Let us be concerned about all the people of South Africa, as Helen was. If you all do that, comrades and friends, I have no doubt in my mind that Helen will lie peacefully in her grave. Long live the spirit of Helen Suzman, long live! [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I take it that there are no objections to the motion.

HON MEMBERS: No!

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: May I take this opportunity to add the voices of the Presiding Officers to the sentiments expressed here today. I also remind hon members that the condolences book is open in the foyer of the National Assembly, just outside the doors to the Chamber. The condolences of the House will be formally conveyed to the Suzman family. Thank you.

Debate concluded.

Agreed to.

Notices of Motion

Mr A MLANGENI

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, I give notice that I intend moving the following motion:

That the House debates the problems surrounding South Africa's current electoral system of list-based proportional representation, the recommendations made by the Van Zyl Slabbert Commission and the merits of initiating a process of electoral reform in South Africa.

Thank you.

Dr S E M PHEKO

Mr M J ELLIS

Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) congratulates the people of Ghana for the exemplary democratic elections recently held in that African country;

(2) notes that the election results were very close, even in the second running, between the ruling New Patriotic Party which lost to the opposition National Democratic Party, giving the winning party only 50,23% of the votes;

(3) welcomes the statement by the newly elected president, Mr John Atta-Mills, in his inaugural speech that honesty, fairness, compassion and sincerity will be the hallmark of his administration and that he has no wish to carry out political vendettas;

(4) hails his words that he does not want any Ghanaian child to go to school under a tree; and

(5) observes that Ghana is the second largest producer of cocoa in the world and has also recently discovered oil, which can earn Ghana between R14 and R21 billion a year, and hopes that this wealth will be used to uplift the people of Ghana and of Africa in general as the founding father of Ghana, that great Pan-Africanist, President Kwame Nkrumah, envisaged.

I thank you.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, may I just remind you that we are dealing with notices of motion.

Mr E W TRENT

Dr S E M PHEKO

Mr E W TRENT: Madam Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that I intend moving the following motion:

That the House –

(1) notes the ruling in the Pietermaritzburg High Court on 12 September 2008 supporting the establishment of a commission of enquiry into allegations concerning the corruption relating to the arms deal and also the recommendation made in the report of the independent panel assessment of Parliament that was released on 13 January 2009; and

(2) resolves to call on President Kgalema Motlanthe to appoint an independent commission of inquiry, headed by a retired judge or judges, to investigate whether any abuse of power, and/or corruption, and/or any other irregularities occurred during the arms deal.

Mr G G BOINAMO

Mr E W TRENT

Mr G G BOINAMO: Madam Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that I intend moving the following motion:

That the House –

(1) notes the many problems surrounding the 2008 matric examination that include missing examination results, the Education Department's failure to release a large number of examination results timeously and allegations that some examination results were inflated; and

(2) resolves that an independent committee of inquiry be appointed to investigate the 2008 matric examinations.

Thank you.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I now wish to put the motion moved by hon Pheko. Are there any objections to that motion?

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, that was a motion which was to be put to the House to be debated. If it was a motion without notice, then, in actual fact, the hon member should have notified parties beforehand, but we certainly have had no sight of that whatsoever. To be frank with you, Madam Speaker, it sounded to us more like a statement than a motion.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you, hon member. Could I ask the Whips to deal with this matter?

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

Mr G G BOINAMO

PRECEDENCE TO ORDER OF THE DAY

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Deputy Speaker, I move:

That precedence be given to the First Order under Further Business, namely consideration of the Second-Hand Goods Bill, before the First Order on today's Order Paper.

Agreed to.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

CONGRATULATIONS TO GINIEL DE VILLIERS ON WINNING THE DAKAR RALLY

(Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes that Giniel de Villiers of South Africa won the Dakar Rally on 17 January 2009;

(2) further notes that he travelled more than 5 600 miles through Argentina, over the Andes and through the Atacama Desert and ended up winning by just under 9 minutes ahead of American Mark Miller and his South African co-driver, Ralph Pitchford;

(3) recognises that Giniel de Villiers is the first African to win the Dakar Rally;

(4) acknowledges that his victory as well as Ralph Pitchford being placed second is a triumph for South African motorsport and off-road racing in this country;

(5) further acknowledges that his win has taken South African motorsport to a new level internationally and serves as an inspiration for young South Africans who dream of pursuing a career in motorsport in the future; and

(6) congratulates Giniel de Villiers on his victory and wishes him well in the rest of his motor racing career.

Agreed to.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION

CONGRATULATIONS TO MATRICULANTS OF 2008

(Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes that the class of 2008 is the first group of matriculants to have completed the recent inaugural national senior certificate examination under the revised outcomes-based education (OBE) curriculum;

(2) recalls that the National Senior Certificate is a new qualification based on South Africa's National Curriculum Statement (NCS) and it is the first real national examination that has been administered by the Department of Education;

(3) notes that it is the largest examination in terms of candidate numbers and this year there were 589,912 candidates compared to 564,000 in 2007;

(4) believes that the 29 subjects of the NCS provide high-level skills and knowledge which will support South Africa in improving the quality of its human capital; and

(5) congratulates all the successful candidates on the passes they have achieved in this first National Senior Certificate examination as well as their parents, caregivers and others who gave support to learners through a challenging period in their lives.

Agreed to.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

CONGRATULATIONS TO SA CRICKET TEAM

(Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes that the South African Cricket Team, the Proteas, has won the test and one-day series against Australia on Australia's home soil;

(2) further notes that this is the first team in 15 years to complete the double win against Australia on their home soil, more importantly on their national day;

(3) believes that the participation of our cricket team in this competition has contributed to the effort to deepen the bonds of human solidarity across racial and colour lines and that they, as they united to achieve victory, inspired our people to love sport, to be proud of themselves as South Africans and reaffirmed our people's conviction that acting in unity, we can overcome all adversity as we work to achieve the broader objectives of national unity and the realisation of the goal of a better life for all; and

(4) congratulates the Proteas on winning the test and the one-day series and wishes them well in the coming games.

[Applause.]

Agreed to.

MOTION – PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT OBAMA OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

(Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, we now come to the second motion on the Order Paper, in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party.

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. I want to make it clear that we certainly do not intend opposing this motion. It is far too important to do that. But just as a matter of principle in terms of the way we operate as far as motions without notice go: any party wishing to propose such a motion faxes it to all other parties prior to it being moved in the House.

Now on 20 January the DA faxed a motion on the inauguration of the new president of the USA to all parties, and we do have proof that it was received by the ANC. But without any discussion our particular motion has been ignored and the ANC's motion has appeared on the Order Paper, but we were never given any indication of this whatsoever.

I merely want to indicate to you that we certainly do not intend opposing the motion. We would like the debate to occur as it should do, but in actual fact there has been, we believe, a breach of protocol in this particular instance. Thank you.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, that is noted. I now call upon the hon Deputy Chief Whip of the Majority Party.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY SPEAKER

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Deputy Speaker, I move the motion as it appears on the Order Paper:

That the House –

(1) notes that on Tuesday, 20 January 2009, Mr Barack Hussein Obama was inaugurated as the forty-fourth president of the United States of America;

(2) recalls that in his inaugural speech the new president made several commitments and that, amongst others, he committed his administration to work for peace, co-operation and development and called upon each nation to make an effort towards the realisation of these goals;

(3) recognises that the success of the world economy depends not just on the size of the gross domestic product of an individual country, but on the ability to extend opportunity to every nation, not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common destiny;

(4) acknowledges that President Obama has recognised that climate change is a new threat on a global scale which poses an enormous burden upon humanity and that the evidence for climate change is indisputable and immediate action by all governments and the public as a whole is needed;

(5) believes that poverty constitutes the deepest and most dangerous structural fault in the contemporary world and global society, and that this mostly manifests itself in the developing world; and

(6) commits itself to continue to work with other parliaments, countries and progressive forces to promote the transformation of the global order away from unilateralism and conflict and to continue to seek a path of hope and human solidarity, to pursue resolution of conflict through dialogue and peaceful means and to promote mutual friendship among peoples of the world recognising that this commitment proceeds from the premise that all nations have a shared responsibility collectively to improve the human condition.

The SPEAKER

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

The SPEAKER: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon members of the National Assembly, happy New Year! I know I have spoken to quite a number of you, but it is the first time that we meet with a lot of you, and we wish you the best in 2009.

I am very happy to be participating in this debate, and I will start by mentioning what our President, His Excellency President Kgalema Motlanthe, said when he congratulated President Barack Obama on his historic inauguration as the 44th president of the United States of America. He used the following words, and I quote:

Your election … carries with it hope for millions of your countrymen and women as much as it does for millions of people … of African descent both on the continent of Africa as well as those in the Diaspora.

In this regard, they too, express the hope that your election … will indeed contribute significantly to efforts in ... Africa to help bring about "change they can believe in" …

… Africa which today stands proud of your achievements, can only but look forward to a fruitful working relationship with you both at bilateral and multilateral levels in our endeavour to create a better world for all who live in it.

Almost every country in the world watched President Obama's spectacular inauguration with keen interest, because America is viewed as a superpower. The entire world economic order hinges on what happens to the American dollar. President Obama himself noted this political truism, as carried in this quotation:

As for our common defence, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

I speak with confidence when I say that whereas America leads in certain aspects of world politics, especially in the executive arm of government, we as South Africa can also be credited for registering substantive milestones in legislative development in an international context. A few weeks ago, this Parliament received a report of independent assessors. The main aim of this report, amongst other things, was to assess the extent to which Parliament has evolved over the past 15 years in line with the Constitution and in promoting and enhancing democracy.

President Obama himself admits in his biography that his worldview on politics was shaped, to a large extent, by the South African struggle. He was often aligned with South African activist students in his university days. That is why he made a great effort to visit South Africa to confirm or dispel how any of the ideologies he was earlier exposed to were now translated into reality. We are thus proud, as a nation, that we have in a small but significant way contributed to his political career and the impact of America on world politics under his stewardship.

President Obama's election signifies the beginning of a new era of partnership between America and the rest of the world, hopefully a partnership based on trust and a desire to see more prosperous, peaceful nations. During his trip to Africa in 2006 he, amongst others, spoke against the genocide in Darfur and criticized the Kenyan government over corruption. Please note that the US president has a close affinity with Kenya because his father was from Nyang'oma Kogelo village in the Siaya district. His Excellency Obama also echoed many South Africans' sentiments that there was a need for more debate on the country's response to HIV and Aids.

For us in Africa, President Obama's victory gives cause for optimism rooted in the profound slogan that suggests that, "Yes, we can." Yes, we can indeed get rid of poverty; we can improve participatory democracy; we can build peace and economic prosperity. Yes, we can.

This is for us, South Africa, another blessing and call for hope, and a chance to build a more democratic, nonracist, nonsexist and thriving South Africa. With the historic election of Nelson Mandela as our President, South Africa instantly became a beacon for the world on how a great nation can triumph against fear, racial prejudices, and economic and social barriers. This is a call for us in legislatures across the world to review and challenge our role in realising in its fullness the god-given promise and democratic principle that all are truly equal before the law, truly free and do have a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

South Africa remains confident that President Obama and America will continue to support our young democratic nation and to demonstrate a keen interest in our struggle to eradicate poverty, Aids and crime. We look forward to working with President Obama and his administration and have no doubt that South Africa continues to hold a special place in his heart. After all, we are not ashamed as South Africa to claim that we have contributed to his success.

Yes, together we can and we must, and as we know that he is a child of God, Rev Meshoe, we want to strengthen him through the Book of Isaiah, where God says: "Do not fear, for I am with you; do not be dismayed, for I am your God."

Today, we may without doubt say to hon members who love conservation that there is hope for the second round of the Kyoto Protocol. We wish him well; we wish Michelle and the girls well in the White House. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr A J LEON

END OF TAKE

The SPEAKER

Mr A J LEON: Madam Deputy Speaker, I seem to be making up for several months of absence. Madam Speaker, your very graceful note this afternoon, I think, has set the tone for this debate. Last week, writing in The New Yorker, David Remnick said, and I quote:

Slaves - men of West African origin branded with Christian monikers like Tom, Peter, Ben, Harry and Daniel - helped to build the White House. Construction began in 1792 and slaves worked as sawyers, quarrymen, carpenters, stonemasons, brickmakers. Such was the fabric of the new republic: 12 American presidents owned slaves, eight of them while in office.

After emancipation and the Civil War in the United States, a handful of black men won seats in the United States Congress. But by 1900 white supremacy was regaining its hold. On January 29, 1901, one of those last black congressmen, George H White of North Carolina, stood in the well of the house and prophesied the miracle of reconciliatory justice. This is what he said:

This, Mr Chairman, is perhaps the Negroes' temporary farewell to the American Congress but let me say Phoenix-like he will rise up some day and come again. These parting words are on behalf of an outraged, heart-broken, bruised and bleeding, but God-fearing people ... The only apology I have for the earnestness with which I have spoken is that I am pleading for the life, the liberty, the future happiness, and manhood suffrage for one-eighth of the entire population of the United States.

On January 20, 2009, an African-American family took occupancy of the White House. The election of Barack Hussein Obama on 4 November represented the culmination of the processes predicted by Representative White after nearly a century of struggle and resistance.

As we have heard and know so well, the incoming president's father was Kenyan, his mother a Kansan. First Lady Michelle Obama's great-great-grandfather, Jim Robinson, worked as a slave on the Friendfield plantation in Georgetown, South Carolina, and is thought to be buried there in an unmarked grave.

Obama's election is indeed a moment of American exceptionalism, proof that the most economically and militarily significant country on earth and one of its large democracies can, indeed, overcome. Yet President Obama's election is not just exceptional for America, but offers hope for the world of the power of transformation and personal conviction.

I happened to be in America on election day and a rather waspish note was struck from Nairobi where, of course, the provenance of President Obama comes from. It was repeated in all the newspapers. They said: Well, President Obama's father is a member of the Luo tribe and what we say in Nairobi is, just as well his father went to America - he could never have been elected president of Kenya. I thought that also struck a note.

Another note I heard was in October 2007 when I happened to be in Boston. I went downtown to the Boston common and I heard a man who as a long-shot candidate at that stage for the nomination of his party, let alone the presidency of the United States – and his name was Barack Obama. That night I was struck by the depth of his personal conviction and, in a sense, his own exceptionalism, because in his speech that night – and in countless others repeated during the gruelling two-year campaign which marked his ascent to the presidency – he did not refer to his colour, his suffering or his people's struggle for equality despite the enormous weight and evidence of that phenomenon.

As a thoughtful commentator on public affairs in America Andrew Sullivan noted, race is what makes Obama exceptional. He noted, and I quote:

Race is what makes Obama a transformative candidate: not because of his emphasis on it but because of his real unwillingness to pick sides in a divide that reaches back centuries and appears at times unbridgeable.

His inauguration last week was a remarkable event, as the Speaker noted, of delighted celebration and an affirmation of democracy. He reached out, not just to his own base, but across the significant divides in the United States and in the wider world, and he offered, in a measured and calm way, an opportunity to meet the challenges of the most daunting economic crisis we have witnessed in the past 80 years.

He offered the promise to bridge international crises through co-operation, not in conflict, with other nations. And, indeed, as we know, the world needs an engaged America to assist with the leadership and the resolution of some of these great crises, perhaps the greatest crises in modern history – the rising of the oceans, the overheating of our planet, the implosion of the international system of finance and raging conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, the Middle East and terror emanating from South Asia.

Precisely because, as our Speaker noted, of his African provenance, this continent can take special pride in Barack Obama's achievement. We can look forward to an era of co-operation and renewal. But we should also be heedful of the words he spoke in that memorable inaugural address last week on 20 January when he said:

To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silence of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

[Interjections.]

Perhaps at this exceptional moment South Africa should recalibrate its own international relations, to reconsider on which side of the great historic divide we truly stand. Are we on the side of freedom, or are we on the side of the fist? Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr E J LUCAS

END OF TAKE

Mr A J LEON

Mr E J LUCAS: Madam Deputy Speaker, the inauguration of Barack Obama as the 44th president of the United States of America was a defining moment, not just for the United States but for the world in general. It should be noted that President Obama's term corresponds with one of the most challenging periods in American history. And the fact that the people have chosen him to lead them through this testing time and into prosperity speaks volumes about the confidence they have in his ability and the manner in which he has captured the imagination of the people.

It is important to realise that President Obama's appeal and the hope that he represents is not confined to the United States. The euphoria which surrounded his victory and subsequent inauguration was felt in countries across the globe, from the United States to Kenya and even here in South Africa.

President Barack Obama has broken down many barriers and preconceptions. He has allowed people to dream big and to aim high, to realise that they must not allow themselves to be defined or limited by their circumstances. The fact that an African-American leads the most powerful nation in the world is truly inspirational.

The interest and political awareness that President Obama and the American presidential race created was encouraging as it got people talking enthusiastically about politics and excited to vote as they realised their vote could – and did – make a difference.

The calibre of the people nominated and appointed to his first cabinet is evidence that President Obama is willing to put the needs of the nation first and work with people who are the most suitable candidates for the position and who are most likely to succeed. We hope that he continues with this trend in his commitment to serve the people of his country.

The IFP would like to congratulate President Barack Obama on being elected as the 44th president of the United States of America and the first African-American to hold this esteemed position. We know that there will be many challenges and obstacles during his term in office, but we truly believe he will succeed and serve the people of the United States with distinction.

He said, "The time has come for Americans." Our time came in 1994. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs P DE LILLE

END OF TAKE

Mr E J LUCAS

Mrs P DE LILLE: Madam Deputy Speaker, the ID has conveyed its congratulations to President Barack Obama. We agree with him that, yes, we can change the world; that, yes, we can bridge the racial divides; and that, yes, we can bring hope to the world. On his foreign policy he said that America must listen to the world and not lecture the world, and that he would work with all nations to bring about peace and security in the world.

It was a very special moment for me to be there in a stadium crowd of 82 000 people in Denver in August last year when he accepted the nomination to run as the president of the United States of America. I think, also, that the whole world can breathe a collective sigh of relief that the militaristic and arrogant rule of George W Bush has come to an end.

Now is the time for real leadership on attaining global security through dialogue and Americans' commitment to climate change. The fact that a black man is the first president of America is a sign that black people, and especially black children, can say: Yes, we can. I thank you.

Rev K R J MESHOE

END OF TAKE

Mrs P DE LILLE

Rev K R J MESHOE: Chairman, the ACDP congratulates President Barack Hussein Obama on convincingly winning the US presidential elections and on becoming the first African-American president of the United States of America.

Three important lessons that we should learn from the Obama campaign are, firstly, that he had a message of hope for people who were losing hope because of the economic meltdown and its financial implications for citizens. His message of "Yes, we can" was very well received.

Secondly, he neither dwelt on the past nor used the race card. He did not blame his negative past, segregation, slavery or former white oppressors. Thirdly, he emphasised the importance of hard work over the pleasures of riches and fame. He said, and I quote:

Time and again, these men and women struggled, sacrificed, worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.

This is important for South Africans to hear and understand. The ACDP believes that for all our people to have a better life we must emphasise hard work and improve productivity so that there will be more for us all. The ACDP wishes him well and calls on all political parties to call on their members to work hard to make our beautiful country, South Africa, a great success story and to urge them to stop making unnecessary demands for handouts. I thank you.

Dr P W A MULDER

END OF TAKE

Rev K R J MESHOE

Dr P W A MULDER: Chairperson, I followed the American election campaign and the debates between Mr Obama and Mr McCain. From what I saw, Mr Obama was by far the better candidate. To be honest, I must also add that in the political climate in the USA after President Bush, any Republican would have found it very difficult to win.

It is important for the world and for South Africa to have a wise leader in the USA as a superpower of the world. Therefore, the FF Plus would like to congratulate President Barack Obama on his election.

Afrikaans:

Ek moet vir u sê ek is dankbaar ek is nie in mnr Obama se skoene op die oomblik nie, want die verwagtinge van hoe hy die wêreld oornag gaan verander, is ongelooflik hoog. Ek is bevrees geen politikus kan werklik daaraan voldoen nie. Die media se oorweldigende reaksie op mnr Obama se verkiesing het my tog verbaas. Het die media so gereageer omdat mnr Obama nie wit is nie? Speel ras wel hier 'n rol? Mnr Obama het juis die punt gemaak omdaarbo uit te styg en dit nie deel van die veldtog te maak nie. Mnr Obama is in Amerika deur 'n meerderheid witmense verkies wat 'n illustrasie was presies hiervan. Dit kan ook op 'n stoute manier 'n korrekte parallel na Suid Afrika trek wat beteken dat mnr Martinus van Schalkwyk in Suid-Afrika dan deur die meerderheid verkies moet word by die volgende verkiesing. Of as hulle werklik grootmoedig is, wat van Pieter Mulder vir die volgende president? Ons sê geluk aan mnr Obama met sy verkiesing. Ek dank u.

Mr I S MFUNDISI

END OF TAKE

Dr P W A MULDER

Mr I S MFUNDISI: Chairperson, hon members, the ascendance of Barack Obama from humble beginnings in the backwaters of Hawaii to be the president of a superpower such as the United States of America, epitomises the truth in the adage which says: "Where there's a will there's a way."

His rise to the White House has also brought credence to Martin Luther King's dream 40 years ago, that America would be led by a black man at some stage. President Obama's ascendance to the presidency was based on the slogan: "Change can happen." It is a lesson that those who dream of staying in power until the next coming, have to wake up to the realities of this world.

Mahatma Gandhi's words, "You must be the change that you want to see in world", have inspired President Obama. He ran for the job that people thought he was not ready for and to which he should not aspire. He was told that America was not ready for a black president, that he was a junior senator, even that he was too young and that the mighty machine of the Clintons was just too powerful.

In the face of all that, he was fired up and ready to go because he has personal mastery. He has self-belief, self-control, extraordinary articulation skills and the ability to rope people in and motivate them.

This is the type of leader we should look up to, a leader who can carry himself gracefully and elegantly at all times, on stages, in crowded rooms and in debates.

All credit goes to President Obama because we all know that Americans are fastidious when it comes to electing a president. The moral background, character and all past relations are placed under a microscope, but this descendant of Africa went through with flying colours. Such a leader we look up to.

The UCDP joins the Democratic Party in America, all Americans and other people of goodwill across the world in wishing this man of substance well in his presidency. I thank you.

Ms S RAJBALLY

END OF TAKE

Mr I S MFUNDISI

Ms S RAJBALLY: Thank you, Chairperson. On behalf of the MF, I take this opportunity to congratulate the president of the USA, President Barack Obama, on his inauguration. The world watched in awe as the USA welcomed their first president of colour with great enthusiasm and much hope.

The world has been rocked by great economic upheavals, which the USA has not been spared. Like South Africa, they too, are plagued by the economic challenges of poverty, unemployment, minimum resources and public facilities.

The USA and the world are expecting great things from Mr Obama. We hope he shall include on his agenda for his term as president, relieving Africa of its foreign debts. Yes, you can!

The MF believes that Mr Obama has an influential role to play in bringing peace to the Middle East. We are hoping that he shall encourage peace talks in that area. Yes, President Obama, you can!

Mr Obama has a lofty challenge ahead of him as expectations are high and people have invested much hope in his leadership.

Our congratulations are extended to the Obama family and we are most proud to note his African heritage. We are hoping that we may grow good relations with Mr Obama that will be of great benefit to the South African people and to Africa as a whole. We certainly hope that Mr Obama will soon grace us with his presence so that we may engage in dialogue that will benefit both our nations. Yes, we can!

Mr Obama has often been linked to Mr Mandela and the MF is eager to see whether Mr Obama will deliver his nation from the atrocities of the Bush regime, as Mr Mandela did for us with regard to the apartheid regime.

Once more, congratulations to the hon president of the United States, Barack Obama. I thank you.

Dr S E M PHEKO

END OF TAKE

Ms S RAJBALLY

Dr S E M PHEKO: Mr Chairman, the PAC congratulates President Barack Hussein Obama on his election as president of the USA. We thank the American people who voted for this African-American, who is the 44th president of the USA. They, together with him, made unprecedented history which is pregnant with possibilities of creating a safer and happier world.

President Obama has shown what men and women can achieve if they use their opportunities prudently and are focused on their vision.

President Obama's episode is remaking the America of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln. It helps to cleanse America of its perceived racism. It gives the American people a fresh start to move from the international politics of confrontation and violence to the elevation of diplomacy and peace in resolving the problems of the world.

If not resisted and frustrated, the policies of President Obama have the possibility of creating a world that was envisaged by the League of Nations, the United Nations and the authors of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The world's stability and peace need an America that is a friend of other nations, not its bullies. It needs an America that contributes to the advancement of mankind, not an America that sees terrorists under every tree, thus increasing terrorism in the world.

Congratulations, President Obama. You have exploded the myth of race superiority. You have liberated many from this dangerous myth. I thank you.

Mr L M GREEN

END OF TAKE

Dr S E M PHEKO

Mr L M GREEN: Chairperson, the FD, a member of the Christian Democratic Alliance, expresses its congratulations to America's 44th president. His inauguration was truly a global event, not only because President Barack Obama is America's first black president, but also because the world sees in Mr Obama someone who, on an international level, can bring change to the old patterns of doing things.

The election of President Obama should bring hope to Africa as well. He has spelled out in his inauguration speech that he will work with those leaders who are willing to unclench their fists to rule in fairness and with accountability. He, of all people, will understand the shame of Africa with regard to sustaining democratic governments.

The inauguration of President Obama offers an opportunity for African governments to rise up and outline a global strategy to benefit the continent. We may yet see a new generation of African leaders who will not tolerate dictatorship.

The FD wishes President Obama every success during his term of office, and this Parliament looks forward to having a good working relationship with his new administration. I thank you.

The MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE

END OF TAKE

Mr L M GREEN

The MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE: Mr Chairperson, hon members, on Tuesday, 20 January 2009, Barack Hussein Obama was sworn in as the 44th president of the United States of America. An estimated two million people attended the swearing-in ceremony at the capital. Thousands more, in every part of the world, witnessed his swearing-in on television.

The sense of euphoria that gripped not only the citizens of the USA, but also people thousands of miles away, in distant lands and climes, testifies to the hopes millions have invested in this 44th president of the United States of America.

The historic nature of the moment has been widely commented upon by virtually every opinion-maker in the world. Two hundred and thirty‑three years after the founders of the United States had declared, and I quote:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. - That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ...

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Chairperson, on a point of order: I would say a Minister is addressing us on a very serious matter. I think perhaps it's my old age, but I can hardly hear the Minister because of the noise. I'm objecting to this. A Minister is addressing us on an important matter.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M B Skosana): Thank you, hon member.

The MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE: Thank you, Mntwan'omhle! Ndiyabonga. [Thank you, Your Highness! I'm grateful.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M B Skosana): Please, hon members, let us listen to the Minister.

The MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE: The founders of the United States had declared:

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. - That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

On that day it appeared to many that an impressive segment of that promise had at long last been realised.

As President Obama himself remarked, his father would not have been served a cup of coffee in many restaurants in the city of Washington DC barely fifty years ago. He might have continued to enumerate the thousands of people of African, Asian and Mexican descent who had been murdered by lynch mobs, by law enforcement agencies, and indeed by the United States federal government itself, for having dared to imagine that those stirring words applied to them.

The presidency of Barack Hussein Obama owes much to the courage of ordinary African-American women and men who have over the centuries struggled and fought for the freedom and recognition of their right to dignity as human beings. It owes much more to these than to his undoubted eloquence and political skill.

The tears we saw the Rev Jesse Jackson shedding on that fateful night of 4 November 2008 were tears of joy. They were also tears of vindication. They were tears of vindication for the courage of W E B Du Bois and his colleagues who had gathered at the first Pan African congress in 1900 to try to forge a transatlantic movement of African people to fight for the end of colonialism and to attain our human rights. It was vindication of the pioneers of the African-American freedom movement, men and women such as Paul and Eslanda Robeson, Shirley Graham Du Bois, Thurgood Marshall and many others who had fought the good fight long before it was fashionable to do so and had often paid a heavy price for daring to do so.

It was a vindication of the courage of Mrs Rosa Parks, a simple Birmingham seamstress, whose simple act of defiance in 1955 set in motion a movement that was to prove unstoppable. It was a vindication of a simple act of self-assertion on the part of a group of students who demanded service at Woolworths' lunch counter in 1961.

It was a vindication of the thousands of ordinary African-American farmers, tenants and share-croppers of the state of Mississippi who dared to stand up to the police dogs, the electrified cattle rods, the beatings, the jailing and lynching that the racist lawmakers of that state marshalled in an attempt to deny them the right to vote.

It was a vindication of the young Freedom Riders, the voter registration marshalls and the youthful volunteers of 1963's Freedom Summer, who flocked to the state of Mississippi to man the freedom houses and to build the Freedom Democratic Party that forced President Lyndon Baines Johnson to choose between the white racist oligarchy of the Deep South and justice for all Americans. To his eternal credit, when the chips were down in Selma, Alabama in 1965, President Johnson, despite all his faults, made the correct choice. He chose justice.

The election of an African-American as president came at an extremely high price, a price exacted in the blood of thousands of martyrs who ended their lives in jail or at the end of a rope, some buried in obscure places by those who sought to halt progress and hold African people down in permanent servitude.

Even as his campaign began, the voices of the doomsayers and ill‑wishers could be heard. I quote:

Obama is smart and attractive. Maybe he will be president some day.

So said the author of Fear of Flying Erica Jong. Also:

Obama is also a token - of our incomplete progress toward an interracial society. I have nothing against him except his inexperience. Many black voters agree. They understand tokenism and condescension.

The refrain of inexperience and subtle suggestions of tokenism were repeated throughout the primaries, even by the most serious-minded opinion-makers of the United States. Those of us who have long memories will recall the comments of Ben Bradley, former editor of The Washington Post, on a visit to this country two years ago. Obama proved them all wrong.

He proved them wrong because he knitted together a coalition, the existence of which most political actors could not have predicted, much less activated. Unlike other candidates, Obama's campaign relied on ordinary people who made their contributions on the Internet, in tiny envelopes or by the sheer legwork of thousands of enthusiastic volunteers. His politics, his eloquence and presentation motivated millions of new voters and re-energised previously disaffected millions more in ways that no other presidential candidate has done in decades.

While commentators came thick and fast speaking of the "Bradley factor", few noticed the Harold Washington factor that had resulted in the USA's second city, Chicago, electing an African-American mayor during the 1980s. It was by dint of brick-by-brick construction of an effective political organisation that Harold Washington had been elected. Barack Obama, harnessing years as a community organiser, was able to achieve the same feat.

Much as his detractors tried to race-bait him, to label him a Muslim - even suggesting that that in itself implied moral turpitude - and in the endgame some even suggesting that he was a socialist, voters were not fooled and came out in their millions to vote him into office. I suppose there is a lesson there for those who take pleasure in negative campaigning.

Casting his eyes back to the moments of his original inspiration, President Obama spoke of the African National Congress, to which he was exposed as a student while engaged in the campaign to impose sanctions on apartheid South Africa. This underscores once again the significance of the transatlantic movement that Du Bois and others founders created in 1900, and the manner in which, from opposite sides of that great ocean, we have drawn inspiration from each other.

Fifty-six years ago a Kenyan, working for a British army officer, was incarcerated in a high-security prison. The 54-year-old cook had become involved in his country's struggle for independence and his British captors brutally tortured him to extract information about the insurgency. According to that cook's family the British held him for two years, during which he was "whipped every morning and evening". And "they would sometimes squeeze his testicles with metal rods," so the family recalled. That cook was named Hussein Onyango Obama, the paternal grandfather of the president of the United States, Barack Obama.

Like many other colonial subjects, Hussein Obama had joined and served with the British forces during the Second World War on the strength of the promises contained in the Atlantic Charter signed by Churchill and Roosevelt in 1941.

The anti-British rebellion of 1952 cost 12 000 Kenyans' and 32 European settlers' lives. Though militarily defeated, the liberation fighters were vindicated when Kenya became independent in 1963.

The blood that binds President Obama to the continent of his ancestors is far thicker than the waters of the Atlantic that separates us. The struggles of the African people on either side of that ocean inspired him.

Millions in every part of the world have invested great hope in his election. He has already demonstrated, within the space of a week, that he will open a new chapter of human decency …

HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M B Skosana): Hon Minister, please wind up.

The MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE: … respect for the world community and respect for the environment. A United States president who speaks of restraint and humility is bound to make a huge difference in the troubled world of today. We have no doubt that future generations will remember this presidency as a great turning point, not only in United States history but indeed the history of humanity. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

Agreed to.

Mr D A A OLIFANT

END OF TAKE

The MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE

LAUNCH OF ANC ELECTION MANIFESTO

(Member's Statement)

Mr D A A OLIFANT (ANC): Chairperson, let me first say: Happy New Year! It is nice to see everybody.

On 10 January 2009, the oldest liberation movement in Africa, the ANC, launched its election manifesto in East London, where more than 100 000 people attended, filling two stadiums, car parking areas and surrounding streets. Not since the release of former ANC president Nelson Mandela from Robben Island prison have we seen such a public outpouring of support for our movement, which has just celebrated its 97 years of existence – almost a century.

This is an indication and a debunking of any myth that the ANC's mass support is being eroded in the Eastern Cape. We therefore challenge any serious contender to the ANC in the run-up to the 2009 elections to equal or better the attendance record set by the organisation in East London.

The ANC wishes to thank its members and supporters who turned up in their multitudes on Saturday, 10 January for the historic launch of our election manifesto in East London. And remember, the ANC lives, the ANC leads. Now is the time again to vote ANC. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mr M J ELLIS

END OF TAKE

Mr D A A OLIFANT

RIGHT TO VOTE OF SOUTH AFRICANS OUTSIDE THE COUNTRY

(Member's Statement)

Mr M J ELLIS (DA): Mr Chairperson, I wanted to return the compliment to the hon Olifant, but he spoke such rubbish that I don't think I can. [Interjections.]

Last week the DA filed papers in the Cape Town High Court to have section 33(1)(e) of the Electoral Act declared unconstitutional. We have done so because we believe that the right to vote is a fundamental right. The denial of the right to vote to the vast majority of South Africans was central to the struggle against apartheid, a struggle in which thousands of South Africans lost their lives. Because of the importance of the right to vote, this right is guaranteed to all adult citizens in the Bill of Rights of the Constitution.

However, it exists at present what seems an unreasonable and unconstitutional exclusion from the right to vote for many thousands of South Africans who live abroad. For example, if you are playing in England … [Interjections.]

HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M B Skosana): Order!

Mr M J ELLIS: If you are playing in England for Bafana Bafana you can vote, because this is an international sporting event, but if you are playing in Australia for the Stormers you can't vote, because this is only a Super 14 event. Similarly, if you go to Ghana on a six-week business trip you can vote, but if you are there on a six-week contract you can't. If you go to Zimbabwe to bury your father you don't qualify for a special vote, but if you're there on holiday you do qualify.

The distinctions in section 33(1)(e) deny the vote to South Africans who are temporarily working abroad, but who intend to return. It discriminates unreasonably between various classes of South Africans who are temporarily outside the country, and denies large numbers of South Africans their constitutional right to vote. We believe that this is wrong.

Therefore, we will continue to pursue this matter to the highest court in the land in the belief that the right to vote is an inalienable right of citizenship and worth fighting for. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs S A SEATON

END OF TAKE

Mr M J ELLIS

SHOOTING OF TWO BOTHASIG POLICE OFFICERS

(Member's Statement)

Mrs S A SEATON (IFP): Chairperson, the IFP notes with great concern the shooting of two Bothasig constables in the early hours of Sunday by two unknown men. The two constables, both of whom are still in a critical condition in hospital, were on patrol when two men opened fire on them before taking the officers' 9mm firearms.

It is of crucial importance that those who are entrusted to maintain law and order do not themselves become victims of crime. We urge the police to step up their search and to leave no stone unturned until these gutless criminals are brought to book. We also call upon members of the public to work hand in glove with the police to fight crime.

The ongoing attacks on innocent policemen in the course of their duties are a true indication that crime remains a big issue and many of us are not safe in this country. [Applause.]

Ms P R MASHANGOANE

END OF TAKE

Mrs S A SEATON

VISITS TO SCHOOLS TO EMPHASISE EDUCATION AS A PRIORITY

(Member's Statement)

Ms P R MASHANGOANE (ANC): Chairperson, using some of the Millennium Development Goals as benchmarks - achieving universal primary education, improving quality and eliminating disparities in education in general – the ANC-led government will build on achievements we have already made in education.

In the past two weeks, we have witnessed the reopening of schools throughout the country. Consistent with our policy pronouncements, the ANC has deployed its leaders, both in government and in our constitutional structures, to visit schools around the country.

The purpose of these visits is to lend support to pupils, teachers and parents and to mobilize the community to play an active role in the education of our children.

This year, as part of the progressive introduction of free and compulsory education to the poor until they enter university, the ANC-led government will improve the access of poor South Africans to quality education by ensuring that 60% of schools are no-fees schools this year.

We reiterate our commitment to work together with educators, parents, school governing bodies and other stakeholders to make education a priority for all. Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]

Rev K R J MESHOE

END OF TAKE

Ms P R MASHANGOANE

INTERVENTION OF SADC IN SITUATION IN ZIMBABWE

(Member's Statement)

Rev K R J MESHOE (ACDP): Chairperson, peace-loving people of the world, particularly Africans, are disappointed by another failure by SADC leaders to save Zimbabwe from further economic collapse and the resultant untold human suffering.

The ACDP supports the statement that was made on Zimbabwe by the former first lady of Mozambique and wife of former President Nelson Mandela, Mrs Graça Machel, that Robert Mugabe and Southern African Development Community leaders have the blood of hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans on their hands. They watched the suffering of millions of Zimbabweans without lifting a finger and blocked the UN Security Council and others who wanted action to be taken in order to save lives.

The ADCP believes SADC leaders must share the blame with Robert Mugabe for the lawlessness and suffering taking place in Zimbabwe.

When SADC leaders had the opportunity to help the suffering people of Zimbabwe by telling him and Zanu-PF to graciously accept defeat in the March general elections, they chickened out and instead supported their comrade who lost.

A power-sharing deal, we believe, will not materialise for as long as tyrant Mugabe is involved as a self-imposed senior partner in the negotiations.

The ACDP believes a power-sharing deal is possible in Zimbabwe, but only without Mr Mugabe. He must be removed from the presidency he does not deserve and from any power-sharing, because he is a stumbling block to peace in that area.

Because SADC leaders have failed our region, the ACDP now appeals to the United Nations whose members we believe still have a conscience, to intervene before a time bomb explodes in Zimbabwe, which may result in civil unrest that would destabilise the whole region.

Reports that Mugabe is expected to seek approval from regional leaders at the summit in Pretoria to form a government alone, only shows how little regard he has for SADC leaders. If they agree to such a proposal, then they will have irresponsibly destroyed their reputation and nullified all forms of claims that they have had about believing in justice, human dignity and respect for the rule of law. Thank you. [Applause.]

Dr C P MULDER

END OF TAKE

Rev K R J MESHOE

UNCONSTITUTIONALITY OF ELECTORAL LAW

(Member's Statement)

Afrikaans:

Dr C P MULDER (FF Plus): Mnr die Voorsitter, die VF Plus het gister 'n dringende aansoek by die Hooggeregshof ingedien om die diskriminerende bepalings van die Kieswet, wat dit vir die meeste Suid-Afrikaners in die buiteland onmoontlik maak om te stem, ongrondwetlik te laat verklaar.

Met dié indiening is die VF Plus oorval deur boodskappe ter ondersteuing. Enkele voorbeelde: Eerstens, "Ek beplan om binnekort terug te trek huis toe; ek wil ook graag my stem laat tel omdat dit 'n impak op my lewe sal hê wanneer ek terugtrek huis toe. Dis 'n absolute skande dat gevangenes mag stem en iemand soos ek mag nie." – Justin Labuschagne, Londen.

English:

Secondly, "When we entered the new South Africa I expected the government to stand up for the rights of all its citizens, yet my right to have a say in my country's future was ripped away from me. As an expat this is just as bad as the racism of our past where people were denied the right to vote because of the colour of their skin. I am being denied the right to vote because of my location." - James Smith, Beijing, China.

Thirdly, "I am on a teaching contract in Korea and cannot see why I should be denied to vote, yet prisoners in South Africa can." – Alexander Smith, Korea.

Afrikaans:

Laastens, "Ek en my gesin is tans woonagtig en werk in Qatar in die Midde-Ooste. Wat staan ons te doen? Ons wil en ons moet stem. Ek en my vrou is albei geregistreerde Suid-Afrikaanse kiesers en kom terug." – Bernard Jacobs.

Die VF Plus doen 'n beroep op die ANC, en spesifiek die Minister van Binnelandse Sake, om hierdie saak met erns te hanteer en verstandig te wees, en nie die saak te opponeer nie, in die ANC se eie belang. Ek dank u.

Mr S B NTULI

END OF TAKE

Dr C P MULDER

SUPPORT FOR PALESTINE

(Member's Statement)

Mr S B NTULI (ANC): Chairperson, I wish to make a statement on Palestine. The ANC will intensify its solidarity efforts supporting a just solution, including the strengthening of a sovereign, independent and viable Palestinian state, which will help to bring peace to the region and an end to the conflict.

The ANC has observed with great concern the Israeli army attack and killing of innocent Palestinian civilians. As in many other conflicts recorded in history, women and children pay the heaviest price in any war situation. We unambiguously condemn these horrendous attacks on innocent civilians.

The ANC supports the resolution taken by the United Nations on Thursday 8 January, calling for an end and immediate ceasefire in Gaza, leading to the full withdrawal of Israeli forces. We further support all resolutions taken by the UN pertaining to the conflict. We support a two-state solution as a model for peace between Israel and Palestine, recognising the right of Israel to exist as a sovereign state, and support the establishment of a strong and sovereign Palestinian state based on the 1967 border resolution. I thank you.

Dr S E M PHEKO

END OF TAKE

Mr S B NTULI

INADEQUATELY SHORT SPEAKING TIME ALOTTED TO OPPOSITION PARTIES

(Member's Statement)

Dr S E M PHEKO: Modula Setulo, the motto of our Parliament is: Masijule ngengxoxo, Mzansi.

English:

Can we …

IsiZulu:

… jula ngengxoxo … [… deepen discussion …]

English:

… in one or two minutes, compared to others who are guaranteed eight to 30 minutes? There is no such practice in many parliaments of the world, even at the UN where I operated.

The practice of allocating such a short time to many opposition parties in this House must be abolished, just as we abolished floor-crossing. [Interjections.] It is not democratic. The PAC and some opposition parties in this House, with their limited time, almost incoherently, opposed the removal of the people of Matatiele and Khutsong to other provinces against their will. Their voices did not weigh anything, and the people moved, with dire consequences for Khutsong.

Because of time constraints on opposition parties in this House, only one voice is heard. Laws that have a detrimental effect on the growth of this country's population have been made against the clear opposition of our people, including the majority of religious organisations, which are the moral conscience of this nation.

Population is important for national perpetuation and preservation of sovereignty. The extinction of our Khoisan brothers and sisters in this country is a classic example of the tragedy of population reduction.

IsiZulu:

Masijule ngengxoxo Mzansi kodwa ukujula kudinga isikhathi. Izwe lethu!

Mr T D LEE

END OF TAKE

Dr S E M PHEKO

AMENDMENTS TO NATIONAL SPORT AND RECREATION ACT

(Member's Statement)

Mr T D LEE (DA): Chairperson, the DA rejects the proposals by the Department of Sport to introduce draconian additions to the National Sport and Recreation Act in order to give the Ministry of Sport outrageous powers over national team selections.

Some of the regulations proposed by the Department of Sport include that, firstly, foreign coaches must have previously coached a national team for at least five years to be eligible to coach a South African national team; and secondly, national teams need to be chosen at least 30 days before any international competition and sent to the Minister for approval. The Minister will have the sole right to award national colours, take them away or refuse them.

Not only do these provisions take away the powers of national sports federations, but they also contravene international sport regulations, which will jeopardise our international reputation in the sporting community. South Africa does not need political meddling in sport, especially when our national teams truly represent the rainbow nation and are in great form.

Government's only role in sport should be to ensure that various sporting codes and organisations have the necessary assistance to help develop the country's next generation of sportsmen and women. It has no business interfering in the selection process of international teams and the recruitment of players and coaches.

If the Rev Stofile is serious about addressing the challenges facing sport in South Africa, he must focus on addressing the enormous shortage of sports facilities and the lack of proper development structures …

HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M B Skosana): Hon member, complete. Your time is up.

Mr T D LEE: … and improve the financial performance of his department, which has obtained a qualified audit opinion for the past two successive financial years. I thank you.

Mr M J NENE

END OF TAKE

Mr T D LEE

LAUNCH OF MOSES KOTANE INSTITUTE

(Member's Statement)

Mr M J NENE (ANC): Chairperson, the ANC-led government continuously works with our people to perform mathematics, science, technology and language development. The ANC-led provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal has launched a unique science and engineering training institute named after Moses Kotane. This institute aims to help students who have passed matric or Grade 12 with exemption, but did not meet the requirements to be admitted directly to the faculties of science and agriculture at tertiary institutions.

The new Moses Kotane Institute is a unique science and engineering training institute and would focus mainly on building up the skills of the historically disadvantaged students. The benefit of science and technology would be used to assist South Africa in developing expertise in various fields in science and agriculture.

This institute has formal links with the national Department of Education, which will officially regulate all programmes as well as forge links with Ethekwini FET, the University of KwaZulu-Natal and Pretoria University respectively. They will work closely with the institute in offering some parts of modules.

IsiZulu:

Yingakho-ke uKhongolose kumhlahlandlela wakhe wokhetho ukugcizelele okwezemfundo kanjalo egcizelela ukuthi kwenziwe amakhono azokwazi ukuthi kutholakale abantu abazokwenza umnotho walelizwe uphakame. Yingakho-ke futhi sithi uKhongolose uyohlala ephila futhi ehola njalo-njalo. Ngiyabonga.

Dr U ROOPNARAIN

END OF TAKE

Mr M J NENE

ASSISTANCE FOR THOSE RETRENCHED DUE TO RECESSION

(Member's Statement)

Dr U ROOPNARAIN (IFP): Chairperson, at a time of economic recession and downturn the Unemployment Insurance Fund is providing somewhat of a cushion to the retrenched and women taking maternity leave. Indeed, the fund is now somewhat of a model for a kind of contributory social security assistance that is needed. Despite the benefit, South Africa's structural unemployment will cause claims to go up and contributions to go down, and the UIF surplus may shrink.

The IFP warns that despite the successes, government cannot shy away from the fact that close to 300 000 jobs can be lost this year and families are going to suffer. The stresses, strains and trauma experienced due to job losses cannot be ignored. The threats faced by the South African economy are substantial and complex.

This weekend the IFP launched a very successful election manifesto in Soweto. The IFP calls on South Africa to harness all of its talents in every aspect of skills development, productivity, empowerment, education and the pursuit of economic and social progress. The UIF is playing a small part but much more needs to be done as we begin to face the daunting economic crisis. I thank you.

Mr A J NYAMBI

END OF TAKE

Dr U ROOPNARAIN

WAR ON POVERTY CAMPAIGN IN MPUMALANGA

(Member's Statement)

Mr A J NYAMBI (ANC): Chairperson, in its war against poverty the ANC-led government continuously implements integrated antipoverty programmes, ensuring that these programmes address not only social assistance but also the sustainable integration of all communities into economic activity.

On 30 January 2009 the ANC-led government of Mpumalanga will be launching a War on Poverty campaign in a village called Skhwahlane in Nkomazi Municipality. Among other things, the campaign aims at bringing together all government departments to commonly identify and help impoverished households that are in urgent need of assistance without duplicating any programme.

The volunteer youth group called Masupatsela, together with community development workers, will visit the most deprived households, identify their specific needs, help them access government services and also provide them with mosquito nets to protect them from malaria.

The ANC believes that our attack on poverty must empower the people to get themselves out of poverty while creating adequate social nets to protect the most vulnerable in our society. I thank you.

Mr I O DAVIDSON

END OF TAKE

Mr A J NYAMBI

STATEMENTS BY PRESIDENT OF ANC YOUTH LEAGUE

(Member's Statement)

Mr I O DAVIDSON (DA): Chairperson, in light of Julius Malema's highly irresponsible and grossly insulting statements suggesting that the woman who accused Jacob Zuma of rape in 2005 "had a good time with him" because she stayed the night and that she couldn't have been raped because "you can't ask for money from somebody who raped you", the DA Youth has referred Mr Malema to the Commission on Gender Equality.

In a country where a woman is raped every ten minutes, it is unacceptable that, as a national leader and a senior figure within the ANC, Mr Malema be allowed to continue making such dangerous statements unchecked. We urge the Commission on Gender Equality, which is tasked with investigating complaints on any gender-related issue, as set out in section 187 of the Constitution, to investigate his comments and take the appropriate action against him.

The DA also supports the comments of Rape Crisis Cape Town trust director Kathleen Dey, who said that Mr Malema has no right to dictate how a woman who has been raped should behave, and that it is common to show of a clear disrespect for women and a limited understanding of the complexities of rape.

Mr Malema is setting a dangerous precedent and if we pride the right to equality and dignity enshrined in the Constitution, his statements must be universally condemned. I challenge the leadership of the ANC, some of whom are sitting in this House today, to ensure that Mr Malema is subject to strong and unequivocal rebuke. I thank you.

Ms M W MAKGATE

END OF TAKE

Mr I O DAVIDSON

PROGRAMME FOR TRAINEE BOILER OPERATORS IN NORTH WEST

(Member's Statement)

Ms M W MAKGATE (ANC): Chairperson, the mission of the ANC-led government continues to be the fundamental transformation of the South African economy in order to empower the formerly disadvantaged, and eliminate poverty and the extreme inequalities generated by the apartheid system.

Due to the high vacancy rate of boiler operators in state hospitals across the North West Province, the Department of Public Works in the province recruited 91 people to be trainee operators at 11 hospitals across the province. Of the 91 trainees, 71 are men and 20 are women from rural and poor backgrounds.

The trainees will have to undergo 12 months on-the-job training, with each trainee receiving a monthly stipend of R2 500. At the end of the course, 55 trainees are expected to be permanently absorbed into the job.

One of the trainees, Kenaleone Moeng, a 23-year-old from Vryburg, told us that since she passing her matric in 2002 she had been struggling to find employment and had been despondent about her future. That was until she saw the advert in a local newspaper for the boiler operator development programme.

She said: "This is an opportunity of a life time. For me as a young woman, this is a very proud moment because these kinds of jobs were previously dominated by our male counterparts."

Increased graduate output in areas of skills shortages will include measures to streamline Sector Education and Training Authorities and other institutions to address and focus on existing skills shortages. I thank you.

HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M B Skosana): Thank you, hon members. There is one slot left here, created by the absence of Nadeco. In our sequence the ANC can take it, if not the DA, if not the IFP.

Mr M M DIKGACWI (ANC): The ANC will take it, Chair.

Mr M M DIKGACWI

END OF TAKE

Ms M W MAKGATE

THE 2010 FIFA WORLD CUP

(Member's Statement)

Mr M M DIKGACWI (ANC): Chairperson, I thought the hon Lee was going to speak about what happened yesterday. Yesterday marked a significant milestone in our preparations to host the prestigious 2010 Fifa World Cup. South Africans from all walks of life are continuing to work tirelessly to ensure our readiness with fewer than 500 days to go before the event kicks off.

The stadiums that will host the Confederations Cup in June this year are nearing completion and they are ready to receive the influx of soccer spectators into their cities. The prophets of doom have been proved wrong by the massive infrastructure developments at stadium sites and related projects across the country.

However, a lot of work still needs to be done and we cannot afford the luxury to relax our efforts in ensuring that the tournament in 2010 will be the best ever. As such, the Local Organising Committee needs to do a lot more in popularizing the event amongst all South Africans, especially in the deep rural areas. The opportunities presented by hosting the event must be accessible to all South Africans.

The ANC calls on the public and political parties to continue supporting the event to prove to the world that South Africans do have the ability to unite around common objectives and strive towards the building of a better Africa and a better world. Thank you.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY

END OF TAKE

Mr M M DIKGACWI

WAR ON POVERTY CAMPAIGN IN MPUMALANGA

INADEQUATELY SHORT SPEAKING TIME ALOTTED TO OPPOSITION PARTIES

(Minister's Response)

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY (Ms E THABETHE): Chairperson, I would like to respond to two statements, namely the one on the antipoverty strategy campaign, and the hon Pheko's one on the demarcation and time allocation in the House.

On the first one I would like to thank the hon member for raising this, because I think this has been the cornerstone of the ANC-led government, to fight poverty and make sure that we can create opportunities for the poor; and that within that strategy we form partnerships with communities as well as the private sector. Of course, dealing with poverty is not only government's problem. We need all of us to come together and make sure that the strategy can work.

Surely, this is the roll-out from last year's launch in the Free State. These are now the provincial launches, and we believe that so far all of them have been successful. That clearly shows that the ANC-led government is really for the poorest of the poor and is keen to make sure that it can fight poverty.

Regarding the second statement: hon Pheko is not here now, but the demarcation issue is under way. The Minister and the cluster are looking at that. On the question of time allocation, I think that he should know - because he himself is a whip - that he should be grateful to the ANC for even giving him two minutes to speak. If it wasn't for that, he would just be able to say "hallo, Chair" and sit down. He is able to talk because we gave him time when we were doing the time allocation.

Over and above that, he must know that the ANC has this time not because it gets these votes on a platter. We actually go out and campaign. He must do that as well and stop coming to complain in the House about time allocation. The electoral system is based on proportional representation. So if the PAC is not giving him more votes for more time, sorry, hon Pheko and those who are advocates for time allocation. They do the same on the state of the nation address and all that. Go out now! This is the right time to go out and canvass so that you can get the time you want in the House. Thank you very much, Chairperson. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF EDUCATION

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY

LAUNCH OF ANC ELECTION MANIFESTO

SHOOTING OF TWO BOTHASIG POLICE OFFICERS

VISITS TO SCHOOLS TO EMPHASISE EDUCATION AS A PRIORITY

LAUNCH OF MOSES KOTANE INSTITUTE

SUPPORT FOR PALESTINE

INTERVENTION OF SADC IN SITUATION IN ZIMBABWE

(Minister's Response)

The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Chairperson, well, I think certainly one should congratulate the ANC on its massive showing at the launch of its election manifesto at the beginning of January. However, as the president of the ANC said recently, we also watch with great interest and pride the large number of parties that have launched manifestoes throughout the country, because this is an indicator of the strength of democracy in South Africa. As he said, we are proud that we have opposition in our country; we might not agree with them, but their existence indicates the strength of our democracy and therefore we do welcome all the manifestoes that have been launched, knowing of course that the one we have launched is the best of all of them.

With respect to the challenge that the DA has given notice it will be pursuing, in happy alliance with the FF Plus, I believe, we know this is merely a regurgitation of the launch of an objection against the Act at every period when there is an election in South Africa, and we expect a similar outcome as those we have had in the past. We know it is a good way of getting oneself in the newspapers, just as we approach elections.

With respect to the matter of the killing of policemen in our country, I think one would agree with the hon Seaton, and we certainly do believe and hope that the police are pursuing these criminals with great vigour. But I would ask as well of the House, could we do more about talking more positively about our hardworking men and women in the police service? We tend to downplay their role in much of our discourse and I think we should build their status in our society and say much more about the hard work they do protecting all of us in South Africa.

On the matters of education, Chairperson, we certainly welcome the initiatives taken by the ANC to put education at the centre of society's action. The KwaZulu-Natal initiative with respect to engineering and technical skills is most welcome as these skills are absolutely needed in our society.

I certainly would agree with the ANC that we must have a lasting peace found with respect to Israel and Palestine, and that it must be a peace that recognises the right of Palestine to exist, and the right of Israel also to have a state that is secure. We will continue to work as government for a lasting peace in the Middle East.

And of course with respect to Zimbabwe, we urge the SADC leaders to continue their efforts to find an inclusive solution to the problems in that country. Of course, given the vigour of Rev Meshoe, we advise him to put on his fighting armour, and go and assist the people of Zimbabwe in an uprising. I can advise him that I don't believe it will be possible to have a lasting solution that will exclude Mr Mugabe, but indeed a solution must be found. I don't know if the ACDP would survive the absence of Rev Meshoe while he soldiers in Zimbabwe. [Time expired.]

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

The MINISTER OF EDUCATION

HOURS OF SITTING

(Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move the motion as printed in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party on the Order Paper, as follows:

That the House, notwithstanding the hours of sitting of the House as provided for in Rule 23(2), on Monday, 9 February 2009, sits at 09:00 to debate the President's State of the Nation Address.

Agreed to.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

REVIVAL OF LAPSED ORDERS

(Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move the motion, as printed in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party on the Order Paper, as follows:

That the House revive the following items, which were on the Order Paper and that lapsed at the end of the 2008 annual session, for consideration by the National Assembly:

(1) Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration on Public Service Commission's Fourth Consolidated Monitoring and Evaluation Report of 2007 (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 19 November 2008, p 2276); and

(2) Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration on State of Public Service Report 2008 (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 19 November 2008, p 2282).

Agreed to.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

RATIFICATION OF DECISION TO ESTABLISH AD HOC JOINT COMMITTEE

(Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move the motion as printed in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party on the Order Paper, as follows:

That the House ratifies the decision of the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, acting jointly, in terms of Joint Rule 138, to establish an Ad Hoc Joint Committee to consider matters in terms of section 12 of the National Prosecuting Authority Act, 1998 (Act 32 of 1998), as announced in the Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports of 12 January 2009.

Agreed to.

Decision to establish an Ad Hoc Joint Committee to consider matters in terms of section 12 of the National Prosecuting Authority Act, 1998 (Act 32 of 1998), accordingly ratified.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

RATIFICATION OF DECISION TO ESTABLISH AD HOC COMMITTEE

(Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move the motion as printed in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party on the Order Paper, as follows:

That the House ratifies the decision of the Speaker, in terms of Rule 214, to establish an Ad Hoc Committee on the Criminal Law (Forensic Procedures) Bill, as announced in the Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports of 13 January 2009.

Agreed to.

Decision to establish an Ad Hoc Committee on the Criminal Law (Forensic Procedures) Bill accordingly ratified.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

SECOND-HAND GOODS BILL

(Consideration of Bill and of Report of Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security thereon)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move:

That the Bill, as amended, be rejected.

Motion agreed to.

Bill, as amended, accordingly rejected.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

ELECTION OF MEDIATION COMMITTEE MEMBERS

(Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House –

(1) notes that the National Assembly has rejected the Second-Hand Goods Bill [B2 – 2008] (sec 76(1));

(2) elects the following members, as nominated by their respective parties, as the Assembly representatives to the Mediation Committee on the Second-Hand Goods Bill [B2D – 2008] (Sec 76(1)):

(a) Bekker, H J (IFP);

(b) Daniels, P (ANC);

(c) Kohler-Barnard, D (DA);

(d) Maserumule, F T (ANC);

(e) Moatshe, M S (ANC);

(f) Nhlengethwa, D G (ANC);

(g) Sotyu, M (ANC); and

(h) Van Wyk, A (ANC); and

(3) elects the following member as alternate member:

King, R J (DA).

Agreed to.

Ms F I CHOHAN

END OF TAKE

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ENTERPRISES ON OVERSIGHT VISIT TO TRANSNET'S DURBAN CONTAINER TERMINAL AND TRANSNET'S OPERATIONS AT SENTRARAND AND KOEDOESPOORT

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ENTERPRISES ON INTERACTION WITH THE DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES ON ITS ANNUAL REPORT (2007-08)

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ENTERPRISES ON INTERACTION WITH TRANSNET ON ITS ANNUAL REPORT (2007-08)

Ms F I CHOHAN: Chairperson, yesterday President Obama read out a list of major American companies that were shedding thousands and thousands of jobs. In this country we are not immune to the prospect of massive job losses.

The extent of unemployment in our country is predicted to be in the range of 4,1 million, not counting those that are rendered jobless and incomeless through small and micro business failures and those who have stopped looking for jobs.

The various bailout packages we have seen and will continue to see in Europe and in the US bring home the truth that the state has to be resilient in approaching challenges to the economy. All over the world states will have to invest in their economies in order to maintain healthy growth indices.

Luckily for us in South Africa, and unlike the US which has historically put enormous amounts of faith in the free market economy, we have a more diverse range of choices in our arsenal of tools to fix what is wrong in our economy.

In this regard, we are not unlike countries such as China, Britain, Spain and others. As a state, however, we must begin to optimise the potential presented by these state enterprises to deal with our dual challenges of unemployment and growth.

We have in many of these companies enormous amounts of capacity, capabilities, skills and resources that are just waiting to be tapped and waiting for a focused and more strategic approach to be adopted by the state.

Happily, the executive is already preparing to restructure in the next term to allow for a more focused management of state-owned enterprises towards optimising benefits into our own and the economies of our neighbouring and partner African countries.

It is therefore incumbent that the new Parliament does the same. There are many shortcomings related to the model of a portfolio committee that we raise in our annual report. For many years now, this Parliament has discussed ad nauseam how it is that we should be conducting our oversight role, particularly in relation to organs of state other than departments and Ministries.

It is certainly the view of this committee, that in so far as it pertains to state-owned enterprises, the new Parliament should very seriously consider a different model to the portfolio committee model. At the very least we should consider a committee to mirror, in the confidentiality aspects, the Joint Committee on Intelligence, owing to the commercially sensitive nature of information that emanates from this diverse and very dynamic portfolio.

There are, of course, many different models to be employed and to learn from. We hope that the new Parliament will allow space for such consideration.

Lastly, the hon Mokoena is no longer here, but his purple jacket today really brightened up the lives of some of us in this House and we just wanted to extend to him a special award for the best dressed Member of Parliament in the House today! Thank you, Chairperson.

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move that the reports be adopted.

Motion agreed to.

Report of Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises on Oversight visit to Transnet's Durban Container Terminal and Transnet's operations at Sentrarand and Koedoespoort accordingly adopted.

Report of Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises on Interaction with the Department of Public Enterprises on its Annual Report (2007-08) accordingly adopted.

Report of Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises on Interaction with Transnet on its Annual Report (2007-08) accordingly adopted.

Adv Z L MADASA

END OF TAKE

Ms F I CHOHAN

DEBATE ON WORKING TOWARDS SUSTAINABLE PEACE AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN PALESTINE

Adv Z L MADASA: Chairperson, the world has recently witnessed one of the long and protracted conflicts between the Palestinians and the Israelis. The world has witnessed the destruction of property and the killing of innocent civilians. The world has witnessed the suffering of women and children. The world has witnessed the television images of very powerful and precise weapons demolishing certain parts of the Gaza area in Palestine.

The question we need to ask after this conflict which we have just witnessed, which is one of many that have taken place in the past, is whether the result thereof has been a more secure Israel and the establishment of a Palestinian state. Sadly, the conclusion is that after this war we are back to square one, which then raises the question of the prudence of engaging in this war in the first place.

There have been many voices in our community and elsewhere in the world, coming from social movements, political movements, allies of the ANC and other people, calling for various actions to be taken or considered in contribution to this conflict. My responsibility today, on behalf of the ANC, is to comment on and discuss this topic guided by ANC policies and guideline documents, and the foreign policy of South Africa. Some of the comments and calls that have been made by social movements, valid as they may be, will have to follow certain procedures for the ANC and government to consider.

I think it is important to understand this conflict in its proper perspective and to go back to the legal framework that in the first place established the state of Israel. If we go back to the history of this conflict, we find that it was the United Nations that agreed, persuaded by certain material events after the Second World War, to establish the state of Israel after a failed attempt during the First World War. Those events persuaded the nations to establish this state and to resolve that, side by side with this state of Israel, there should be a Palestinian state.

This is an important legal framework that we must bear in mind, because everything else that we need to comment upon flows from these founding instruments of international law. This means that we need to repudiate any religious notion that seeks to explain how these two states should be established - not that there are no religious explanations for it, but because the state of Israel was established by the United Nations. It is important that this should be our starting point. If we resort to religious notions of the states of Israel and Palestine, we would find ourselves in a situation where there is no win-win solution, because if we look at it through the lens of the Israeli side, then it means a one-state solution, and if we look at it through the lens of the Palestinian side, it would also mean a one-state solution.

What are the barriers, as the subject of discussion says, to sustainable peace and development in Palestine? I think we need to look at the material conditions as they exist today. The truth of the matter is that there is really no viable Palestinian state as we speak today, and the reason for this has been the destruction of the infrastructure during previous conflicts and the one we have seen recently.

Today the material condition exhibits a situation of a fragmented Palestinian movement. Today we see an insecure Israel, be it in the minds of the citizens or its leadership. Today we see continued building of settlements in defiance of UN resolutions. Today there is a winding wall in Palestine which is part of the setback preventing a viable state. Today we see the rise of extreme leadership on both sides, which means a rise of intolerance - intolerance as defined by nonacceptance of the existence of the other side. Today we witness the geopolitical interests as evidenced by the interests of the neighbours to this conflict who seem less interested in its resolution. Today we see a total lack of commitment to those who profess to be the friends of the Palestinian state.

What is the way forward given these conditions? How do we resuscitate the UN resolution that sought to establish a lasting peace? In my view we need to ensure that the rational voices, the voices of reason on both sides, Palestine and Israel, come to the centre. We need to work to marginalise unreasonable and extremist voices, especially given the looming elections on both sides. Our appeal would be to the citizens of these two countries or states to consider a leadership that will be visionary, that will be forward-looking and that is serious about the establishment of a peaceful solution. The reason I made reference to the issue of the UN resolution establishing the state of Israel, is that the resolution which established that statute means that there are responsibilities that come with that statute. These responsibilities include the protection of innocent citizens.

We have a situation today, as evidenced by the remarks of the prime minister of Israel, Mr Olmert, who gave the guarantee that if the soldiers that were involved in the conflict are investigated or there are attempts to arrest them, the leadership would protect them. In my view, these were unfortunate remarks because if you rely on the UN resolution to establish your statute, then you cannot repute it when it seeks to correct your actions. If we call upon the UN to ensure that leadership is held accountable in other places in the world such as Zimbabwe, Darfur and elsewhere where there are conflicts, the state of Israel cannot be an exception to that responsibility. That is why I say the United Nations resolution to establish a state of Israel is a starting legal framework to discuss this conflict.

Another obstacle and barrier to sustainable development and peace, as I indicated, is the fragmentation of the Palestinian cause,as we witnessed last week when we had hearings in the committee with the Palestinian ambassador and the Israeli ambassador. We had a situation where the two sides, as represented by the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, Fatah in particular and Hamas, are in complete conflict with one another. The ANC has called upon, and still calls upon, the two sides to unite in the causeof ensuring a viable state of Palestine. This fragmentation is not conducive to a lasting peace. The ANC calls upon Hamas to realise that the insistence on the annihilation of the state of Israel will result in violence and no solution.

The ANC calls upon the state of Israel to realise that to resort to war to sort out its own security will ensure more insecurity instead. Therefore, given where we are at this stage, the ANC would like to remind the two parties not to think about their ideological positions, but to remember that the suffering of the people that they represent can no longer be tolerated. We call upon the Israeli leadership, where evidence of atrocities committed by the soldiers during the war is shown, to admit to the scrutiny of the United Nations that established the state in the first place.

We call upon our South African government to intensify its efforts to resolve the conflict, to ensure that this conflict remains on the radar of diplomatic efforts. I know that we have been cautioned by many that we are too far from the conflict and we shouldn't engage. These are false cautions that we should ignore. It is important to ensure that the policies that are written in our documents are carried out when we look into this conflict. We have been cautioned not to pick sides in the conflict, but we insist as the ANC that we will pick the side of the victims whenever injustice is shown. Thank you.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION

END OF TAKE

Adv Z L MADASA

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, the world has witnessed a bloody backdrop of escalating confrontation and violence in Israel and Palestine. For those of us who invested our hope in the peace process that began in Madrid in 1991, news of suicide bombings, shootings, the recent military occupation and massive destruction of homes and property inspires sadness and disillusionment.

The DA is shocked and saddened by the loss of life, injury to innocent civilians and the large-scale hardship and disruption being suffered by all communities trapped in the cauldron of violence. But we believe that however dark the current situation may be, a resolution to the conflict is possible. This is essential, vital and imperative. When life itself is at issue, leaders must do whatever it takes to move from possibility to probability and from probability to certainty in order to protect human beings. A spark that can kick-start such movement remains an absolute commitment to peace, which in turn requires the courage to take risks. Indeed, a return to successful negotiations and sustainable solutions now requires each side to take such risks.

The DA does believe that negotiation is the only possible path to peace. For negotiation to take place, Israelis and Palestinians must both have an absolute commitment to peace and an irrevocable commitment to a negotiation process which will reach an acceptable agreement to both. Any lasting agreement must be based on the mutual recognition of the right of both Palestinians and Israelis to have sovereign, independent and secure states.

We have no doubt that the people of goodwill the world over support this position. The difficulty lies in how the protagonists in Israel and Palestine might extract themselves from their current impasse. The situation requires urgent action. The long drawn-out conflict over security for Israel and statehood and human rights for the Palestinian people must be brought to an end. But there will be no lasting peace in the Middle East unless there is an accord amongst the countries of the region to honour the agreement which the Palestinians and Israelis will reach about their future.

In respect of the recent war in Gaza, the DA's position is clear. We regret the loss of life. Violence is never a solution, and we condemn the violence perpetrated by both sides. Though Israel's retaliation is clearly excessive, the context in which these attacks are taking place must also be remembered. Neither side is blameless. Though Israel is by far militarily stronger than Hamas, Hamas has never recognised the right of Israel to exist and has over a period of time been firing hundreds of rockets into Israel, killing a number of Israelis. Innocent lives on both sides have been lost.

As a first step towards restoring peace in that region, the DA supports a two-state solution and mutual respect for each state's right to exist in security. To get there, Israel and Palestine must both commit to stop using violence to further their interests. As part of a commitment to ending all hostilities, Israel must withdraw from Gaza, and Hamas must provide guarantees that Gaza will not be used as a base from which to launch missile attacks into southern Israel. Palestine must recognise Israel's right to exist and Israel must withdraw from the occupied territories and lift the blockade on Gaza. There must also be a credible peacekeeping force to monitor and broker the peace.

A solution is possible if leaders in the region listen to the views of ordinary people - the victims. A two-state solution is favoured by most Palestinians and Israelis. The Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research conducted a joint Palestinian-Israeli public opinion poll in 2007 which showed that 60% of Palestinians and 64% of Israelis believed that a two-state solution was the best way to end the conflict. It is worth noting that here in South Africa, Jacob Zuma, in his speech at the ANC's manifesto launch, committed the ANC to a two-state solution.

For the violence to end, both Israel and Palestine need to be equally committed to a peace process. In addition, Israel needs to reflect on how its militarist tactics and its continued occupation strengthen its most militant enemies. But Hamas should also recognise how its attacks on Israeli civilians have enabled Israel to change the subject from occupation to threats to its existence. The deadly paradox is that while Hamas has nothing but failure to show for its tactics, the conciliatory strategy of President Mahmoud Abbas and Fatah has failed as well, allowing Israel to expand its occupation of the West Bank and presenting the Palestinians with an alibi.

The only way to end this infernal dynamic is to create a Palestinian state on nearly all the occupied land that was gained in 1967 through the final status talks. For that to happen, the Palestinians need a unified leadership thoroughly dedicated to that aim. The Israelis need to want peace more than settlements, and President Obama needs to come out forcefully, for probably the last chance, at a resolution based on two states living side by side in security.

The world cannot afford to continue witnessing the tragic loss of human life in large numbers as it is currently taking place in the Middle East. The DA appeals to both leaders in the Middle East and other relevant powers, including the United States, to work towards a peaceful resolution of the conflict in order to avoid further unnecessary deaths.

What of us in South Africa? As South Africans, we can, at best, provide a potent example of reconciling intractable divisions and a centuries-old conflict. At worst, we can allow a far-off conflict to bedevil our own communal relations. Clearly, this House should lead South Africans to choose and elevate the best and not the worst option. I thank you.

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE

END OF TAKE

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Chairperson, we have all watched the horror in Gaza over the past number of weeks. We have all seen how Israel has systematically reduced Gaza to ruins; how thousands of people were killed and wounded. We have seen Hamas firing an uncountable number of rockets into Israel. But thanks to God today there is a fragile peace in place.

The massive task of working towards sustainable peace and economic development is to start in Palestine. But we fear that until such time as a lasting solution is found in the Middle East, very little may in fact be accomplished. The danger is that whatever may be achieved may once again be reduced to rubble by another war. The real and basic challenge is therefore to find lasting peace in the Middle East. That is something that may not occur in our lifetime because the challenge is how to solve a struggle that is thousands of years old.

I believe the Bible tells us more about the origin of this struggle. I'm told that it started thousands of years ago with Abraham's two sons – Isaac, who became the father of the Israelites, and Ishmael, the father of the Palestinians. For thousands of years, their descendants have been in bloody conflict with one another, even until today.

We believe that our government is making a mistake - the mistake of being seen to be taking sides. When you choose one side, you automatically alienate the other side. This is counterproductive and removes your capacity to play a role. We in the IFP believe that there is but one piece of advice we can offer the two sides - both Hamas and Israel - namely to look at our South African experience and to follow our successful example of stopping the war and negotiating. [Interjections.]

Yes, my vote and you are the man. [Laughter.]

Wise men and women say there are three sides to an issue - your side, my side and the right side. There is therefore the side of Hamas, the side of Israel and the right side. Our government erred in taking sides with the Palestinians. Many ANC members are openly and emotionally on the Palestinian side. They even talk about sanctions against Israel and the closure of diplomatic representation. They are therefore losing the trust of the Israelis.

We in the IFP encourage our government to render immediate humanitarian assistance to Gaza and assist in working towards sustainable peace and economic development in Palestine. We further urge the government not to take sides but to retain a neutral position in order to impress upon both Hamas and Israel the only possible solution, namely to stop the war and to negotiate. We encourage our government to urge both sides to make sacrifices in order to achieve peace. This will lay the foundation for South Africa's role in assisting and working towards sustainable peace and economic development in Palestine. Thank you.

Mr M H HOOSEN

END OF TAKE

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE

Mr M H HOOSEN: Chairperson, the ID believes that it is an indictment against the international community that the bloody conflict in the Middle East has gone on for so long.

The ID supports the Road Map for Peace. What is now needed is for the South African government to call on the United Nations to implement all its resolutions that have been around for so many years. As the ID we would like to condemn the violence on both sides.

However, we see Israel's invasion of Gaza and the incident involving the tragic bombing of a school, which resulted in the murder of innocent civilians, as an act of terrorism. Too many innocent lives, including those of children, have been destroyed in this recent bombing.

In 25 days, 1330 Palestinians were killed by Israel, including 437 children and 108 women. Five thousand four hundred and fifty innocent civilians were maimed.

Clearly, Israel's aggression against the Palestinians can never be condoned in any way whatsoever. To claim that one has the right to defend one's nation and at the same time massacre innocent civilians of another, does not convince the world that Israel has acted responsibly in promoting peace in the region.

The people of Gaza are already living in a caged hell because of the systematic violation of their human rights under the Israeli blockade. Israel has shown contempt for the rest of the world by unleashing its war machine on innocent civilians. It is simply impossible to achieve peace and economic development without a permanent halt on violence and aggression in the region.

I would like to call on all South Africans, irrespective of their faith, to condemn these attacks and show solidarity with the people of Palestine, and to do whatever they can to assist them during this humanitarian crisis. I thank you.

Rev K R J MESHOE

END OF TAKE

Mr M H HOOSEN

Rev K R J MESHOE: Chairperson, the ACDP would have preferred the wording of this debate to be "Working towards sustainable peace and economic development in the Middle East", and not just "in Palestine", because sustainable peace and economic development are also needed in Israel. This Parliament will have to take a balanced, unbiased approach if we want to be successful in contributing towards peace and economic development in that region.

AS the ACDP we are concerned about the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip because we have compassion for those who are suffering.

During the recent briefings by the Palestinian and Israeli ambassadors to the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs, the ACDP expressed its sincere regret at the loss of innocent lives on both sides of the conflict. We asked that our condolences be passed on to the families of those who had lost loved ones and those whose loved ones had been injured.

The Palestinian National Authority ambassador stated the following during his briefing to the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs:

Why did Hamas not respond to our calls to continue and extend the truce for another three months? Why didn't they accept? Unfortunately, Hamas' prime minister sometimes receives instructions from some countries. This is the reality. The leadership of Hamas refused to come to Cairo to discuss peace. They refused. Hamas leadership made a strategic mistake and the Palestinian people are paying the price now.

Our government has never questioned why Hamas has been allowed to launch its attacks from populated areas. Hamas unashamedly used women and children as human shields, and stored weapons and ammunition in mosques, hospitals and schools. This is totally unacceptable and is against the Geneva Convention.

Israel is accused of using disproportionate force when they retaliate and of breaching international law. What about Hamas? It is a serious breach of international law to try to prevent attacks on military targets by using human shields.

The ACDP supports working towards sustainable peace and economic development in the Middle East for the mutual benefit of both sides, the Palestinians and the Israelis.

According to the Hamas Founding Charter, it does not recognise the right of Israel to exist as a state, and is receiving support from Iran that has stated that it wants to wipe Israel off the face of the earth.

The ACDP hopes that the new South African Parliament will seek ways of influencing Hamas to recognise the right of Israel to live within safe and secure borders. Otherwise, all our attempts for a lasting peace in that area will be fruitless.

The ACDP welcomes the ceasefire and the intervention of moderate voices that will embark on steps towards a lasting peace. Thank you.

Mr I S MFUNDISI

END OF TAKE

Rev K R J MESHOE

Mr I S MFUNDISI: Chairperson, hon members, my party comes from a background that says more is wrought in prayer than aggression or belligerence, and we shall therefore not countenance being prescribed to as to how to look at this whole issue.

The situation in the Middle East calls for prayer, peace and development by all parties involved. From our angle of elevation as South Africans, we should not apportion blame; rather, we should pray that the people in Palestine and Israel find each other and live alongside each other in one country and in harmony. Our call should be "live and let live".

We should pray for Judaism, Christianity and Islam, as all these religions acknowledge the God of Abraham as their Lord. We should pray that members of the three religions understand this point of spiritual commonality amongst them and take this as a start towards reconciliation.

We pray for strength for Arabs and Israelis to realise that a friendly and co-operative regional plan is necessary to bring about co-operative economic development and tourism. With such an understanding, tourism will be revived and jobs will be created for Palestinians who have been trapped in hopelessnessand poverty. Mutual respect and tolerance will lead to Israel and its neighbours agreeing on sharing water, which is in short supply in those parts of the world.

We have no doubt that the Sermon on the Mount, which, amongst other things, states that "Blessed are the peace-makers, they shall be called the children of God", is relevant in this case. All nations should strive to make peace because war begets war.

The UCDP calls on all involved to make every effort to do what leads to peace so that there should be development. I thank you.

Ms K R MAGAU

END OF TAKE

Mr I S MFUNDISI

Tshivenda:

Ms K R MAGAU: Mudzulatshidulo … [Chairperson …]

English:

In a few minutes, I would like to highlight the Palestinian economic state of affairs which needs to be addressed before sustainable peace and economic development in Palestine can be a reality.

It should be noted that the Palestinian authority took over complex economic constraints in the form of the legacy of political restrictions imposed by the Oslo Agreements and the various agreements signed between the PLO and the Israeli government which worked to the detriment of the Palestinian economy.

To reform the Palestinian-Israeli economic relationship, the above-mentioned protocol must be renegotiated, as it has been consistently violated by the Israeli policy of closure and economic siege.

Thirty-two years of Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip has led to a steady deterioration in the political and economic conditions there.

Israel has succeeded in restructuring the Palestinian economy in such a way that it became dependent on the Israeli one. This has led to a small and feeble Palestinian economy with limited capacity for job creation and labour force absorption. As a result, more than 70% of the Palestinian labour force depends on the Israeli labour market.

The main impediment to development in Palestine and co-operation in the region is the collective punishment Israel imposes on the Palestinian people under the closure policy. These closures are creating huge poverty and are stifling the economy of Palestine. Poverty has now spread to 26% of the population, compared to 17% in 2007.

More than 50% of Palestinians live under the poverty line of $2 per day. Unemployment reached 30% of the population in the first quarter of 2007, and 70% of Palestinians living in Gaza are now dependent on food aid.

Added to this is the continued building of settlements around water reserves, denying Palestinian farmers proper farming opportunities. On the other hand, Israel's refusal to release tax revenues which it collects on behalf of the Palestinian authority has only served to polarise relations between it and the Palestinian people.

This situation has caused hardship for the Palestinian people. This hardship is further aggravated by the decision of Western governments to impose sanctions on the Hamas-led Gaza Strip. These sanctions have impacted negatively on the Palestinian authority to deliver much-needed social resources to the people of Palestine.

Our main proposition behind the peace process is to improve the living standards of the people in the region, particularly on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip. We are convinced that peace would bring economic development and prosperity. In turn, economic development would mean increased support for the peace process.

Therefore, economic sovereignty for the Palestinian people must include, among other things, the freedom to choose economic policies that are consistent with their goals of economic development, which necessarily will not coincide with Israeli interests. Palestinian economic sovereignty must aim at these interests.

Palestinian economic sovereignty must aim at achieving certain economic objectives, such as giving priority to the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the Palestinian economy in order for it to regain its strength, and its ability to grow and lay the foundation for sustainable development; raising the standard of living of the Palestinian people; improving their quality of life through the efficient management of available economic resources, that is human and physical, and the proper administration of external economic relations to promote the performance of a Palestinian economy on both micro and macro levels; expanding its productivity capacity to enable it to benefit from the potential of the region and international co-operation; and working towards securing strategic storage of basic goods at fair prices to prevent shortages and avoid monopolies.

The Palestinian National Authority is aware of the importance of regional co-operation and integration, particularly in the era of globalisation where no one nation regardless of its military power, geographic, demographic or economic size can achieve growth, sustainable development or progress by remaining in complete isolation.

The Palestinian National Authority expects confidence-building measures through the implementation of the provision of Resolution 1850 of 16 December 2008, which embodies the principles upon which Israeli-Palestinian peace must rest.

On the other hand, Israel must accept the Palestinians as equal partners with whom they will have to share their destiny and future. After all, they share the land, water, air and other fortunes and misfortunes that they face in the region. And having said this, all these need to be addressed before a peaceful solution can be reached.

As the ANC, working together with other progressive forces in the world, we believe that a strong, peaceful, prosperous Palestine is a possibility, based on the 1967 borders. I thank you. [Applause.]

Ms S RAJBALLY

END OF TAKE

Ms K R MAGAU

Ms S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, the blood and turmoil of the people of Palestine leaves me in a daze, as I remember the endurance and sacrifices of South Africans during the apartheid regime.

It is not possible for any human to turn a blind eye to what is happening in Palestine; nor can we deny the need for our intervention. It is evident from decades of peace talks and bloodshed that in terms of religion a common ground may not be found, but we do believe that the land can be shared, and that wealth should not be the decider of how much and how.

Indeed, in a country such as South Africa, where the majority of our people live in poverty, we have to strive to make facilities and better living conditions accessible no matter how diverse we are in race, beliefs, customs, religion and creed.

We believe that peace in the Middle East is dependent on the Palestinians and Israelis who call that land home. They need to unite against the political regimes and fight for the democratic liberation of their people and land. There is no peace in division, and there is right in trying to justify religion. We know, as a growing nation, that it is respect and tolerance that unite us. The people of the Middle East require leaders who will forge unity amongst the people, instead of this war and brutality.

We believe that both systems are failing and that the world needs to exert political pressure that will encourage both sides to adopt respect and tolerance that will certainly foster unity.

The MF does not favour any form of war, terrorism or brutality and believes it necessary for the Palestinians and Israelis to work towards a country of sustainable economic development and peace. If not, Chairperson, then the intervention of South Africa is needed. I thank you.

Dr S E M PHEKO

END OF TAKE

Ms S RAJBALLY

Dr S E M PHEKO: Chairman, it is very painful to discuss a problem of this nature, but I must say the concerted genocidal attack on Gaza by Israel, lasting 21 days, has resulted in over 1 300 Palestinians reportedly being killed, against 13 Israeli deaths. Fifty percent of the dead Palestinians are said to have been civilians, mainly defenceless women and children. This demonstrates the excessive force used by Israel.

In addition to this, it is reported that Israel has used phosphorus weapons. They cause burns on the victim's body. Several human rights organisations have called for the investigation of war crimes with a view to punishing some of the Israeli soldiers.

The Palestine-Israel issue is the oldest conflict in the world. Western powers are supporters of Israel - economically and militarily. This includes diplomatic support right up to the United Nations. Some of our nationals are reported to be reservists, fighting alongside the Israeli army. What is the government doing about this?

There is also the question of selective morality, where you find that big powers, instead of finding a solution, will rather protect their own interests. For instance, in Zimbabwe economic sanctions have been imposed by Western countries, even when Zimbabweans are dying of cholera. Some leaders have advocated the invasion of Zimbabwe. Countries such as America and Great Britain are tirelessly working for a regime change. Why is the same standard not used to solve the oldest conflict that has killed millions of people in the Middle East?

The two-states policy guarantees the existence of both Israel and Palestine. Safe borders must be seriously addressed and guaranteed. Diplomatic isolation must be considered if Israel continues in its intransigence. Palestinians must reciprocate and choose peace over war, otherwise the conflict will only stop the day the oil wells dry up in the Middle East.

Mr L M GREEN

END OF TAKE

Dr S E M PHEKO

Mr L M GREEN: Chairperson, hon members, the FD, a member of the Christian Democratic Alliance, supports the motion to strive for peace and development in the states around the Middle East.

The tragic loss of life and the destruction of property, largely in Gaza and to a lesser extent in Israel, are regrettable and unnecessary. If we can find peace in South Africa, if Northern Ireland can find peace after almost 40 years, then so can the descendants of Isaac and Ishmael – two half-brothers sharing the same father.

The FD realises there are deep layers of hatred as a result of generations of war, that what is needed is a moral reconstruction of the soul of the region where Israel and the Arab nations find it possible to hone out a future based on a collaborative value system.

There is a long history of suspicion that exists between these two nations, which has fuelled the instability of the region and played into the hands of fanatical and fundamentalist groups to perpetuate their appetite for hostility and violence. To achieve sustainable peace and development, the policies held by these nations, and which contribute to the hostility between them, must be reviewed and removed. In order to proceed with a viable solution, these nations must first learn to accept the undeniable right of each other to coexist in the region.

The details of how to reach a reasonable settlement on thorny issues must be hammered out by a process of negotiation and conflict resolution. This process, which is ongoing and consists of numerous key states, may take years but the idea of the process is to diffuse any situation of war that may arise during transition. Whatever happens, the FD believes that where there is peace, prosperity follows. The killing of innocent women and children must stop. I thank you.

Mr L M GREEN

END OF TAKE

Mr S SIBOZA

IsiZulu:

Mnu S SIBOZA: Sihlalo, Malunga ahloniphekile ePhalamende, kubalulekile ukuthi mhlawumbe sisho isizathu esenza ukuba sibe nalenkulumiswano.

English:

Chairperson, this debate arose from a request by the Speaker of the National Assembly of the Republic of South Africa who raised the question of how Parliament should respond to the political conflict between Israel and Palestine and the treatment of Palestinians that live in Israel. The Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs undertook a visit to the Israeli-Palestinian territories, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Syria in order to gather information to be able to respond correctly to the question raised by the Speaker.

As a volunteer in the cadre of the representative organisation, the ANC, I would like to express our deep sadness regarding the brutal and ruthless killing of innocent civilians, particularly women and children, in Palestine and Gaza. It is important to raise the point that, as the ANC, we will always be on the side of those who are marginalised, exploited and oppressed, because we feel that we are part of them.

The fact that today we are still discussing the issue of Palestinian self-determination and continuous Israeli aggression is an indictment against all of us. Today, as we speak, 42 years after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, the reality is that Palestinians control only 23% of their original land and in the recent 21-day war even that 23% was nearly reoccupied.

Many a time as South Africans we draw similarities between what we went through during apartheid and what is going on in Palestine. Our report will confirm that. The people of Palestine are experiencing even more suffering than we did in our country. It is important, therefore, for all of us Africans to understand the real reason behind this conflict. Many people don't understand the hardship and the suffering that the people on the ground are feeling, as some people didn't feel what apartheid was doing to us. I often relate to the young comrades what it felt like to live under apartheid conditions: detention without trial, the state of emergency, and how as students we used to throw stones at the police who were shooting at us, because we didn't realise how mighty the army really was. That is precisely what is happening in Gaza. Just as we did not understand the might of the army, I am sure the children of Palestine today wish that the conditions under which they are living were in the past.

Since Hamas took over in June 2007, humanitarian tragedy has been unfolding in Palestinian territories. In those territories that claim to be liberated, people are experiencing human tragedy. This was echoed in the report by John Holmes, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and UN Emergency Relief Co-ordinator, who said that the conditions for people in Gaza were grim and miserable and far from normal, and that severe restrictions on the movement of goods and people following the Hamas takeover in June 2007 had taken a heavy economic and social toll on top of years of difficult economic decline.

Only about 10% of what went into Gaza in January 2007 was allowed to enter in January 2008. In October Israel started to reduce the flow of industrial diesel used to operate the single power station in Gaza. In February the amount of electricity supplied to Gaza from Israel was also reduced. Since June 2007, the movement of Palestinians out of Gaza became virtually impossible. There is no peace under apartheid. Almost 80% of Palestinians are receiving food aid; most industry and agricultural activities have collapsed, raising unemployment and poverty; frequent and lengthy power cuts have severely impaired the functioning of essential services and infrastructure; and water quality is declining rapidly. Today the situation is even worse than it was during the apartheid South Africa.

United Nations reports had the following to say: Over a hundred Palestinians have died and over 4 230 were wounded, including more than 1 497 children and 628 women. The UN report stated that over 90 000 had fled their homes, with approximately 30 000 taking refuge at schools sponsored by the UN, while the rest took refuge with relatives. Whatever the provocations and illegality of the rockets, Israel's concern for security cannot override all other concerns or justify so much damage to ordinary people and their livelihoods - an infringement of their human rights and dignity.

Israel has an obligation under international law towards the Palestinian people under occupation. International law provides that Israel, as an occupying power, must ensure the safety and wellbeing of the civilian population. The blockage, along with consistent military raids, has resulted in the complete destruction of Palestinian infrastructure. How can you mistake a mosque, a school or a hospital for a military target? Honest citizens have now also become victims of this war.

Various large international players are involved in this conflict. The direct, official negotiations on behalf of these parties, the Israeli government and the Palestinian Liberation Movement, currently headed by Mahmoud Abbas, are mediated by an international contingent known as the Quartet, which consists of the United States, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations. The Arab League is another player that has proposed an alternative peace plan. Egypt has historically been part of these participants.

There was also the question of the Oslo Peace Agreement, which began in 1993, permitting the Palestinian Liberation Organisation to run its political and economic affairs. In return it was agreed that Palestinians would uphold the recognition of their mutual coexistence with Israel and promote recognition of Israel among Palestinian people. Despite Arafat's renunciation of terrorism and recognition of Israel, there was division among the Palestinian leaders over the acceptance of Israel's existence. The agreement called for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied territories. This agreement was supposed to last for a five-year interim period, during which a permanent agreement would be negotiated, including core issues of the conflict, such as the status of Jerusalem, the return of refugees, Israeli settlement, and the Israeli security concern.

In 2000, following the failure of the peace process, the second conflict broke. At the Camp David Summit and Taba Summit in 2000 and 2001, the Unites States proposed a plan in which the Arab parts of Jerusalem would be given to the proposed Palestinian state, while the Jewish part of Jerusalem would be retained by Israel. All agricultural work under the Temple Mount would be put under joint control of the Israeli and Palestinian governments.

Both sides accepted the proposal in principal, but the summit ultimately failed. Disappointment grew, especially after the failure of the final-status negotiations at Camp David in 2002. Then there was the Arab Peace Initiative, which considered a progressive proposal that would end Arab-Israeli conflict and included a very clear final solution to the borders based on the UN borders established in the 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full normalisation of the relations with Israel in exchange for the withdrawal of all forces from all occupied territories, including the recognition of an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as a just solution for the Palestinians.

The most recent round of talks began in Annapolis, Maryland, in the United States. In November 2007 these talks aimed to have a final resolution by the end of 2008. The parties then agreed that there were six final core issues that needed to be resolved. Jerusalem again refused the question of settlement, security borders and water. The outbreak of the 20-day war in December 2008 plunged the Annapolis process in disarray.

The obstacles to resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict are well known and well documented. Israel has persisted in tightening its siege, including collective punishment in the Gaza Strip, the colonisation campaign, illegal Israeli settlement, the use of excessive force against the population there and other actions amounting to massive collective punishment of Palestinian citizens. The isolation of Jerusalem and Israel's construction of a separation wall was a challenge and a disrespectful response to the advisory opinion issued by the International Court of Justice and the General Assembly resolution of 20 July 2004 on the ground that it resulted in further fragmentation of the occupied Palestinian territory. There is no peace under apartheid. [Time expired.]

Debate concluded.

The House adjourned at 17:28.


Audio

No related

Documents

No related documents