Hansard: JS: Resumption of Debate on the President's State-of-the-Nation-Address

House: Joint (NA + NCOP)

Date of Meeting: 19 Jun 2014


No summary available.




19 JUNE 2014





Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at 14:05.

The Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces took the Chair.

The Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.





The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Hon members, I do appreciate the enthusiasm for the first Joint Sitting of the Fifth Parliament. I also appreciate ... [Interjections.] Hon Lekota! I was saying I appreciate the enthusiasm, the jubilance and the happiness about the Fifth Parliament.

I also want to remind members that the House must at all times preserve its decorum. Members will remember that yesterday I undertook to come back to the House on the points of order that were made here. I still intend to come back to those points of order later today.




(Resumption of debate)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Chairperson of the NCOP, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, and ladies and gentlemen, the ANC is very clear about the kind of society it wants to build. We want to build a national democratic society which is nonracial and nonsexist, in which the whole nation is united, and in which South Africa is prosperous and universally accepted everywhere in the world.

The ANC believes that its capacity as a vanguard movement for transformation, and its capability in leading an array of forces in transformative struggles, will ensure that we overcome the legacy of apartheid colonialism and also the triple challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality. On that we are very clear.

We have been consistent in the articulation of our policies, our priority areas of service delivery, our continual call for social cohesion and nation-building, and our unwavering belief in creating a national democratic society where all South Africans work together and live together in harmony. We move South Africa forward by building a better life for all, not by creating an open opportunity society for some only. [Interjections.] For some only.

This open opportunity society is based on a conservative political philosophy, which provides an ideological defence of the capitalist system, and which is based on inherent talent and academic credentials, rather than on the human being and not looking at the gender of the person.

What we infer from this open opportunity society thinking is that children from historically advantaged backgrounds tend to have an advantage or an edge in realising their inherent talent. Such a society believes an individual's lack of success or lack of opportunity is due to their own weakness and not the circumstances in which they find themselves and into which they were born, the system in which they grew up.

In a country such as ours, where decades of entrenched inequalities doom the lives of black children even before they are born, this open opportunity society thus seeks to ensure that the privileged merely reproduce their success, even if their children lack talent. [Applause.]

They continue to punt an ideology of choice. The DA's subscription to choice ignores the acknowledgement of where we are as a young country emerging out of a horrific system, which was termed "a crime against humanity". [Interjections.] They talk of expanding choice, and I quote what the DA say about their vision in this regard, which is where the state –

if it provides services, ... must seek to expand choice, not determine choices; it must not simply "deliver" to a passive citizenry, which takes what it is lucky enough to get, but must allow the citizenry to determine which opportunities it requires; it must encourage independence, not dependence.

This talk appeals to a quick-fix type of solution for our society. [Interjections.]

You see, the hon members on my left want to hear what they like. When they do not like what they hear, they make a noise, so that other people can't hear. [Interjections.] Wait; just listen, and fasten your seat belts. [Interjections.]

Peter Malpass, a critic of former British Prime Minister Tony Blair's housing policy, argued, and I quote:

Choice is a weasel word, a seductive device concealing that what is really afoot in the opportunity society is promotion of the interests of the better off and toleration of wider social inequality, to the further disadvantage of the poor.

The DA's neoliberalism, its narrow focus on individualism, its articulation of economic interests on behalf of the privileged class and the reduction of taxes for this group, its speedier privatisation and a flexible labour market clearly show its inability to comprehend the challenges we face as a country today.

Let me go back to the concept of ideology. Some define ideology as "determining the natural attitude of a party towards every public question". In this vein, the ANC's response to every public question will be to address the challenges facing our people, "seeking to redress the wrongs of the past". But what is the ideology of the DA?

The DA's entire approach to the recent national elections was rooted in its opposition to everything ANC. [Interjections.] It based its election posters and election messages on attacking the integrity and the person of the President of our Republic. [Interjections.] It appropriated our struggle icons, selectively focusing on certain aspects of our struggle that were palatable to them.

It still has no understanding of race and of the deep fissures racism created in our society. The DA showed this by playing the quotas game in the manner in which they chose their leaders. There is no democracy in this organisation called the DA. [Applause.] [Interjections.] It insults our people by making them believe that placing token black faces among its leaders will sway the voters their way. [Applause.]

It denigrates our people who voted for the ANC by calling them "dogs"! How dare you, Mr Waters! [Interjections.] The people of Lwandle would not have been thrown out on the street in the rain if they had voted for the DA. [Interjections.] That is why it was easy for them to do that. [Interjections.]

And while the DA's manifesto, and consequently their entire campaign, were rich in anti-ANC rhetoric, they lacked a sound explanation of the DA's position on land reform and black economic empowerment. [Interjections.]

The fact is that, despite focusing their entire campaign on smearing our President and vilifying the ANC, the DA could manage only a 5% marginal increase in their vote. [Interjections.] All of this shows that the DA cannot loosen the grip, the influence and the leadership of the ANC on the majority of the people of South Africa. [Applause.] [Interjections.] Their policies clearly do not appeal to the majority of the people. Who will they target in 2019? [Interjections.]

HON MEMBERS: We are coming. [Interjections.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: They say, "We are coming." What that means is that they are going to hire consultants to tell them who to target next. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

The ANC believe in consultation and collectivism. Our leaders are democratically elected by the people. [Interjections.] We do not impose leaders on the rest of our membership. We do not parachute individuals into leadership for window-dressing and photo opportunities. [Applause.] Such political naïveté, manipulation of its own members, opportunism in exploiting the very real concerns and challenges facing our people, and high-handedness in dealing with criticism, point to subjective and weak leadership.

And, and lest we forget, the anointed Leader of the DA in Parliament, who miraculously holds court now, has been imposed on the rest of them by his simply having been migrated. [Interjections.] [Applause.] One of their own former spin doctors, who now claims to be a respectable journalist, mnr Van Onselen, had this to say about the anointed one. Let me read it. Listen! [Interjections.] [Laughter.] Van Onselen says the following. These are Van Onselen's words, not mine. He says:

It is hard to determine what is authentic about the man: his lines are crafted by wordsmiths, his turns of phrase marked by safe clichés and truisms. His arguments are shaped by opinion polls, his events are orchestrated by strategists and his personal ideological world view is protected from critical interrogation.

[Interjections.] That will tell you just how authentic and true the DA are. The DA expects our people to trust them and believe in them, but they themselves turn around and speak with forked tongues. [Interjections.] They flip-flop and contradict each other on employment equity. And, again, in relation to broad-based black economic empowerment, they clearly show how unprincipled they are.

They talk about corruption as if their hands are squeaky-clean. [Interjections.] Hon members, go to the website of the Oudtshoorn municipality in the Western Cape, and draw the affidavit of a DA councillor who submitted his own evidence in court. Attached to the affidavit are e-mails from the DA Leader, the hon Helen Zille, who told the councillor not to co-operate with the investigation into corruption of the DA in Oudtshoorn. [Interjections.]

The same e-mails ... [Interjections.] No, they are quiet now because I am telling the truth. [Interjections.] They know. [Applause.] The affidavit to the councillor, which he attached, says: "I am going to send your leader, the hon James Selfe, to come and talk to you and tell you, we leaders, what we want." The affidavit in court ... [Interjections.] No, don't worry. After the court, we have a Minister of local government who knows about money. [Interjections.] He will tell you where to get off. [Interjections.]

As if that is not enough, hon President, when that councillor refused to listen to the orders ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order, members! Allow the person on the podium to finish his speech. You are allowed to heckle, but not to stop the speech.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Chairperson, as if this were not enough, when he refused to honour the instruction, they brought him before a disciplinary committee. The councillor then made these comments. "Our party says we must fight corruption. I am exposing corruption. I was told it did not matter who was involved in corruption; we must expose him. Charge me if you think I'm wrong." [Interjections.] It was nice when they were talking about us; now we are talking about them. [Interjections.] We are asking a simple question: Are you squeaky-clean? [Interjections.]

I'm asking another question. Now I'm really asking you a question. [Interjections.] I am asking this question. In 2010 the honourable Henry Kissinger visited South Africa, and had an audience with the honourable Premier of the Western Cape. It was a private meeting. Now the honourable Premier wants to score points and raise those issues as if they were an endorsement. In the conversation they had Henry Kissinger said to her, according to what she wrote, that she was very good, that her project was of international significance, that other people who had tried it before her had failed, and that she had made tremendous progress. I ask the question: What is this internationally significant project that the DA is running in South Africa on behalf of Henry Kissinger? [Interjections.]

The ANC, a 102-year-old tried and tested organisation, will not sacrifice our people on the altar of this party, because we would then be endangering the progress we have made until now. We would also be endangering the future of South Africa. [Applause] South Africa will never be colonised again. [Applause.]

The ANC has always supported the clause on land in the Freedom Charter, and I quote:

THE LAND SHALL BE SHARED AMONG THOSE WHO WORK IT! Restriction of land ownership on a racial basis shall be ended ...

This emanated from the very real consultations with the people during the Freedom Charter campaign in 1955. Addressing land dispossession was a shared concern of all those who dreamed of a better life and a better South Africa. Land in the Western Cape is owned by, and this is in the words of Madam Helen Zille, ...

An HON MEMBER: The hon Premier of the Western Cape.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: The honourable Premier of the Western Cape. [Interjections.] The land in the Western Cape is in the hands of the voters of the Western Cape. The landless of the Western Cape are, equally, the voters of the DA. Now, when we come to this House and present Bills for restitution in terms of land reform, the madam in the same article I read claims that the ANC ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Are you rising on a point of order, sir?

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Yes, it's a point of order, Madam Chairperson. We've had a previous ruling in Parliament that premiers are to be respected in this House. I would ask that the speaker refer to the premier of the Western Cape as "the honourable Premier of the Western Cape" and not "Madam". [Interjections.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Yes, yes. Thank you very much. I'm sorry. I'm sorry. I will not do it again. Sorry. [Interjections.] No, I can't ask you to respect our President and not respect your leader. No, I will not do that. I'm sorry.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Chief Whip, please round up also.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Here is my point, Comrade President. This article specifically says that when you bring laws to this House to restore land to the homeless, especially the descendants of the Khoi and the San, she says it is a divide-and-rule tactic on your part. But she does not say so to that constituency. She says we are pitting the landless and those who possess the land in the Western Cape against each other. But are we going to stop asking for the land to be handed back to the people as instructed by the Freedom Charter? No. Comrade President, the Minister of Rural Development and Land Reform will come back here to this podium and explain the programmes we are going to embark on in regard to land. [Time expired.] [Interjections.] [Applause.]



Ms D KOHLER-BARNARD: Chairperson of the NCOP, the President stated in his address that the murder rate had gone down over the past five years. The truth is that the murder rate went up last year, as did attempted murder, aggravated robbery, residential burglaries, fraud, carjackings and theft from our motor vehicles. Stretching statistics from the past to try to twist today's truth into a good story is political claptrap. We are back up to 45 murders, 182 sexual offences, 436 robberies and 718 burglaries from homes every single day.

While the scant two lines on crime ...

Ms T V TOBIAS: Madam Chairperson, may I request your good self to ask the member to speak slowly so that we can hear her because it is like she ... [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Ms Kohler-Barnard, please continue.

Ms D KOHLER-BARNARD: I suggest that the hon member alters the hearing aid dial.

While the scant two lines on crime in the speech paid little attention to the realities of crime experienced by those without a phalanx of bodyguards, the truth is that we need a system to deter, prevent and deal effectively with crime – a system where a crime survivor or the family of a murder victim has easy access to the perpetrator's arrest date, the court date, the court outcome, the incarceration period and the date of release.

Instead, to quote former Deputy Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development Johnny de Lange, our criminal justice system is "dysfunctional". Well, after he told that truth he was bounced downwards and is, of course, no longer in Parliament.

Now, "dysfunctional" is a strong word. However, to those who await justice it's just not strong enough. They wait year after year as this country fails them. There is chaos, caused by the SAPS officer who either fails to arrest the perpetrator, or who sells the docket to him or her, or who bungles the case, by failing to collect evidence or by losing it.

We know, too, that countless numbers of our citizens sit for years behind bars, unable to pay R50 bail, as their cases fail time after time to make it to court. Our SAPS today is given useless but stylish Gucci-lifestyle Ministers and national police commissioners, but not given equipment, water, electricity, or well-trained officers with firearm or driver's licences.

Added to all of that, the criminality audit of the SAPS I've been asking for for over seven years was finally done. Inexplicably, it was stopped at the end of 2010, but it did prove that 1 448 SAPS members have criminal records. The majority of these members committed the crimes whilst in the police.

Now the National Police Commissioner, NPC, has bungled the process. Instead of simply firing them, she set up what the Labour Court has determined were illegal fitness boards of inquiry to look into the matter. The NPC didn't have the power to convene such boards and this time she has a veritable ostrich egg on her face, as we sit with murderers, rapists, bigamists and hijackers armed and at your service at a station near you. [Interjections.]

The bungle in announcing the appointment of a Gauteng provincial commissioner with a criminal record and pending charges was massive, but this is far, far worse. Even then, Mr President, you saw fit to laugh at my request in this House that a commission of inquiry be established to determine the root causes of police brutality. You said it wasn't necessary, but the families of, for example, Andries Tatane, the 34 murdered during the protests at Marikana, Mido Macia, Mike Tshele, Osia Rahube and Lerato Seema, all disagree.

The former Minister of Police was by all accounts fired from the job because he failed to hold up a big enough umbrella to protect you from the dreaded Nkandla fallout ... [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order, members!

Ms D KOHLER-BARNARD: ... and Gupta-itis, but his failure to re-establish the specialised units so ignominiously done away with by Jackie Selebi should have been the real reason. [Interjections.]

This is the same Selebi who owes us taxpayers R17,4 million, of which the NPC has failed spectacularly to recover even a cent. Meanwhile, the fact that Selebi and Schabir Shaik are part of the "played-dying-and-today-playing-golf club" is yet another example of the fact that the criminal justice system just isn't doing the job taxpayers pay it billions to do.

The fact that the criminal case into the today "honourable" Bheki Cele, in relation to the Public Protector's extensive report that determined that he had acted unlawfully and improperly, and was guilty of maladministration, and had him fired from his last job, has seemingly gone nowhere since we laid the charges, is yet another case in point.

Mr President, there is no space for political interference in our criminal justice system – none! Consider for a moment the fact that the DA's Shadow Minister of Justice, Glynnis Breytenbach, has had to call for a probe, not only into the process followed in appointing the current National Director of Public Prosecutions, but also into whether or not the National Prosecuting Authority is being manipulated to advance political ends. It is also a concern to the DA that Mr Nxasana might indeed be a fit and proper person to hold the office, but is being manipulated and undermined in his functions to advance political ends.

Mr President, if you were the CEO of an international conglomerate looking for investment opportunities and you were aware of our crime statistics in our strike-ridden land, would you invest here? Would you be the one to open a factory which would gainfully employ 10 000 South Africans, or would you simply look elsewhere? If you knew that the Minister now removed from Police and the chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Police, now removed from Parliament, had bludgeoned through a section of the Private Security Industry Regulation Amendment Bill that determines the expropriation of foreign-owned private security companies, rising from 51% to 100% thereof, would you want to invest here or would you simply look elsewhere? Mr President, for the sake of our country, don't sign it.

What we need is a police service equally inspirational and aspirational, where parents hope, as they do in so many other countries, that their child will marry, if not a doctor, then a police officer. What we need is a safe and secure environment to run our businesses and our homes and our lives, and to attract foreign investment until we are flooded with job opportunities, we turn our economy around, we and avoid another recession.

Today, colleagues, we are witness to the turning over of a new leaf. Please, hon members, let it not be a fig leaf. [Applause.]



Ms K LITCHFIELD-TSHABALALA: Hon Chairperson and hon President of South Africa, the ruthlessness with which white monopoly power exploits black people, especially Africans, can never be overstated. In the words of one of the biggest white monopoly capitalists, Amschel Rothschild, uttered in the 18th century, "Let me issue and control a Nation's money and I care not who makes its laws." What he was merely stating was that in a situation where a government elects not be in charge of its economic resources and thereby, by default, not its credit system and money, capital will always bulldoze political power.

This statement uttered in the 18th century unfortunately still holds water today. It explains the madness with which white monopoly capital continues to exploit our people, and I will give three examples.

It makes no sense that Lonmin agrees to pay an equivalent of R80 000 to Australian workers who are rock drill operators but refuses even to concede to a mere R12 500 to South Africans. [Applause.]

It also explains the madness in how God has blessed this country with vast mineral resources that continue to create what are regarded as menial jobs in South Africa but technical jobs elsewhere. This is in a country where every year, we make the promise to create good and sustainable jobs.

The third example relates to the fact that, despite earnest advances that have been made to create what is called a better life for all, it has been piecemeal and slow. Hence, according to Statistics SA this year, 20,2% still live in extreme poverty, 45% in what is called moderate poverty.

It is against this background, hon President, that we in the EFF are inimical to the profits that white monopoly capital continues to extract in South Africa. [Applause.] We are the two-thirds majority required to change the Constitution and put white monopoly capital exactly where it belongs – under political power. [Applause.] In that scenario, we shall continue to expand rapid economic transformation and deliver the better life for all our citizens without having to apologise to anybody. Asijiki! Economic freedom in our lifetime! [Time expired.] [Interjections.]



The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: Hon Chairperson of the NCOP, Your Excellency President Jacob Zuma, hon Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces, and fellow South Africans, we meet here today, three days after the commemoration of the 38th anniversary of the 1976 youth uprising. On this day we remember young men and women of courage and resilience, who defined themselves differently from the rest, whose bravery and valour became evident when they took to the streets to demonstrate against the education policies of the apartheid regime. Today we say with Thomas William Parsons:

On thy grave the rain shall fall from the eyes of a mighty nation!

We apportion glory to them and duty to ourselves to serve our people well and not to abandon the democratic project achieved in 1994.

The fifth term of Parliament is now democratically constituted. The people of our country have spoken. The movement of the people, the ANC, has been affirmed and positioned as the strategic vehicle to lead our people during the second phase of the transition.

This victory has been achieved against the unfounded views of analysts, the media and opposition parties, who co-opted each other against the majority of the people of South Africa. The pronouncement of our people cannot be underestimated or undermined by either the political parties present here, the media or even the overnight analysts.

We too, as the ruling party, have an obligation to honour this mandate and deliver as expected. Indeed, our position is that of privilege and responsibility – the privilege to serve, and the responsibility to serve well.

In the lead-up to the general elections, we moved from village to village and house to house, interacting with the masses of our people.

We interacted with the young people of South Africa, who assured us that they would indeed come out in great numbers to define their role, take control of their lives, and steer the body politic. They said that they would never again be reduced to being mere spectators in the unfolding democratic processes.

They also told us that they were aware that for economic freedom to be achieved in their lifetime, we would need to arm them with relevant and requisite skills, as this would enable them to contribute more positively to the development of the country.

We have listened to our fellow young South Africans. We are satisfied and humbled by their resolve never again to be confused and blinded by reckless and uncalculated calls and pronouncements from some dark forces and doomsayers with regard to economic freedom and job creation. [Applause.] Our young people now know better, that this current epoch dictates that if we are to deal with the contemporary challenges facing them, we will need interventions of a special type, interventions that are clearly defined, shaped and driven by no one other than themselves.

As we mark the fact that we are 20 years into our democracy, we equally note the significant progress achieved in building an expanded, effective and integrated post-school education system. This was ushered in by the approval of the White Paper for Post-School Education and Training by Cabinet in November 2013, the paper having been published in January this year.

We are happy that education and training continues to receive priority under the administration of the President, and we dare not falter in executing our task and in turn betray the overwhelming mandate given to the ANC by the masses of our people, especially the poor and the working class.

Since 2009, with the establishment of the Department of Higher Education and Training, the state has sought to discharge its mandate by developing a more harmonised approach to postschooling that spans a range of education and training provisioning in adult, further and higher education, and skills training.

The National Skills Development Strategy III, for example, changed direction from its predecessor in favour of institutional learning. We have repositioned the Setas to work more closely with our universities and FET colleges, now called technical, industrial, vocational and entrepreneurship, Tvet, colleges. We have also started funding professional, vocational, technical and academic learning programmes. Whilst opportunities for education and training have opened up, success leading to final graduation has predictably needed time to catch up.

The period after 2009 also saw a renewed focus on intermediate skills, especially artisan and technical-related skills. In 2012 the President announced his intention to embark on a massive infrastructure building programme. Our focus on artisanal and technical skills will therefore assist our young people to take advantage of the job opportunities that the infrastructure building programme is presenting.

With our building upon the initial Joint Initiative on Priority Skills Acquisition efforts, artisan numbers began a steady increase on a year-to-year basis and by the 2012-13 financial year 15 277 artisans had qualified through the system.

The National Development Plan requires that by 2030 at least 30 000 qualified artisans are produced per year. Our department is on a serious mission to champion artisanship as a career of choice and a lucrative career pathway for consideration by the youth, if indeed we are serious about improving their employment prospects.

In pursuit of the above, 2013 was declared as the Year of the Artisan, and in February this year we declared 2014 to 2024 the Decade of the Artisan, basing the latter on the lessons learnt from the 2013 Year of the Artisan advocacy programme. Chairperson, 19 000 competent artisan candidates are being targeted nationally for March 2015 in order to come closer to achieving the target set by the National Development Plan.

The revitalisation of state-owned enterprises to produce more skills is one of the measures used by our department to massify our efforts in artisan development. This massification will see us revitalising our working relationship with state-owned enterprises in order to implement skills development projects and create a national talent pool.

We have just signed a memorandum of understanding with Denel for an artisan development support project to the value of R42,5 million. With this project Denel will seek to increase its apprentice intake during 2014, again supporting the objectives of the National Development Plan. We have also signed an MOU with Transnet in which R175 million was allocated for the training of artisans. The project is expected to be implemented over a three-year period. [Applause.]

In his address on Tuesday evening, the President mentioned the two new universities that we are building. Indeed, we have now established the two new universities, namely, the Sol Plaatje University in the Northern Cape and the University of Mpumalanga in the province of Mpumalanga. This is a major milestone in the transformation and expansion of the higher education sector, particularly because Mpumalanga and the Northern Cape were the only provinces without universities.

These are two new universities in postapartheid South Africa established by President Zuma's administration. [Applause.] This debunks the message that was spread by some in the opposition that the ANC-led government had deviated from the Freedom Charter. In line with section 29(1)(b) of the Constitution of South Africa, Minister Nzimande opened the doors of learning at the Sol Plaatje University in February this year, whilst I had the privilege of opening the doors of learning at the new University of Mpumalanga, with the first intake of 160 students. Twenty registered for agricultural studies at the Nelspruit campus and 140 registered for education studies at the Siyabuswa campus. This is clear testimony to the fact that the spirit of the Freedom Charter runs in our veins and is therefore part of our DNA. [Applause.]

Hon Malema, they may seem like glorified high schools in your world, but I know of no high school offering degrees or even national diplomas. It has never happened in the life of humankind that a university has been established today and has full enrolment tomorrow or even almost immediately. We are available to assist the hon member with detailed information on how an institution of higher learning is established, not just here but everywhere else in the world, for his own comprehension. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

It is safe to say, the new infrastructure for these two universities will be built to accommodate the increasing number of students over the coming years.

Furthermore, a new comprehensive health and allied sciences university, the Sefako Makgatho Health Sciences University, was established as a juristic person in May 2014. The interim council of the university, together with the council of the University of Limpopo, are in the process of finalising a protocol for ensuring the unbundling of the Medunsa campus from the University of Limpopo to enable its incorporation into the new Health Sciences University with effect from 1 January 2015.

Currently, our postschool education and training institutions are not distributed evenly across the country, with rural areas being poorly served. In order to correct this anomaly, the President announced in 2012 the allocation of R2,5 billion for infrastructure expansion and refurbishment of college campuses. I am happy to inform you that construction of these campuses is under way and the first student intake in the new campuses is expected to begin next year.

The National Student Financial Aid Scheme, Nsfas, which is government's primary tool to ensure access for poor students to postschool education, has assisted 1,4 million students since 1991 and has grown from R400 million in 1999 to R9,7 billion in the current academic year.

Yesterday a call was made for the President to increase the allocation to Nsfas, but this had been done. The President increased university bursary funding from R2,2 billion in 2010, benefiting 148 387 students, to R7,6 billion in 2014, targeting 235 000 students. [Applause.] College bursary funding was increased from R318 million in 2010, benefitting 61 703 students, to R2,1 billion in 2014, targeting 233 958 Tvet college students, meaning more students will be able to access funding for tuition, accommodation and travel allowances. Of course, there is a need for more funding as we continue to see the demand of those wishing to access higher learning increase.

Fee-free education will, without doubt, be implemented and that work has already started, with 96% of our students at Tvet colleges receiving full bursaries and studying for free. This, too, will have to come in phases.

The linking of education with the workplace has become one of our priorities, as the White Paper calls for this in the design of training systems, including curricula. This requires close co-operation between education and training providers and employers, especially in those programmes providing vocational training.

Other interventions include the Setas'signing partnership agreements with Tvet colleges and universities of technology, as they are strategically located in bridging the gap between employers and education institutions. This drive alone has led to more workplace opportunities for workplace-based learning and experience over the 2013-14 financial year.

We have continuously held the view that young people need skills that will enable them to enter the job market. One of the most effective measures to arm people to overcome the remains of our past is through training and equipping them for independent and sustainable livelihoods and also for the labour market needs.

Self-sufficiency and independence is the only way to go. Our government prioritises self-reliance for every citizen and as a department we have discovered that there are quite a number of training activities taking place in various skills development centres across the country. However, it would seem there has been a lack of strategic coordination of the operations in these facilities. Our intention now is to make effective and productive use of these facilities to meet the needs of the country. As a result, the department is currently developing a concept paper for the development of a clear strategy for our skills centres.

Concurrent to the above, we have identified a need for the construction of more skills development centres on a massive scale to cater for the increasing skills demand. The skills centres to be built are expected to speed up training of local communities to meet the local economic needs. We have also prioritised the area of career guidance and dissemination of information to our young people to avoid the skills mismatch that we find in the country.

The House will agree with me that education is a central task requiring the involvement of the whole of society, and I therefore put a challenge to all members of this House to take a personal interest in this, an interest that must extend to their respective areas of influence in the country, so that we achieve a multifaceted response to the skills deficit. Those fellow members of the House who seem to have a stranglehold on industry players must equally play their part in encouraging industry to come out of disengagement and take part in education, for the quality of our education can only be as good as the industry's interest and participation therein.

The sentiment expressed by hon Malema yesterday, with regard to sending students to other countries, finds expression in already existing programmes in government. Just last year we managed to send 10 students to Russia to study in the following fields: ... [Interjections.] ... Ocean Engineering, Physiology, Applied Mathematics and bachelor's degrees in Engineering Exploitation of Flying Machines and Engines. We are sending an additional five in August this year to study Nuclear Engineering. [Interjections.]

Last year we also sent 35 students to China to study in the following fields: Management Science and Engineering, Electrical Engineering and Automation, International Trade and Industrial Economics, Rail Engineering, and Agricultural Economics and Management, as well as International Commerce. An additional 80 students will be leaving for China in September this year. [Applause.]

In 2013 we managed to send 30 students to the World Maritime University in Sweden to study for postgraduate degrees in the following areas: Maritime Law and Policy, Maritime Safety and Environmental Administration, Port Management and Marine Environmental Studies. We are sending an additional 10 in August this year.

We will also be sending another 15 to Poland to study Transport Engineering. [Interjections.] This was, of course, after our visit to Poland with former Deputy President Motlanthe early this year. Chairperson, 10 students will be leaving our shores for Ireland to study Business Management and Human Rights Law this year.

I had an opportunity to meet with these students before they left the country last year and I cannot even begin to describe their excitement and willingness to fly the South African flag high.

The numbers above are a demonstration of an ongoing programme, and not a wish list. [Applause.] They are, of course, also coupled with the 2 700 medical students in Cuba and another 100 in Romania studying Veterinary Science.

The above illustrates some of the programmes and projects of the department, and is a mirror of a government at work. Therefore, Mr President, when you are advised to take a break due to presenting signs of exhaustion, those of us working closely with you comprehend this medical advice, because we know the work you have been involved in.

However, those who are far from reality and those who choose to pretend that you are not a human being and therefore are not expected to be exhausted, prefer to ignore reality and wish the worst for the situation. During this process they expose themselves, showing how shallow their own trajectory is that they have defined. [Applause.]

The leader of the EFF intimated yesterday that he did not grasp the essence of the President's speech. Hon Malema is a student at Unisa, and I am therefore pleased to inform you that I have taken it upon myself to supply his Political Science lecturer with a copy of the President's state of the nation address. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: Hon Chairperson, our higher education system prides itself on producing quality products and therefore it would be a blemish on my reputation as the Deputy Minister of Higher Education and Training if one of my future graduates failed to comprehend and understand such an important public communication by the President. [Laughter.]

Mr President, we carry with us a sense of urgency as members of your executive because we want to ensure that this administration is remembered not so much for its grand plans and noble intentions, but for its contributions to the upliftment of our people. We dare not fail. I thank you very much. [Applause.]



Dr P W A MULDER: Chairperson, I want to start with the story of the chief executive of a big organisation who retired. He gave his successor three envelopes. His advice to his successor was, "When you experience the first crisis, open the first envelope. After a year there was a crisis. The new executive opened the first envelope. It read, "Blame it on your predecessors." He did it, it worked and he survived the crisis.

Some months later there was a second crisis. He opened the second envelope. It read, "Reorganise." He reorganised the organisation and he survived again. [Interjections.]

Chairperson, that member ... [Inaudible.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Malema, please respect the speaker at the podium! Continue hon member.

Dr P W A MULDER: Go and conduct the debate outside, not here – it is wasting my time. [Laughter.]

Some months later, in the second crisis, the executive opened the second envelope and it said, "Reorganise." He reorganised the organisation and he survived again. When the third crisis occurred, he opened the third envelope. It read, "Prepare three envelopes."

Hon President, the present economic crisis is not the second or third crisis of this government, but the hundredth. You've already blamed your predecessors. You've reorganised government. You should have prepared three envelopes long ago.

Do members remember the Fitch credit rating downgrade in January 2013? In the two weeks following the downgrade foreigners sold R3,2 billion's worth of South African bonds. In that January alone foreign investors sold R2,2 billion's worth of South African shares. That severely affected our economy and many jobs were lost. Those are the realities. Is it too early at this moment to calculate the effects of the latest downgrade?

For government it cannot be business as usual. On my way to Parliament every day I drive past people sitting on street corners asking me for a job, with their eyes. These are strong, healthy men and women with despair and hopelessness in their eyes. They are fathers and mothers who have to support their families. In their own eyes they are failing their families. We can solve this problem and we can create jobs, and dignity will return to these men and women.


In die staatsrede is geen nuwe of oorspronklike voorstelle oor hoe die ekonomiese groeikoers verbeter kan word om werk te skep, deur die agb President gemaak nie. Behuising en beter leeftoestande vir mynwerkers is voorgestel om 'n herhaling van die staking te voorkom. Dit is belangrik maar dit spreek nie die kern probleme aan nie. Niks verhinder dat ons môre 'n soortgelyke staking in die goudbedryf kan kry nie.

'n Voorstel in die staatsrede oor hoe die aarbeidswetgewing gewysig kan word sou positief gewees het. Ek wil graag hê dat iemand vir my moet verduidelik waarom die aarbeidswette nie so gewysig kan word dat vakbondlede 'n geheime stemming kan hou voor 'n staking nie. Dit alleen sou 'n verskil gemaak het.


This is hon President Zuma's last term. I have seen five Presidents come and go in this Assembly. In their last term all Presidents worry about their legacy. That is normal. Zizi Kodwa, the ANC spokesperson, said that in this term the President would be emphasising economic freedom and land issues. Hon President, you are making a mistake if you think you will succeed in this as your legacy in the next couple of years. You are setting yourself up to fail.

In 1948, before I was born, the election was won by the Afrikaners. However, it was not whites against blacks. Rather, it was an Afrikaner victory over the English, specifically a pro-British approach. [Interjections.] As a young and angry man, I argued with my father for hours that the Afrikaners had political power but not economic power, and that we should be freed from the Oppenheimers' grip on the economy, just like a certain, sort of arrogant young member argued here yesterday. The reality is that Afrikaners never obtained economic power. We could establish our own institutions, such as Volkskas and Sanlam, but ... [Interjections.]

Mr J A MNGXITAM: Chairperson, on a point of order: Can this man say when he is going to return our land, because he represents land thieves. That is what we want to hear, not this long story. He's a land thief!

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, go back to the podium please. Go back to the podium. Hon Mngxitam, firstly withdraw the words, "this man", which you used to refer to hon Mulder, and secondly, no member of this House may be referred to as a "thief".

Mr J A MNGXITAM: Chairperson, he represents people who stole our land. He is a land thief ... [Interjections.] ... and of course he's ... [Inaudible.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mngxitam, withdraw those two statements!

Mr J A MNGXITAM: I withdraw them.

Mr J S MALEMA: Madam Chair, on a real point of order: ... [Interjections.] I'm talking to the Chair, wena man! [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon members! Hon Malema, do you have a point of order?

Mr J S MALEMA: The hon member at the podium spoke of an "arrogant" young man. We don't have such things here.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, hon Malema. However, the word "arrogant" is not seen as unparliamentary. Please take your seat.

Mr J S MALEMA: But "young man", "young man"!

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mulder, will you withdraw the words, "young man", in reference to the hon member?

Dr P W A MULDER: I didn't mention any names but if he thinks he's very old, I will withdraw it. [Interjections.]

Mr J S MALEMA: I'm not saying you mentioned a name.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Malema, don't push me!

Dr P W A MULDER: I withdraw it. If you don't mind, I will withdraw it, even though I didn't mention any names. [Applause.]

An HON MEMBER: Hon Chairperson, ...


Dr P J GROENEWALD: Agb Voorsitter, op 'n punt van orde: Ek kan nie verstaan hoe die woorde, "'n jong man", onparlementêr is nie, maar, sorry, the old man [jammer, die ou man] nie is nie.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, hon Groenewald. Please proceed.

Dr P W A MULDER: Hon Chairperson, I would hope that I get my time back because you are, sort of, destroying ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Your time has been restored, sir. Please proceed.

Dr P W A MULDER: Thank you. I have tried to make the point that Afrikaners tried to get economic power, but they never succeeded in that, although they had political power. In that sense I said it's dangerous in the end because the President is setting himself up to fail.

Of the 400 members elected here in 1994, only 12 of us are left in this House. This is good and bad. It's good because new members bring new ideas. It's bad because we need experience and continuity, and we cannot start over every time, as we are doing at the moment.

Let me give an example. Yesterday, snide remarks were made here about Afrikaans and white people. When we started in 1994 only English and Afrikaans were spoken.

Mr M Q NDLOZI: Hon Chair, I rise to ask a question, if the speaker will take one.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mulder, do you want to take a question?

Dr P W A MULDER: My time has already gone. I can't take that question. I would like to make my point and you can listen to it.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: He doesn't. Please continue hon Mulder.

Dr P W A MULDER: I said when we started here only Afrikaans and English were spoken, without any translation. The question is which party fought to have all 11 languages spoken here. It was the FF Plus. Go and read it in Hansard. Why? Because we know that one's dignity is restored when one's language is recognised.

I accept that the hon member who went off against Afrikaans also knows – when we have that debate – that the majority of Afrikaans speakers at the moment are not white.


Die VOORSITTER VAN DIE NRVP: U tyd is verstreke, meneer.

Dr P W A MULDER: Dit is baie jammer, agb Voorsitter. Gee ons meer tyd sodat ons vir die lede wat so slim is daar anderkant kan antwoord.



Ms S P KOPANE: Hon Chairperson, in a multiparty democracy such as we have in South Africa, the separation of party and state is an important guiding principle that informs the independence of our respective state institutions. As a nation it would appear that we have seen subtle instances where the ANC has confused itself with the state. We have also seen government officials abusing their privileges and powers exclusively for the benefit of the ANC.

As we gather in this House today, the ruling party has compromised the National Prosecuting Authority. The NPA has long been embroiled in scandals and politicisation. Just three weeks ago, something to which my colleagues alluded before, rumours surfaced that the National Director of Public Prosecutions, Mr Mxolisi Nxasana, might be pushed out because he refused to bend to the will of the ANC.

In his address, President Zuma made absolutely no mention of the deterioration of the NPA. Moreover, the President of the ANC and the ANC itself have ignored calls by the DA to expedite the constitution of the Justice Portfolio Committee to investigate this very same matter, Ms Molewa.

Hon members, maybe we need to ask ourselves the following question. Is the President going to sit back and watch the rapid decline of the NPA and act only at the eleventh hour, as he did with the mining strike? An independent prosecuting authority is vital in our democracy because it fights crime and enforces the rule of law.

Just earlier this year a team of state intelligence operatives and police officers were dispatched to Luthuli House to screen prospective Members of Parliament - a process that has been dubbed Project Veritas. This clear abuse of state institutions flies in the face of section 199(7) of the Constitution, which clearly provides that the country's security services may not further the interests of any political party.

We also found that the Department of Social Development and its agency, the SA Social Security Agency, had jumped on the ANC's election bandwagon, distributing food parcels and blankets at an ANC rally. This sort of conduct is unacceptable in our democracy. [Interjections.]

People who deserve to receive grants in South Africa and who are not aligned to the ANC find themselves being alienated or excluded ... [Interjections.]

The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Chairperson, will the hon member take a question?

Ms S P KOPANE: I'm not going to waste my time. I'm not going to take the question.


THE CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Proceed, hon member.

Ms S P KOPANE: Ultimately, the ANC believes that there is absolutely nothing wrong with exploiting the people of this country, especially the poor. Their attempts to buy votes are unjustifiable and are an assault on our Constitution and our democracy. [Applause.]

Former Minister Trevor Manual, when attending the Conference of the International Social Security Association, which was held here in Cape Town and which I attended, said:

But social security arrangements also have immense power to do damage – when they promise too much, or are too inflexible, and hence contribute to fiscal unsustainability and perhaps financial crisis, and also when their rules are unfair and hence contribute to social discontent and unrest.

While it is crucial that this government provides relief to poor people, this is not a solution to deep-rooted poverty, the lack of quality education and insufficient skills development.

We can cite numerous incidents in the House today. A clear example is that of a senior government official, Mr Lerato Modise, at the government's drought relief programme, who wore an SACP jacket while he was handing out t-shirts similar to this one, which more or less bore the ANC slogan. [Interjections.] This is a clear abuse of state resources.

Mr President, you publicly commit yourself to fight corruption but we all know this is not true. After having been found guilty of improperly benefitting from the misuse of public funds for security upgrades at your personal property, you have failed to take action on the recommendations of the Public Protector. [Interjections.] This is a clear indication ...

Mr B A RADEBE: Chairperson, on a point of order: In which court was the President found guilty of anything? I think the hon member should withdraw that remark because she is misleading the House.


Ms S P KOPANE: The Public Protector ...


Ms S P KOPANE: I will withdraw the word, "guilty", but the Public Protector's report clearly states ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, you said that the President of the ANC "was found guilty".

Ms S P KOPANE: Chairperson, I will withdraw the word, "guilty", but I will rephrase ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, please listen to me! You said the President "was found guilty". You cannot withdraw the word, "guilty" only. You must withdraw the entire sentence, that the President "was found guilty".

Ms S P KOPANE: I will withdraw the words, "the President was found guilty". However, the report clearly says that he improperly benefitted from the abuse of state ... [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Hon Chairperson, can the member raise the t-shirt again? I did not see it properly. [Laughter.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! The hon member should proceed.

Ms S P KOPANE: The report of the Public Protector clearly states that the President improperly benefitted from the misuse of public funds for security upgrades at his private residence, and he has failed to act as recommended by the Public Protector. I still maintain that this is a clear indication of how they have undermined this Chapter 9 institution. The conduct of the ANC delegation to the Nkandla ad hoc committee is also a clear abuse of the processes of Parliament to shield the President from accountability. [Applause.]

During the election campaign ANC leaders and government officials threatened South Africans, saying that if they voted for the DA they would lose their social grants and their houses. [Interjections.] The DA, unlike the ANC, never buys votes to gain the support of the South African people.

Mr President, you have lost 15 seats in this House. South Africans no longer have faith in your ability to lead ... [Interjections.] ... and to maintain the integrity of the state that was established to govern South Africans.


Motsamaisi wa dipuisano, baahi ba Afrika Borwa ba batla mosebetsi. Ba batla thuto ya mantlha hore ba tsebe ho iphedisa. Ha ba batle ho etswa mekopakopa ya diphuthelwana tsa dijo.

Mosotho wa kgale a re mphemphe ya lapisa, motho o kgonwa ke sa hae.

Ke a leboha. [Mahofi]



The DEPUTY MINISTER OF COMMUNICATIONS: Hon Chairperson, hon President, Mr J G Zuma, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members of the House and our guests in the gallery, it is an honour for me to take part in this year's debate on the state of the nation address.

This debate takes place in the context of our country's celebrating Youth Month. This is the month in which we remember and pay tribute to the heroism and the transformative power of young people. We are reminded that through their extraordinary acts of bravery young people made an enormous contribution to advancing our struggle for national liberation. Their actions indeed changed the course of history!

Today, as we engage in the struggle to defeat unemployment, poverty and inequality, we count young people among the main contributors and those who stand to gain the most from this struggle. Indeed, young people continue to be a central part of the national effort to move South Africa forward!

Allow me to quote our icon in his address to hospital workers on 16 April 1998. Tata Nelson Mandela said:

Whether you change the linen or stitch up wounds, cook the food or dispense the medicines, it is in your hands to help build a public service worthy of all those who gave their lives for the dream of democracy.

These words, by the founding father of our nation, are in line with our Constitution, which directs us to create a public service that is broadly representative, accountable and responsive to the needs of all South Africans. This is the Constitution that upholds high standards of professional ethics and a public service that is development oriented.

Today, maybe more than ever, we as a nation and state are faced with difficult and complex challenges. These challenges require principled public servants who are motivated by the common good and effective service delivery rather than personal enrichment.

During the last elections, held last month, where every party was given an opportunity to test its strength, the people of South Africa spoke, and they spoke loudly and clearly. They gave the ANC an overwhelming mandate to govern this country for the next five years and to continue changing their lives for the better. [Interjections.] They have said to us: Continue to build on the good work you have done in the past 20 years of freedom.

To us this is an indication that the ANC is still the people's choice and a true custodian of the aspirations of most South Africans, ... [Applause.] ... as opposed to what those in denial believe. Those that behave like Thomas in the Bible, who refused to believe that Jesus Christ had risen, to the extent that he had to put his finger in the wound, were again rejected by our masses.


Sekela Somlomo, uKhongolose ufunwa ngabantu bonke baseMzantsi Afrika!


Our victory in these elections is living proof that no amount of misinformation and lies can bury the truth. Our people know very well that it is only in hon Maimane's world that cows eat chickens, because in the real world no herbivore can turn overnight and become a carnivore. As he is a person who had aspirations to become a premier, I expected the highest degree of articulation from him, but all he did was to be a crybaby, lamenting over spilt milk. The ANC "moered" you fair and square in Gauteng and in South Africa. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Indeed, you made me miss Lindiwe Mazibuko ... [Interjections.]


Die ADJUNKSPEAKER: Geagte lid, dit is nie die soort Afrikaans wat ons in die Huis mag gebruik nie, asseblief.


Please withdraw that utterance, madam, because we do not use that language here. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF COMMUNICATIONS: Well, we defeated you, brother, in Gauteng and in my country. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, hon member. Please withdraw it!

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF COMMUNICATIONS: I withdraw it, Deputy Speaker.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you very much. One must use decent language.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF COMMUNICATIONS: The truth is that 20 years into our freedom and democracy South Africa is now a better place to live in and we indeed have a good story to tell! [Interjections.]

We as the ANC are proud of our past. This includes our history and heritage of struggle for liberation, as well as our record of delivery since 1994. [Interjections.] Equally, we approach the future with confidence that our plans and policies will match the demands placed on us by the challenges we face and deliver an even better life for our people. It is for this reason that we will continue to say: "The ANC lives, and the ANC leads!" [Interjections.] [Applause.]

We as the ANC are proud that in the last 20 years we have made significant progress in transforming an undemocratic, unrepresentative, fragmented Public Service, which was largely serving a minority, into a unitary, nonracial, nonsexist Public Service that is answerable to and representative of all South Africans.

Compatriots, we are all called on to imagine a different future in 2030, different from our past, which was ugly, repulsive, and the present that threatens to mortgage the future of our children and country. The future envisaged by the National Development Plan and our Constitution is full of promise, hope and unfettered possibilities.

All citizens of this country must play an important role in ensuring that together we succeed in moving South Africa forward. The clarion call to move this country forward cannot be achieved without the participation of our people.

We must know that public administration is the infrastructure of the state and that public servants are the people who deliver the services that the state provides. According to the Constitution, public administration must be governed by democratic values and principles that include the promotion and maintenance of a high standard of professional ethics; the promotion of an efficient, economic and effective use of resources; and a public administration that is development-oriented and accountable, amongst other principles.

Now, 20 years into our democracy, we are still trying to consolidate this infrastructure because, if we don't get it right, none of our plans as a country will be deliverable.

Hon members, hon Minister Sisulu once said:

The kind of society and the kind of government that we dreamt of is poignantly and exceptionally well documented in the Freedom Charter.


Isafana, mhlonitshwa Maimane!

These are the dreams that have kept Nelson Mandela so resilient and so phenomenally strong. The dreams of a democratic, efficient, capable, caring state, driven by committed cadres of government. Cadres who burn with even a fraction of the passion of what our founding fathers have left us, in order to carry on this dream of a world where we have redressed all our past injustices and can strive to create a better life for our people. A dream that one day we will be able to (realise) this for all our people and the society we fought for.

The National Development Plan represents the vision and aspirations of our own people. It is important that all public servants gear themselves to lead in the implementation of this plan. The plan has been broken down into the Medium-Term Strategic Framework 2014-2019. The success of this vision can only be determined by the capacity and ability of the state.

For this to be effective we need a transformed, efficient and corruption-free Public Service led by public servants whose only preoccupation is meeting the expectations of the public and exceeding them. This will not happen when South Africans tolerate bad service and play no active role in evaluating and monitoring the implementation of government programmes. [Interjections.] This calls for active citizenship as envisioned by the NDP.

Fellow South Africans, we are aware of the challenges consistently mentioned by the Auditor-General and the Public Service Commission in their reports. All these are indicative of serious governance challenges that need to be addressed urgently. Measures to address these challenges are clearly articulated in the NDP. In this regard the NDP calls for a clear division of roles between the political and administrative leadership; the development of specialist professional skills with appropriate career pathing; improved relations between the local, provincial and national spheres; and efficient, stable public enterprises that can drive social and economic transformation.

These are issues that should occupy each public servant as he/she gets out of bed each morning, with the dominant thought not being, "What will they ask me to do today?" but "What am I going to do today to move South Africa forward and closer to Vision 2030?" We are convinced that when we get this right, the shortage of skills at the lowest level will be managed.

Public servants are custodians of our democratic dispensation and the rules that govern it. They should never be found in breach of the laws, regulations and societal norms that govern all our lives. Public servants have every right to be indignant on an issue such as corruption and to protest that it takes two to tango. The fact is, there should be no tango in the first place. And, if anyone were to tango, let them do so alone, and not on our side of the counter, or the car window, or the border post.

The ANC government is built on the lives of heroes and heroines who gave so much because they believed in the principles and values driven by morality. There is no place in any part of our government for any tolerance of corruption, whatever its nature. [Interjections.]

We have now begun with the second phase of our ongoing transition from colonialism and apartheid to a national democratic society – a society that is truly united, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous. We as the ANC have committed ourselves during this phase to implement bold and decisive measures to place our country and the economy on a qualitatively different path, a path to eliminate poverty and unemployment, create sustainable livelihoods and substantially reduce inequality. This path is clearly articulated in the NDP.

We have to create a situation in which a new social value system emerges, based not on government injunctions, but on a definition imposed on our country by the people of South Africa themselves. It is the defence and promotion of this new value system that will turn the masses of our people, at all levels of our society, into active combatants for the realisation of the objective of the RDP of the soul.

We are putting in place an anticorruption bureau to deal with corruption in the Public Service. Once established, the bureau will deal with corruption at all levels of government. Of particular interest, and what I want to emphasise, is that the bureau will put an end to the "mobile corrupt employee" who is charged with corruption in one province, resigns before the case is heard, moves to another province or local government to find employment, and carries on with corrupt activities. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

We as the ANC are happy that South Africans are effectively making use of our Chapter 9 and 10 institutions that we have established to guard democracy. The office of the Public Protector has been inundated with requests from the public, which is a true realisation of the Freedom Charter that, "The people shall govern!"

In order to succeed in meeting the goals we have set for ourselves in the NDP over the next five years, we must continue to pay attention to the goal of enhancing the capacity of the state in reshaping our society and the economy.

We are delighted that early this year Parliament passed the Public Administration Management Bill. Among others, this Bill will facilitate the secondment of officials from one sphere of government to another in order to address capacity challenges where they exist. The Bill will also allow for greater use of information and communication technologies in the public sector to enhance service delivery. It will strengthen a culture of discipline, integrity and ethical conduct in the Public Service and prevent public servants from doing business with the state.

In addition, our work to professionalise and capacitate public servants through the National School of Government will continue. Work will also continue in strengthening the implementation of the Public Service Charter, which constitutes the basis of our Public Service reform. Collectively these interventions will assist us to forge a disciplined, people-centred, efficient and professional Public Service. They will also strengthen our efforts to infuse the Batho Pele principles in our Public Service. They will further help us intensify our ongoing efforts to uproot corruption and maladministration.

We as the ANC remain committed to the appointment of people with the relevant skills and competencies, especially in senior management positions. Linked to this is the work we are doing to promote ongoing education and training within the public sector, including the work of the National School of Government. The training we provide must not only be geared to enhancing the technical capabilities of our Public Service, but must also enable innovation and deepen the creativity of public servants.

Fellow South Africans, our objective is to build on the good story of the past 20 years of freedom and democracy. Ultimately, the Public Service we want is the one that is totally committed to the goal of building a better life for all; that continuously pushes the brown envelope; and that is not merely satisfied with meeting targets but ensures the continuous provision of quality services.

This is the challenge we face. We as the ANC believe that working together with all South Africans and with God on our side, we will be able to rise above this challenge. [Interjections.] Together with our people, we will move South Africa forward. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr J S MALEMA: Hon Deputy Speaker! Hon Deputy Speaker!

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, hon member! Where are you?

Mr J S MALEMA: I just want to acknowledge Deputy Minister Stella's top. That is a nice top. Thank you! [Laughter.] [Applause.]


The DEPUTY MINISTER OF COMMUNICATIONS: Hon Deputy Speaker, can I then remind hon Malema that these colours that I am wearing first belonged to the SACP, which is an ally of the ANC. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Mr J S MALEMA: It remains beautiful! [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: We appreciate this public generosity among yourselves, hon members. Hon K R J Meshoe, please speak, sir!



Rev K R J MESHOE: Hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, very few people, if any, can confidently claim that the hon President, during his state of the nation address on Tuesday evening, was effective in inspiring much hope or confidence in South Africans, particularly those in the business sector, when our country is facing the serious threat of a possible recession. Regrettably, in our view, the hon President made the same promises that were made in the past. What the nation wants to see is a speedy realisation of the undertakings made to address the poor state of the economy and to create jobs.

In identifying agriculture as a key job driver, the hon President said that government's target is for the agricultural sector to create a million jobs by 2030. When he mentioned this target, there was murmuring in the House, as members indicated their disbelief at yet another impossible promise that was made to the nation.

How will government ensure that the agricultural sector creates an additional million jobs in the next 15 to 16 years when our country is fast losing experienced farmers to other African countries and abroad, because of violent farm attacks which government does not seem to have the will or capacity to stop? How will the agricultural sector create a million jobs by 2030 when many small farmers, particularly black farmers, are not properly skilled and mentored for large-scale farming and do not have adequate resources to grow in this sector?

Deputy Speaker, we were hoping that the five-month-long platinum strike would have been resolved, but it seems there are further complications. The strike was the main contributor to the negative 0,6 GDP figure for the first quarter of 2014, as well as the recent downgrade of South Africa's credit rating by Standard & Poor's and the shift in the country's credit outlook from stable to negative by Fitch Ratings. This will result in state debt service costs' rising, which will place more pressure on the fiscus. The ACDP supports the National Development Plan, which we believe must be speedily implemented if the country is to avoid slipping down a further notch as assessed by credit rating agencies.

Hon President, while we welcome the commitment that the Deputy President will convene the social partners' dialogue to meet and deliberate on the violent nature and duration of the strikes, we question why this was not done earlier, given the protracted nature of the strike, which has lasted five months. The suffering experienced by the families of the miners and the local businesses is immense. Innocent people are losing their businesses, assets and properties because of their failure to meet their financial obligations. Many hungry children are missing school and those who are sick are not able to take medication on empty stomachs.

The private sector cannot show much confidence in the economy if the status quo remains. Government must be seen to be actively creating an environment wherein business can thrive. Indeed, the low level of investments that we are facing in the country will continue to constrain economic growth if corruption is not dealt with head-on by government.

When the President said, "I would like to share with you now, our plan of action to revitalise local government", I thought to myself, "Now we are moving in the right direction." But I was disappointed. The President did not have any new plan to offer. All he did was to give us a list of 11 municipalities that stood out for consistent good performance in regard to audits and expenditure on municipal infrastructure grants, and promised support to other municipalities that were struggling. Sir, "support" was the word that came frequently as he spoke about supporting those who were struggling. While we commend those 11 municipalities for their excellent work, and encourage this, what we want to know is: What is the new plan, Mr President, if there is one? Is it to throw more money at problems in municipalities? [Time expired.]



Mr B M BHANGA: Deputy Speaker and Mr President, in isiXhosa I have a responsibility to say, ...


... phila tata, sithembele kuwe.


We wish you the best. That is what we do as Xhosa people. Thank you very much.

Hon President, in the last few days in this House we have noticed a new development in our country, of a divisive message to our nation from the members of this House. We have seen this from the two arms of this House, the opposition and the executive. We have seen divisive messages filling the ears of our nation.

It reminded me of the foundation of the establishment of the South African democracy, where South African democracy was established on the basis of national unity and national reconciliation. It worries me as a young fellow listening to members of the executive that they are giving a divisive message, a message that divides our people. We should be concerned at this new development. We have a responsibility to bring South Africa together. It is a commitment that we must make in remembering Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Molly Blackburn and Helen Suzman. [Interjections.]

Mr President, if we are committed to the National Development Plan, we will note that in chapter 15 it speaks about national unity and embracing both the diversity and the cohesion of our people. I have listened here to extreme views coming from the left and the right, and those views are dangerous in building a united South Africa. [Applause.]

The South Africa we want to build is a South Africa of opportunities, where all of us can live together and cherish the ideas that have evolved out of the NDP. Do not forget your own NDP. If you do, it means that many of you have not read what the NDP entails. [Interjections.] The NDP entails that in 2030 all of us will live in a country of open opportunities. [Interjections.]

Mr President, under your regime we have seen the evolution of a new populism of ideas. In this House we have seen the expression of ideological, racial arrogance, which has been exposed here. I do not subscribe to the views of an extreme divisive message that seeks to divide this nation that many of you sitting on this side have built up with the shedding of blood, that you have fought for and that some have even given their lives for. [Applause.]

Mr President, under your regime we have seen the state machinery used against our people in public service protests – by the same government that fought against apartheid brutality. We have seen you in Burgersdorp, Marikana, kwaLanga and Uitenhage, brutally assaulting our people through state security. You are guilty of that, Mr President. You are guilty of collapsing many of our municipalities. Under your regime good municipalities like the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality have ... [Interjections.]

Mr B A RADEBE: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: Can the member withdraw the statement that state security was used to suppress and brutalise the people?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, we will come back to that. Hon Bhanga, please be careful of making statements that you know will not be acceptable – just be careful. We will come back with a ruling on this point of order. Proceed.

Mr B M BHANGA: Go and read your National Democratic Revolution, with its strategy and tactics, to find out what "state security" means. [Interjections.] It refers to the police. You have used the police against innocent citizens.

Mr President, you have killed good municipalities that used to win awards under your ANC-led government. You have killed the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality. Today, the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality cannot even provide refuse collection services and street lights for its people; infrastructure is collapsing; and the people ... [Interjections.]

Mr K B MANAMELA: Hon Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: I want to raise an objection. I refer to the manner in which hon Lekota is looking at hon Bhanga – if looks could kill, the hon member would long have been dead. [Laughter.]

Mr M G P LEKOTA: Hon Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: I think that if the members of the ruling party want to disrupt the discussions, they must do so without using other people. Thank you very much. [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, can we just agree to allow the speaker to finish please? Let us not do that. [Interjections.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: I think it is very important that members know that you can only rise in terms of the Rules. What is currently happening is a major disruption of members' speaking time and the flow of their speeches. [Interjections.] You can only rise in terms of the Rules. We cannot allow people just to stand up in Parliament and say what they want. That is why we have debates.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, let us proceed. The hon Bhanga may proceed.

Mr B M BHANGA: Mr President, many municipalities should learn from the Midvaal Local Municipality. In good municipalities that the DA governs you will see better infrastructure delivery and a reduced unemployment rate. [Interjections.] In Midvaal the unemployment rate is 7% lower than the national average and youth unemployment is also low. We have good governance. Where services are implemented and infrastructure set up, there is the potential for growth in business and jobs are defended. The problems we are confronted with in ANC-led municipalities are due to factionalism and poor administration. We have noticed that municipalities are collapsing and services to our people are being affected.

Therefore, Mr President, we would like to refer you to the Auditor-General's recent MFMA report. He identified the following challenges as being amongst the problems of current municipalities: supply chain management, asset management and the lack of capacity of officials, who do not deserve to be appointed. They get appointed because they are members of the ANC. These municipalities need interventions – they do not need cronies or friends. These municipalities need people who have capacity and specialisation to run the infrastructure and administration of these municipalities. Our people are directly affected by poor services delivered by the ANC.

I dedicate this speech to you, Mr President; to the likes of Andries Tatane; and to those who died in the brutal public protest that the ANC ... [Time expired.][Applause.]



The DEPUTY MINISTER OF CO-OPERATIVE GOVERNANCE AND TRADITIONAL AFFAIRS RESPONSIBLE FOR PROVINCIAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT: Deputy Speaker, thank you very much. Molweni, sanibonani, thobela, avuxeni, dumelang, ndi masiari and it is getting close to madekwana en, mnr Groenewald, ja, beslis, ook goeie middag.

On 7 May the people of South Africa gave the ANC yet another overwhelming mandate. The people were giving the ANC a mandate to take South Africa forward, to create a better life for all by implementing the National Development Plan. The ANC Manifesto outlined how we would implement the NDP, and that is what the President spoke loudly, clearly, energetically and in detail about when he addressed this House.

We called our manifesto, "Together We Move South Africa Forward", and we did so because of two of the golden threads that run through the history of the ANC, which are unity and progress.

In 1911 Pixley ka Isaka Seme wrote a call to the Founding Conference of the ANC in 1912. He said:

I repeat, co-operation is the key and the watchword which opens the door, the everlasting door which leads into progress and all national success. The greatest success shall come when man (and woman) shall have learned to co-operate, not only with his own kith and kin but with all peoples and with all life.

The South African Native Congress is the voice in the wilderness bidding all the dark races of this sub-continent to come together once or twice a year in order to review the past and reject therein all those things which have retarded our progress, the things which poison the springs of our national life and virtue; to label and distinguish the sins of civilisation, and as members of one house-hold to talk and think loudly on our home problems and the solution of them.

The ANC continues to play this role in the life of our nation. [Applause.]

The ANC has always been an organisation with a plan. In the 1940s the Atlantic Charter was a response to the problem of the rise of fascism, and the ANC responded to that with the Africans' Claims.

In the 1950s the ANC responded to the heightening, the escalation, of the implementation of apartheid with the Freedom Charter.

In the 1960s the ANC responded to the challenge of the unbridled terrorism unleashed by the regime with the Strategy and Tactics of the African National Congress of 1969.

When the time came to negotiate, the ANC responded with the Harare Declaration. When democracy was on the horizon, we responded with Ready to Govern and with the Reconstruction and Development Plan. Now, as we enter the second phase of our transition, we respond with the National Development Plan. [Applause.]

The ANC is an organisation that says what it means, and means what it says.

The ANC's plans are not formulated in closed rooms in the way that some parties choose presidential candidates. Our plans are drawn up openly and in consultation with the people. It is for this reason that the ANC has been able to rely on the support and the active involvement of our people – it is because their plan is our plan.

The formulation, as well as the implementation, of these plans was characterised by vigorous, robust and at times even acrimonious debate and discussion. During the years of exile the sound of the rattling of the AK-47 was mixed with the sound of cadres firing intellectual salvos at each other as they debated the meaning of the various clauses of the Freedom Charter. [Applause.]

On Robben Island, the sounds of the picks and shovels in the limestone quarry could not silence the sounds of those debates.

After 1994 we continued debating the RDP even as we were implementing it by building millions of houses, creating millions of jobs, building hundreds of clinics, tarring thousands of kilometres of roads and creating hope through the implementation of that programme.

The ANC has always mastered the art of walking and talking, toiling and talking, and debating as we work to build a better future. Therefore, those who fantasise about gloom and despair, who fantasise that the ANC is not united around the NDP, and who fantasise that it will not implement the NDP, are locked in a futile argument against the example of history.

Throughout our history there have, unfortunately, always been discordant noises from certain quarters. Sometimes it has taken the form of a strident stream of racist invective. At other times it has been the sound of the rattling of a flat spare tyre in the boot of South African history. At still other times it has been the low, slow whine of generalised suburban discontent. More recently we have heard the shrill hadeda-like sounds of "Nkaaandla! Nkaaandla! Nkaaandla!" [Laughter.] [Applause.] And then, there has also been the pitiful lament coming from amid the twilight shadows of our politics asking: What has happened to international mediation?

And yet, amid these discordant noises, we hear other, more hopeful, sounds. We hear that all of us in this Chamber, once one listens past the noise, agree that the core challenges facing South African society are poverty, inequality and unemployment.

We also hear, if we listen carefully, that our national priorities remain health; education; economic development and job creation; and rural development, land reform and food security, as well as combating crime and corruption.

We hear, too, if we listen carefully, that there is agreement that the NDP is our national roadmap to address these issues and to create a radically transformed society by 2030. The NDP will guide us through this second phase of our transition.

We therefore appeal to all in this House and in our society to focus on these areas of the agreement and to rally around the implementation of the NDP and its programme for radical socioeconomic transformation. This is because it is only by doing this that we will succeed in creating a united nation, a nation which is united in its diversity and which is spelt out in our Constitution.

Throughout history nations have been forged in battle or through having a common enemy. In South Africa's case, our country seeks to build a nation around the values of nonracialism, healing the past, and acting in the interests of the poor and downtrodden. We seek to build a society where progress and development are measured by the progress and inclusion of the poor. The roadmap to that society is to be found in our Constitution and our NDP.

South Africa has chosen not to create a melting pot, but rather a potjie to celebrate diversity. South Africans are bound by a shared geographic space, a common modern history, however differently experienced, and a Constitution with four core values, which are as follows.

The first is nonracialism, because we believe that "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white," as the Freedom Charter states, and that South Africans may hold multiple identities but that we are South Africans first, before race, language or ethnicity.

Then there is nonsexism. We believe in the equality of status, rights, responsibilities and opportunities of men and women.

Thirdly, there is social solidarity. [Interjections.] I want to hear the same now. All South Africans have a responsibility to build a new society, one in which opportunity is not shaped by our history, and one that is fundamentally propoor in nature.

Finally, there is democracy, that "the people shall govern" and that the authority of the state shall be exercised by elected representatives of its people in institutions enshrined in the Constitution.

South Africa's path to nation-building allows individual cultures, languages and identities to become the building blocks of a greater whole. However, forging a common identity without reducing inequality is tantamount to building on a foundation of sand. Redistribution and equity are not only constitutional imperatives, but are good for growth, development and stability.

South Africa, therefore, must have a social contract for equity and inclusion. The entire NDP is about building this social contract and enabling people through their sharing of common spaces to see their humanity reflected in the other and ensuring a decent standard of living for all.

It is this inherited psyche of prejudices and stereotypes regarding race, gender and sexual orientation; a breakdown in values; the inequality of opportunity; massive poverty; and the competition for scarce resources that help to fuel racism, xenophobia, homophobia and gender-based violence.

Open displays of opulence, even when they are hidden under overalls of whatever colour, are a scourge in South African society. [Interjections.] Their offensiveness is particularly marked because of South Africa's high levels of inequality and unemployment. Society should have balanced and appropriate incentive systems commensurate with the individual's contribution to society. Excessive displays of wealth, as well as unjustified differentials in income, distort these incentives. The country cannot achieve unity and social cohesion without reducing the gaps between rich and poor, black and white, women and men, city and country.

In doing this it is necessary to recognise the historical obligation to have redress, to correct the wrongs of the past, and to affirm the historically disadvantaged. Without unity, the nation cannot hope to correct the wrongs of the past – without correcting the wrongs of the past, unity would be superficial. The country must therefore continue with measures to facilitate active engagement of the populace in its own development.

Efforts to enable the healing of wounds of the past while reducing economic exclusion and inequality of opportunity and outcomes; to enable the sharing of space across race and class; and to foster an overarching South African identity anchored by the Constitution and the values embedded therein, should be optimised.

Deputy Speaker, that brings me to one of the most radical aspects of our National Development Plan. That is the part of the National Development Plan – and the Medium-Term Strategic Framework that will be based on that National Development Plan – that talks about transforming our national space economy, and about dealing with the legacy of apartheid spatial patterns.

Yesterday, Minister Rob Davies and the hon Yunus Carrim spoke here at length about the structure of the South African economy. They said that it was an economy that was rooted in mining and finance capital, to the detriment of an industrial base. They traced the development of the structure of our economy to the fundamental characteristic of apartheid colonialism – colonialism of a special type, an internal colonialism. This is a system which sought to develop a source of cheap labour for mining capital through the fragmentation of our country into homelands and exclusive residential areas. It is a system that promoted the inclusion for economic purposes, but exclusion for social and political purposes, of the vast majority of South Africans. That legacy has been one of the most difficult legacies for democratic South Africa to deal with.

We recognise that much of the tremendous progress that we have made in the provision of basic services such as housing, water and sanitation have had the effect in many cases of reinforcing those apartheid patterns of spatial development. Therefore, we are saying that we need a concerted national effort to reverse those patterns.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: There is very irritating noise in this Chamber, and I'm really struggling to follow with this very irritating noise.


Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, may I ask what Rule the hon member was rising on?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, please don't disrupt speakers. I will not accept this anymore!

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF CO-OPERATIVE GOVERNANCE AND TRADITIONAL AFFAIRS RESPONSIBLE FOR PROVINCIAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT: This issue of the transformation of apartheid spatial patterns is tied very, very closely to the issue of urbanisation. I would like to quote what the President said to this House in February last year. Mr President, you said that:

We should remain mindful of rapid urbanisation that is taking place. The Census Statistics reveal that 63% of the population are living in urban areas. This is likely to increase to over 70% by 2030.

Apartheid spatial patterns still persist in our towns and cities. Municipalities alone cannot deal with the challenges. We need a national approach.

While rural development remains a priority of government, it is crucial that we also develop a national integrated urban development framework to assist municipalities to effectively manage rapid urbanisation.

As part of implementing the National Development Plan, all three spheres of government need to manage the new wave of urbanisation in ways that also contribute to rural development.

Mr President, after you gave that instruction, a discussion document was formulated. It was released in October last year and we stand ready to comply with the deadline of 30 July to release a draft policy document that will form the basis of a national discussion on urbanisation and transforming apartheid spatial patterns.

In the minute or so that remains I would just like to express my concern at the inputs made by the hon Kopane and the hon Bhanga, because I think both of those inputs really demonstrate what one can only call the Jekyll and Hyde relationship that the DA has with the truth. [Interjections.]

You see, the hon Kopane made all manner of allegations without adducing a shred of evidence. She made the allegation of widespread abuses of social development, but she didn't tell the House that the DA took this matter to court and their application was dismissed with costs. Why did she not tell us that? [Applause.] She also didn't tell us that the very allegation that she made in this House regarding the President is an allegation that the DA sent out in an SMS during the election campaign, and she did not tell the House that the DA lost spectacularly in the electoral court on that matter.

The hon Bhanga came and waxed lyrical about good governance in municipalities. He cited Midvaal as an example. The hon Kopane spoke at length about the Public Protector's report. It's a pity that the hon Bhanga did not refer to the Public Protector's report into Midvaal. [Interjections.] [Time expired.] Thank you. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, I would like to say to the hon member there who displayed the T-shirt that it is out of order to do so, unless you are at the podium. Please don't do that again. That is a violation of the Rules and you are not supposed to do that in the first place.

Hon members, we would also like you to understand that you can't just rise and speak, especially in a manner that is clearly intended to disrupt a speaker's speech. The effect of this is to disrupt the person at the podium. Let's only rise when there is, in your opinion, a serious violation of the order of the House, and you are doing that on the basis of a Rule. There are Rules to follow to do that, so let's do that. We are aware that the Whips are planning the work in such a way that we familiarise ourselves with the Rules. Otherwise it disrupts the order and decorum of the House.

I include here our inability to listen properly to the legitimate speeches being made by the members here. Please let's not disrupt them.

We will now take a comfort break. Let's obey the bells when they ring and move swiftly into the House, so that we can listen to everybody who speaks. The break will be 15 minutes long. Thank you very much.

Business suspended at 16:10 and resumed at 16:30.



The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Order! I take it that we have enjoyed our short comfort break and now we shall continue with the debate.

The MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Deputy Chairperson, Your Excellency President Jacob Zuma and hon members, let me start by responding to some of the issues that were raised by hon Kopane. Hon Kopane, in the DA it is even worse. They had plastic bags during the elections. You know that; I'm sure you saw it last year. These plastic bags even had the provincial government logo on them. The DA changed everything to blue! [Interjections.]

Now, the issue of welfare services in this province is an embarrassment. [Interjections.] Welfare services are the responsibility of provinces. However, early childhood development centres have been sidelined through what is called zoning. The levels of psychosocial services are very low. With regard to institutions, there is a big difference between those in the cities and towns, and those in the townships. Nutrition and advice centres have been closed, and NGOs have been moved to affluent areas. The city is exclusive to a few people who are rich. Furthermore, black entrepreneurs have been forced to move to the townships through the zoning programme. [Interjections.]

On the issue of grants, let me ask you a question. If grants are unsustainable, is poverty sustainable? [Interjections.] It means she likes it. She is not saying what Minister Trevor Manuel said. Moreover, I want to say here, as we are talking today, that old democracies in Scandinavian countries still have social assistance and social protection services. So, I don't know where this comes from.

Again, after the Second World War, Germany started with social assistance to help the poor. [Interjections.] Now, those who want to listen must listen! When we experience floods here in the Western Cape, we, as Sassa, always intervene, but you turn around and claim that you, as the government of the Western Cape, are intervening. We have never shouted like children and said: No, that's not true! We have always left it alone!


Kepha, into ebuhlungu ukuthi ngaso sonke isikhathi nidlala ngenhlupheko yabantu bethu.


In this House, on Tuesday 17 June 2014, President Zuma related the good story of 20 years of freedom and democracy under the ANC-led government. Today we stand on the shoulders of those who fought to free us from the colonial and apartheid regime, from minority rule and from economic backwardness and unspeakable indignity.

We acknowledge a debt of gratitude to the forebears of our liberation struggle – icons such as Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, Adelaide Tambo, Helen Joseph, and all those who made the ultimate sacrifice in building a peaceful, democratic and nonracial South Africa. [Interjections.] If you want to quote her, you can quote her! These are men and women who began the slow and difficult work of making freedom more meaningful for the poor, who are the majority but have nothing.

In 1994 the people of South Africa placed their trust and confidence in the ANC and its leadership, recognising the history of the struggle for the total liberation and emancipation of the people of South Africa and Africa. In May this year, against the wishes of those who had been attacking and demonising the ANC and its government, the ANC won the elections with an unquestionable mandate. [Interjections.]

Our responsibility is to rule this country; we have to make laws, and formulate and implement radical economic transformation policies and programmes that will move South Africa forward in the next five years. And yet, the opposition continues to distort the achievements of the last 20 years under the ANC government.

As the ANC, we are clear that while economic growth is necessary for the creation of jobs and reduction of unemployment, growth by itself is not sufficient to reduce poverty and inequality. Social transformation is also a pillar of improving the lives of our people. We also need to focus on the weak social infrastructure, which serves as an incubator for the many social ills that face our country.

There is growing evidence that crude growth-based policies may, in fact, serve to increase and cement the inequalities, as they often facilitate the retention of wealth by the sectors of society that have historically inherited wealth and opportunities. So, radical transformation needs to include deliberate policies to empower the poor, economically and socially. [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: [Inaudible.] ... Travelgate.

The MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Your Chief Whip actually knows the ruling about that. So, stop ... [Interjections.]

Mrs T V TOBIAS: Hon Deputy Chairperson! Hon Deputy Chairperson!

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Order! Order! Order, members!

Ms T V TOBIAS: Hon Deputy Chairperson! Hon Deputy Chairperson!

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Is there someone seeking my attention? Oh!

Ms T V TOBIAS: Hon Deputy Chairperson, p 35 of the Rules does not allow members to pass offensive remarks. This is the second time that when the Minister has spoken to the DA, they have referred to "Travelgate". So, it's a personal attack on the Minister. A ruling was made in court. This is not allowed based on p 35 of the Rules of Parliament. I thank you. [Interjections.]

Mr J H STEENHUISEN: Deputy Chairperson, on a point of order: ... [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): What is it that you are rising on, because I have not even ruled ... [Interjections.]

Mr J H STEENHUISEN: I am just trying to follow up on what the Rule is ... [Interjections.]


Mr J H STEENHUISEN: Because it is no ... [Inaudible.] ... read with the Joint Rules ...

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Can you hold it? There is a point of order that has been brought to my attention and it is only fair that I am allowed an opportunity to remark on it and then you can raise your point of order.

Hon members, the Presiding Officer who was in the chair earlier on appealed to all of us to respect one another and the decorum of the House. Heckling is allowed, but let us not expose ourselves to a point where we will be seen as irresponsible because of our behaviour in the House. Can we please refrain from making statements that disrupt a member who is speaking and that may derogate the standing of a member while he or she is speaking. Let us please refrain from that and allow the member to speak. The hon Minister may proceed.

The MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Our comprehensive poverty reduction approach is premised on a life cycle approach. This includes the 1 000 days campaign which will maximise the developmental window of children by providing maternal support to expectant mothers, and nutrition and developmental support to children in their early stages of development.

Hon members, the ANC has declared early childhood development a public good. In the next five years our priority will be on expanding access to ECD services to at least 40% of children between zero and four years of age by 2019. To date we have over 1 million children accessing ECD services throughout the country, half of which are directly subsidised by the state.

The implementation of a comprehensive ECD programme is a double dividend to our country. It is a strong foundation for our children and so it is an investment in the future of our country. Also, it helps women to have their own time to do their own things ...


... bake bakwazi nokuzinwaya bebodwa emakhaya.


One other thing that the government is looking into is parenthood, because most of the time when we have challenges as parents, we blame the government. We also want to focus on building strong families because families are the first line of defence for their members.

As the President highlighted in his address, the National Development Plan provides conceptual guidance in this regard, as it includes, as part of its core goals, the eradication of poverty and unemployment, and the reduction of inequality.

The social assistance programme remains the single most important contributor to the fight against poverty and inequality in the country. In this respect 15,9 million South Africans, including 11,7 million children and 2 million older persons are beneficiaries of our safety net. This achievement was premised on our determination to ensure that our social protection system protects individuals against all forms of vulnerability.


Okunye okumnandi ngohlelo lwethu ukuthi luqala ukuvikela umuntu kusuka ekuzalweni kwakhe aze adlule emhlabeni. Futhi uma ngabe kuzalwa umntwana ufakwa ohlelweni lwezempilo lweminyaka eyisithupha, athole imali yesibonelelo, aye nasenkulisa lapho ekhokhelwa khona R15 ngosuku, aphinde afunde esikoleni mahhala, adlulele esikhungweni semfundo ephakeme lapho efunda ngohlelo lwe-NSFAS, aphase akwazi ukukhipha umndeni wakhe ekuhluphekeni. [Ihlombe.]


An impact study of the child support grant, CSG, carried out by the department and the United Nations Children's Fund, confirmed that the CSG reduces poverty and vulnerability and improves the academic performance of the recipients. I hope that members on my left understand what the impact study does and that they will follow the variables. It is a difficult study, so they must understand its nature and character. It also confirmed that adolescents who benefit from the grant are less likely to engage in risky behaviour.

In April 2012 Sassa embarked on a massive reregistration process which introduced capturing of biometric and other payment-related information of more than 20 million people, comprising social grant recipients, children and procurators. The process sought to address some of the challenges that the agency had previously experienced, which included fragmentation of payment data, high levels of fraud and inefficiencies.

The process has accrued many benefits for Sassa, the beneficiaries and government as a whole. In this way we have saved R2 billion in grant monies. [Applause.]

Another thing is that at the office we went back and checked matters with Home Affairs, Sars and Government Pensions. Out of 100% of the people that we reregistered, 88% are in the population register and 12% are not in the population register. We have removed all those who are dealing with Government Pensions, as well as those that are paying tax, because these activities mean that they have money. We are still trying to check the 12% that remain and we hope that we are going to save more money.

Currently we provide care and support services to 98 000 vulnerable children in the country, and those children are mostly from child and youth-headed households. We have a lower percentage of child-headed households and a bigger percentage of youth-headed households.


Manje laba bantwana into abayenzayo ukuthi njalo uma isikole siphuma baya kuma-safe parks bafike bafunde benze nomsebenzi wesikole, sibasize ngezinselelo zabo ngemuva kwalokho bagoduke.

Umuntu okhule ngaphansi kwesandla sabazali bakhe ucabanga ukuthi impilo ilula. Kepha uma ngabe ungenabo abazali uzobuqonda kahle ubunzima ababhekana nabo laba bantwana. Okunye esifuna ukukusho ukuthi ...


... our park centres are growing. We have 60 that are supported by government and 191 that are partially supported by government.


Into eyenzekayo ukuthi abantwana bafike bafunde laphaya.


One of the learners in this programme obtained six distinctions and she is studying towards a law degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. [Applause.] We want to ensure that all orphans, as well as vulnerable children, do not fall through the cracks.

We have declared the year 2014-15 as the year to focus on people with disabilities. A major focus for this year will be to ensure inclusion and mainstreaming of disability in the post-2015 development agenda. This we will do in partnership with disabled people and their organisations, government departments, the private sector and civil society.

As the President said in his address, we should fulfil South Africa's role as signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its optional protocols by domesticating it through the finalisation of the national disability rights policy. This policy will shift the focus and responsibility for disability mainstreaming to every programme manager in government, who will be responsible to prove that their plans, budgets and services are disability-responsive.

As indicated by the President, we will embed the monitoring of compliance with the obligations contained in the convention and progress made with disability rights mainstreaming in the governmentwide monitoring and evaluation system.

As far as alcohol and substance abuse is concerned, the Department of Health is in the process of gazetting the relevant Bill and the Department of Trade and Industry is looking at the implementation of restrictions on times and places of sale for alcohol. [Applause.]

We are also going to host a biennial summit in 2015.

In the next three years we are going to build centres in the Northern Cape, North West, Eastern Cape and Free State.

We are also in the process of reviewing the White Paper for Social Welfare and we will come up with other programmes on poverty eradication. For instance, in De Doorns we have already started with a programme of helping seasonal workers, who are not paid for six months during the dry season. [Applause.] We have implemented a pilot programme, and soon after it we will implement this programme throughout the country. Thank you, Deputy Chairperson. [Time expired.] [Applause.]



Ms C LABUSCHAGNE: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon Members of Parliament, and ladies and gentlemen, it is a privilege to participate in this debate today. For the first time in 20 years the NCOP is taking part in a Joint Sitting of Parliament to debate the President's state of the nation address.

The President's state of the nation address was another failed attempt this year to inspire confidence in his government and in the South African economy. You cannot move South Africa forward when your economy is going backwards. We continue to slide in our sovereign credit ratings. Currently, according to Standard and Poor's credit ratings we are one notch above "junk status".

The only thing President Zuma has tried to move forward over the past five years is his personal interests and those of his political allies. The tripartite alliance of the ANC, the SACP and Cosatu exists only on paper and serves as a destructive force in South Africa's economy as it has zero consensus on the future of the economy. The National Development Plan, which the DA endorses, continues to be picked apart by the factions of the tripartite alliance. Yet time and time again we hear how the NDP will usher in an era of economic growth. It remains to be seen if this cabinet will be able to implement the NDP.

In the Western Cape one of our priorities is to promote economic growth through various strategies that create an enabling environment for small and large business. Despite the global economic downturn which began at the start of the DA's first term in government, 270 000 more people in our province have jobs. [Applause.]

The manufacturing, clothing and textile sectors are showing positive growth, with strong investment from both the public and private sectors. Since 2011, the number of active companies in the Western Cape increased by 14 589 to more than 203 000. [Applause.]

Hon Minister Davies, the Western Cape established 20 access points, which collectively assisted over 22 000 SMMEs with business development, procurement and access to finance. We also established the Red Tape Reduction Unit to assist SMMEs with the bottlenecks of regulatory obstacles in order for them to do business. It is estimated that the annual cost of red tape to SMMEs is R80 billion, money that could have been used to create jobs.

Despite the general economic downturn, the Western Cape draws high levels of foreign direct investment. Since our coming to power, 80 investment projects valued at R30,1 billion have been implemented. [Applause.]

Hon President Zuma said, "We are a nation at work." Deputy Speaker, he should have said, "We are a nation out of work." With over a quarter of our populace out of work, President Zuma's government continues to fail in its battle against the so called triple challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment.

In the Western Cape reducing unemployment is a priority. We've done well to focus on incentivised employment programmes, entrepreneurship and skills development.

The following are examples. The Premier's Advancement of Youth project has already helped give young people the opportunity to gain work experience in government, and empowered not only their skills but also their self-esteem. Through our Artisan Development Programme we offer young people the opportunity to earn qualifications and contribute to our growing demand for their skills. Lastly, through the Provincial Skills Development Forum we are working with the private sector and academia to define and respond to our changing job market to minimise the existing skills and demand misfit.

But while the Western Cape succeeded on these fronts, the national government failed. The failure lies in the government's response to these challenges.

The President and his government believe that far-reaching interventions are the answer to creating a strong and equitable economy through jobs created within government. Stronger state intervention in the economy, despite decades of seeing its disastrous effects in countries such as Venezuela, is the unimaginative and dangerous road that South Africa is taking.

Creating new ministries and creating more and more legislation will not create a more equitable economy - it certainly won't make it a sophisticated one either. The DA constantly has to battle against the ANC-led national government's fetish for legislating South Africa into a prison of red tape and business bashing regulations. Speaker, bigger government can only lead to bigger failure. Government only needs to intervene in ways that will create an investment friendly environment to generate revenue and increase employment.

One of the key reasons why the Western Cape government has been successful in growing the provincial economy is that it has consensus with all stakeholders. The Western Cape government has proved that it has the political initiative and political will to implement its strategic objectives and policies based on an open opportunity society. This is a province whose leadership is dedicated and passionate about economic growth, and not cadres plucked from the alliance woodwork to appease the ANC's national executive.

President Zuma spoke of the strong growth in South Africa's tourism sector and in the Western Cape we are proud to have one of the most beloved cities in the world, Cape Town. [Applause.] We strongly support the potential of the tourism industry and the impact it has on the economy. The sector also contributes to a variety of other industries. If tourism grows, so will those supporting industries.

The tourism industry is also regarded as being labour-intensive which is fitting, given our high unemployment.

In December of 2013 the Western Cape recorded its best tourism numbers, with Cape Town International Airport recording "the highest number of international arrivals" since the global economic crisis. This is proof of the province's campaign to increase the yield of results in tourism.

Hon Speaker, the President mentioned universal access to schools, but said nothing about how essential quality education is. The Western Cape's strategy to accomplish sustained and systemic improvement in academic performance in language and mathematics, and the National Senior Certificate, as well as reduce the number of underperforming schools, is successful.

The bulk of the education budget, over 80%, is spent on the poorest 60% of our learners. The Western Cape pays the highest amount of money, when compared to other provinces, to schools who qualify for fee exemptions – an amount of R90 million over past three years.

The Western Cape increased the number of learners passing maths and science in the province. The Western Cape had the highest number of learners qualifying for bachelor degree studies in the country. The province also improved the retention rate of learners at schools from 36,9% in 2009 to 52,1% in 2013. [Applause.] Within a five-year period the Western Cape government could do something that the national government could not do in 20 years. These and many more brilliant factual stories have been possible due to investing in the teachers, school management, parents and learners.

In conclusion, hon President, your challenge is to have the political will to implement the NDP, which will result in sustainable economic growth. As the economy and a list of other things are sliding, including support for the ANC, beware – the voters are indeed maturing. Thank you. [Applause.]



Mr M P GALO: Hon Deputy Speaker, Your Excellency hon President of the Republic of South Africa, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, and all protocol observed, on behalf of the AIC let me take this opportunity to thank all the people of South Africa for voting for the AIC on 7 June 2014. [Interjections.] The people of this country voted for the AIC, which was formed in December 2005, ... [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Order! Order! Order, hon members!

Mr M P GALO: ... because it is a propoor political movement in South Africa, whose core values are grounded in human dignity, respect, tolerance and understanding.

The AIC is different from all other political parties formed post-1994 in this country. It was founded by the poorest of the poor masses of Matatiele and there was not even one person who was a Member of Parliament or a councillor; and not even one person who was expelled from his or her organisation for wrongdoing. [Interjections.]

When we talk about organic purity, we are talking about the AIC. And, of course, as the AIC, we don't want to rule the country. We want the people of this country to rule this country.

We call upon all of you who have voted for the AIC to forgive those who are insulting your intelligence by saying you were confused. They must be told that they are the ones who are confused, not you. Prove them wrong, even in other elections to come. [Interjections.]

Hon President, before we can comment on your recycled state of the nation address, we wish to say that there are issues of grave concern that are affecting our constituencies. We are talking here about the people of Moutse and Matatiele in particular. Those anomalies employed by your governing party will be able to indicate to the people of this country whether the ANC today will take the poor masses of our beloved country to the Promised Land or not.

In March 1994 senior members of the ANC were dispatched to Matatiele and those were Mr Govan Mbeki, Mr Walter Sisulu and others. They promised the people of Matatiele that the people's government would never take any decision against the will of the people, no matter what. In January 1995 the ANC National Working Committee, led by Mr Valli Moosa, repeated this promise to the people of Matatiele. In mid-1995, hon President, when you were opening our community clinic at Magadla, ... [Interjections.] ... you commented that ... [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Hon Galo, your time is up. It is up, my chief.

Mr M P GALO: No, no, no, it can't be like that. [Interjections.]


Mr M P GALO: This is sabotage in broad daylight. In broad daylight! I counted ... [Interjections.]


Mr M P GALO: ... the minutes of other people here.


Mr M P GALO: This is sabotage in broad daylight!


Mr M P GALO: Let me tell you, Comrade President, ...


Mr M P GALO: ... the people of Matatiele have spoken. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Can ... [Interjections.] Hon Galo.

Mr M P GALO: The people of Moutse have spoken. [Interjections.] We want the results.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Can the technical staff switch off the mic please?

Mr M P GALO: The people of this country are not political zombies. They are human beings and they need to be treated as such. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Thank you very much, hon members. Order! I just felt that it was fair to allow hon Galo to conclude his speech. The party is new, and this was a maiden speech, but hon Galo decided to disobey an order call from the Chair. I think it is only fair to say, as we move forward, hon Galo, that there is no sabotage here. Nevertheless, thank you very much. Can we have hon Mokgalapa? [Interjections.] Hon Mokgalapa, please proceed with the debate.


Mr M P GALO: Mhlekazi, ndicela undiphe iindlebe zakho.


The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr R J Tau): Order, hon Galo. I am not going to recognise you. [Interjections.] I am not going to recognise you. Please will you sit down? Can you proceed with the debate?


Mr S MOKGALAPA: Hon Deputy Chair, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, on Tuesday President Zuma stood before this House and nation and failed to adequately address issues surrounding the wellbeing of our nation and providing education that allows access to jobs. More than 3,5 million youth have no jobs and are unskilled.

The social and economic wellbeing of South Africa lies in its ability to educate its people and provide adequate health care to citizens. Challenges such as poverty, inequality, and unemployment threaten the very existence and sustainability of our young democracy.

We are a young nation full of opportunities and potential. Much more needs to be done to improve our basic education system and the state of affairs in our health system. Early childhood development is a key component of our children's development.

Although South Africa's health sector has made tremendous strides, it faces significant challenges which must be addressed if we want to improve the lives of our people. Although the principle of the National Health Insurance is noble, the NHI will not address the fundamental problems of our health system, which include: bad management, lack of equipment, drug shortages and high vacancy rates. We do not have a good story to tell about the status of our health system. Significant challenges prevail in our health care system. Mismanagement, poor use of resources and low political accountability characterise the state of our health care system. Shortages of desperately needed ARV medication, reports of infant fatalities due to negligence, nonpayment of service providers and the total collapse of hospitals are now the norm. The DA believes that we can turn this around by modernising our health care system, filling vacancies with trained staff, and improving management teams in public hospitals through standards monitoring.

Greater efforts are needed in combating illnesses such as TB and reducing HIV transmission. The Western Cape government not only has the highest TB cure rate, but we have brought down the mother-to-child HIV transmission rate to 1,8% - the lowest in the country. [Applause.]

Mr President, you also failed to adequately address the issues surrounding the deplorable standards to which our education system has sunk. Just under three weeks ago the World Economic Forum released a study that placed our maths and science results last in the world. This informs the need to better equip our teachers with the relevant know-how and resources needed to educate our children and open opportunities for them.

However, instead of the Minister of Basic Education's committing herself to addressing this issue, which has risen to crisis levels, the Minister chose to attack the World Economic Forum study. The Minister seems to forget that her own task team presented a damning report on this very issue of our maths, science and technology education. Yet, almost a year later, the Minister has not announced a single plan that will allow for the formation of a dedicated maths, science and technology unit.

The ANC government embarked on the task of eradicating 496 mud schools over three years. This deadline lapsed in March this year and only 47 mud schools had been done away with. So, I ask the hon Sisulu in her absence: Where are these schools you claim the President is building every week? [Interjections.]

The real truth is that the ANC government has failed to meet its very own mandate. Just look at their shortfalls on job creation. We need to urgently prioritise this, Mr President, if we are serious about the future of our country. The weak schooling system does not provide the requisite skills for the job market. And that is a fact.

Higher education also faces significant challenges. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme crisis should be a main area of focus for government in order to ensure that students from poor backgrounds get an opportunity to further their studies. Issues surrounding further education and training and the sector education and training authority certificates should be resolved timeously. The DA proposes that the Department of Higher Education and Training increases the Nsfas budget to R16 billion, not R9,7 billion, in order to ensure more South Africa youth have the chance to reach their potential. The endemic corruption surrounding the Education Foundation Trust and the Seta certification needs to be rooted out.

It is reported that only one in four students in tertiary education institutions graduates within the specified timeframe. University exemption, success in tertiary education courses, and rates of degree completion at universities still continue to be affected by racial inequality. The barriers between young people and a proper education are worrying, 20 years into our democracy. The DA policy alternatives are informed by our open opportunity society.

The youth of 1976 fought for a better quality education system, which, 38 years later, is still absent. Education is important for job creation. The DA believes that a healthy, educated society will sustain our hard-earned democracy and create much-needed employment. Government should prioritise the quality of our education and make education accessible, effective and efficient in order to address the various challenges facing our country.

No nation in the world has achieved economic success without properly educating its people and keeping them healthy. So, Mr President, the ball is in your court – do likewise! I thank you. [Applause.]



The MINISTER OF HEALTH: Hon Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members of the House, and ladies and gentlemen, two years ago Ministers of finance of developing nations around the globe were invited to Harvard University to debate national health insurance. [Interjections.] Yes, I said, "Ministers of finance", not "Ministers of health". The topic for that debate was national health insurance, or universal health coverage, as the World Health Organisation calls it.

This member here has just disowned it, just as the DA did throughout its election campaign. I was not going to talk much about it. However, because of what he has said, I am compelled to do so, lest some people in this House be misled.

One of the questions that were asked of the Ministers of finance at Harvard was what the core functions of a Minister of finance are.

Of course, they all prattled on about facilitating the economic growth of their countries to a higher percentage through macroeconomic stabilisation and all the other financial wizardry that Ministers of finance engage with in their everyday lives.

The next question that they were asked was to name a country that had been able to grow its economy with a sick workforce or a sick population. They were all stymied, unable to provide an answer.

Harvard then went on to show them that stabilising a country's health care system is a vital cog in the development of economies of the world and that central to that is the universal health coverage or NHI.

I am not surprised that the DA persistently rejects the NHI. During the election campaign you might have realised that it was one of the few parties, if not the only one, which openly rejected the NHI.

The NHI is a revolution in health care. Any party that is not predisposed to revolution is bound not to understand it. That is understandable. [Applause.] It is actually very simple. As the hon Chief Whip said this morning, there is a tendency to move towards the privatisation of everything, even health services, and, if you support that, then you will never understand what NHI is all about.

Mr President, there are only four prestigious medical journals around the world that matter. Thus, if an article appears in one of those, it is regarded as authentic by anybody in health care. One of those medical journals is The Lancet. It is a very prestigious British medical journal. Just to remind you, it was the first journal to contain a report stating that South Africa was suffering a quadruple burden of disease, on which our health care system plans are based.

One of its editorials – if I am not mistaken, it was the editorial of September 2012, although I can't be sure about the year – declared that NHI was going to be the third transition in health care since the beginning of humanity, or since human beings started populating this planet.

This editorial argued that throughout our existence as human beings there have been only two transitions in health care. The first one occurred in the 18th century and was called the Demographic Transition. That is when a public health care system was introduced which included things like sanitation, sewerage removal and clean, running water. Before that, people were dying prematurely. So, that was a big transition which saved a lot of lives.

The second transition is called the Epidemiological Transition and occurred in the 20th century. It reached some of the most troubled countries towards the end of that century. This Epidemiological Transition occurred when immunisation was introduced. It saved a lot of lives around the world.

Now, they say that the third transition, that is NHI, is going to sweep the globe. Of course, I don't expect the DA to know anything about that. Maybe, when one of its former hon members comes back from Harvard – if she is still coming back to join them at all; I'm not sure about that – she will be able to lecture them on these transitions in health care. [Laughter.] So, this is going to be the third major transition.

A heart transplant was performed for the first time in the world in this country, at Groote Schuur Hospital. You will wonder why I am not mentioning that as a transition. It is not, much as it was big. Even if you did a brain transplant, it certainly wouldn't be regarded as a transition. Of course, there would be confusion if you did do it! But it would certainly not be a transition. This is because it would change the life of only one individual. Transitions change the whole country; they change humanity. [Applause.] That is why the NHI is going to be a transition, not what they are thinking about.

Mr President, I was very pleased when you outlined the packages of state intervention in the mining sector. When you appointed the interministerial committee, you mentioned health. I wish to assure you and the House that Health is ready to take up the challenge. It is important to outline the magnitude of the existing challenge. [Applause.]

Mining has been the backbone of the South African economy for centuries and it will still be for many more decades to come. Yet, unfortunately, some of the major problems that the mining sector has been experiencing have been persistent over a long period of time. One of them is the unacceptably high prevalence of TB in the mines. Mr President, we know that TB is the biggest killer in the country because 80% of the people who are HIV-positive are actually killed by TB.

We have identified three populations in the country that are most vulnerable to TB. The first population – indeed, the most vulnerable of them all - is the 150 000 inmates in the 242 Correctional Services facilities around the country. The second most vulnerable population is the 500 000 mineworkers who sustain our mining industry. The third most vulnerable group are the communities who stay around or next to the mining operations, named perimining communities by the WHO. We estimate that there are 600 000 of them around the mines in at least six high density districts, which I will come to later.

For the Correctional Services facilities we have a very well-executed plan which was launched at Pollsmoor Prison last year by former Deputy President, Kgalema Motlanthe.

You may be aware that we chose Pollsmoor Prison for two reasons. Firstly, it is because the highest incidence of TB in Correctional Services facilities, which is at 8%, is found in the Western Cape, while the national average stands at 4%. And secondly, it is also because our icon, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, contracted TB at Pollsmoor Prison. That is why we launched this service there. But let me leave it there because I am not here to talk about that today. However, I just wanted to tell you that it is there.

Today I want to concentrate on the mines, because 70% of the state of the nation address has been about the economy, and appropriately so. Mr President, these are the challenges:

There are 41 810 cases of active TB in South African mines every year. This represents 8% of the national total in 1% of the population. Most unfortunately, it is the highest incidence of TB in any working population in the world. It directly affects 500 000 mineworkers, 230 000 partners and 700 000 children.

Twenty per cent of these partners and children are in Lesotho, Mozambique and Swaziland. Sir, 59 400 orphans are currently under care as a result of TB-related deaths in the mining sector and 9,6 million workdays are lost each year because of TB.

If you talk to any leader of our unions about the hazards mineworkers are faced with on a daily basis, they will immediately cite mining accidents. Yes, mining accidents are very emotive and evoke a lot of anger. After each accident, because many of them are so unnecessary and preventable, we all explode in anger. Of course, that is appropriate.

But, just as I have already done with some of the mining union leaders, I wish to show this House the other side of the coin. In the year 2009, 167 fatalities occurred in the mining sector as a result of mining accidents, and during the same year there were 24 590 cases of TB that resulted in 1 598 TB-related fatalities.

The gold mines are the most affected. The gold mining industry suffered 80 fatalities in 2009 due to mining accidents, but recorded 17 591 cases of active TB that led to 1 143 deaths. In other words, for every mineworker who dies in a mining accident, nine die of TB.

You can therefore see, Mr President, that we can in no way stabilise the mining sector without dealing with the scourge of TB. However, because we were preparing for action the whole of last year, we are combat-ready to face this challenge and halt this scourge. This is how we plan to do it, Mr President.

The first thing we did was to prepare a World Cup-like bid to The Global Fund to secure funding. Our plan was passed as workable and we were granted R500 000 000 to do this work. [Applause.] This money will be utilised to combat TB in the vulnerable groups I have mentioned above and also to deal with the problem of multidrug-resistant TB in the whole country.

Secondly, after receiving this money, we identified six districts in the country that have a very high concentration of mining activities. These are the West Rand in Gauteng, Bojanala and Dr K K Kaunda in the North West, Waterberg and Sekhukhune in Limpopo and Lejweleputswa in the Free State. These six districts have 600 000 perimining communities that I have earlier mentioned which are very vulnerable.

The third thing we did was to massively deploy the newest technology – called GeneXpert – for the diagnosis of TB. Mr President, the last time a diagnostic tool for TB was invented was 50 years ago. Hence, for the first time in 50 years we have a new technology that has revolutionalised the diagnosis of TB by reducing the period of the diagnostic process from a week to only two hours. This has revolutionised the diagnosis of MDR-TB, by a reduction from three months to two hours. [Applause.]

Let me take this opportunity, Mr President, to report that South Africa has deployed the GeneXpert technology more than any other country on this planet. Last year, when I spoke to you, we had covered 80% of all public health laboratories with this technology. Today, as I stand before you, we have covered 100% of all public health laboratories. [Applause.]

Up to the end of December of last year 5,8 million tests had been conducted around the world using the GeneXpert technology. Of these, 3,8 million were conducted in one country, South Africa. [Applause.] This means that 65% of all global tests using the GeneXpert technology are conducted in our country.

The fourth thing that we are doing is developing a strategy to deal with all the other perimining communities outside the high density mining districts. In each municipal ward we are deploying outreach teams made up of one nurse and six to eight community health workers. These teams are performing a multiplicity of primary health care tasks which include combating TB. As of May 2014, we had deployed 1 634 outreach teams.

In March this year we tested the usefulness of this approach in the mining communities around Carletonville, where we reached 25 000 community members in order to pilot this screening. Of the 25 000 people, 1 110 were suspected of being infected. Of those, 883 were subjected to the GeneXpert test and, out of that pool, 8% of the subjects - who knew nothing about their TB status before this screening exercise - were confirmed to have contracted TB.

This, Mr President, proved the correctness of our approach, considering that, in the general population, the prevalence of TB is 0,76%, while it is 8% in the mining sector around Carletonville. We believe the same situation prevails in all the perimining communities.

The fifth activity that we engaged in was to integrate our plans with those of the Southern African Development Community. In March this year, under the leadership of former Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, we invited four Ministers from each SADC country. These were the Ministers of health, mining or minerals, labour and finance.

These Ministers met in Sandton for a summit on integrating TB prevention techniques in SADC. During the summit we needed to reach an agreement on the following three issues: Firstly, we needed to have a common database of all mineworkers in the SADC region infected with TB. I must report that the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation has declared that they will help us with funding to develop such a database.

Secondly, we needed to have a common treatment protocol for all mineworkers in the SADC region who are suffering from TB, irrespective of whether they work in Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique or South Africa.

Thirdly, we needed to agree on a referral system for mineworkers with TB, between the mining houses, the public health care systems in other SADC countries, and the South African public health care system.

Apart from dealing with ordinary TB in the Correctional Services facilities, the mining sector and perimining communities in SADC, we also have problems dealing with multidrug-resistant TB and extreme drug-resistant TB.

Because SADC came together in March to strategise on how to combat TB, the World Bank declared that it would contribute US$100 million towards that endeavour.

Regarding MDR-TB, Mr President, the problem is very prevalent in the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa league of emerging economies, Brics. Sixty per cent of MDR-TB cases are found in Brics countries. Multidrug-resistant TB has a huge economic impact on any country just by virtue of the sheer number of resources needed to deal with it. We have established nine MDR-TB facilities in the country where infected people will stay for 18 months.

We believe this method of institutionalising MDR is not going to help us win the battle. We need a game changer - the same game changer that we deployed to deal with the scourge of HIV/Aids. You will remember that we have 2,4 million people on antiretroviral drugs. We had to train 23 000 nurses within the short period of about three years. This was when we had only 3 250 nurses who were trained in nurse-initiated management of antiretroviral therapy, Nimart. We need a "TB Nimart" which will see nurses also being trained to deal with MDR.

This decentralisation will be done at the level of municipality wards. At the moment only 100 such sites are available. We are going to increase the number of sites to 2 500 by 2016. We wish to invite members of this House to help mobilise communities within their constituencies for this major task of reclaiming our mining communities from the jaws of TB.

Mr President, let me move to the other activities in which we are engaged within the mining sector. If you go to the labour-sending areas like the O R Tambo District in the Eastern Cape, you will unfortunately find a lot of former mineworkers who had been sent home to die. Many of these mineworkers suffer from silicosis which they acquired while working in the mines. This disease will only emerge 20 years after a mineworker has left the mines. It will predispose them to contracting TB. As a result of silicosis, some of them may develop mesothelioma – a type of cancer of the covering of the lung which, members of this House will remember, has badly affected one of us, even though he never worked in a mine. The point is that this type of cancer is more prevalent among ex-mineworkers who already suffer from silicosis.

In order to deal with this decades-long problem, we decided to establish what we call one-stop service centres. These are highly specialised facilities which have three sections.

The first section is for former or current miners to receive advice about pensions, compensation, and their or their family's welfare. Some are unable to access these services because, apart from remembering which mine they worked for 20 or 30 years ago, they can't remember anything else. They have no information either about themselves or about their pensions. The mining houses are not necessarily helpful in that regard.

The second section of the one-stop centre will have hi-tech equipment like X-ray machines, spirometers to measure lung function because of the high levels of dust in the mines, and audiometers to measure hearing loss due to high levels of noise in the mining sector. These assessments will be done by doctors and nurses specially trained in occupational medicine.

The third section of the one-stop centres will deal with the rehabilitation of mineworkers who have been injured or contracted diseases. Some might have lost their limbs or other parts of their bodies due to accidents in the mines where they worked some decades ago.

Unfortunately, Mr President, South Africa has only 40 occupational health specialists for a population of 17 million workers. Of course, this includes the half a million mineworkers. Hence, it is very difficult for mineworkers to get specialist services anywhere and that is why we are establishing these one-stop centres for much-needed care and support.

The one-stop service centres were established by a joint team from Health, Labour and Mineral Resources under the leadership of former Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe. We selected four districts where these centres will be launched. The first is Mthatha in the OR Tambo District in the Eastern Cape, the second is Carletonville in Gauteng, the third is Kuruman in the Northern Cape and the fourth is Burgersfort in Limpopo. Those of you who have been around for a long time will know why these areas were chosen. The Mthatha and Carletonville one-stop centres were launched in April and we are now busy with Kuruman and Burgersfort.

I wish to thank the Deputy Minister of Mineral Resources, Mr Godfrey Oliphant, and the former Deputy Minister of Health, Dr Gwen Ramokgopa, for having been the champions of these very useful one-stop centres for our mineworkers. [Applause.]

Mr President, you also declared that the campaign to reduce child and maternal mortality should continue. The NDP also concludes that we must provide quality prebirth and postnatal services through primary health care.

As I mentioned earlier in dealing with TB, we have primary health care teams around the country. There are now 43 teams in 52 districts of this country after 1 634 of them were deployed. Sir, 680 of them are in the OR Tambo District in the Eastern Cape. You will understand why we opted for that district, as the reason is obvious.

These teams are busy visiting households. In the 2013 calendar year, they visited 569 207 households, in which there were approximately 2 million of the most deprived of our citizens. In the first three months of this year, they had already visited 162 719 households. During this process, they encountered 47 461 pregnant women who were referred to clinics. They also encountered 460 616 children under the age of five who were dealt with regarding health advice.

Mr President, in less than two weeks, on 30 June and 1 July, the government will be cohosting an international forum called Partnership for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health, PMNCH, with the World Health Organisation and other partners. This forum will be chaired by our mother, our own Mrs Graça Machel. This global event will launch 3 plans: The Every Newborn Action Plan, the Countdown to 2015 MDG report, and the State of the World's Midwifery 2014. We will launch our own Countdown to 2015 in due course, before the end of this year.

But for now I can report, Mr President, that we are far advanced in our preparation to launch the MomConnect service. This will be a service through which all pregnant women will be sent SMS messages. In South Africa there are 1 million pregnancies every year, and that is in the public sector alone. If you include the private sector as well, there are 1,2 million pregnancies every year ... [Interjections.] It is because of you! No man must talk when we mention this.

This service will enable us to send SMS messages to them every year. These messages will be sent at intervals of two weeks during pregnancy, and for one year after childbirth. The messages will be appropriate to their stage of pregnancy and will advise them on what to do during that stage. They will advise them on immunisation, breastfeeding, rehydration, food supplementation, and family planning, etc. [Applause.]

We will attempt to send the messages in all eleven official languages. At the launch, we will be ready with only six official languages. The remaining five will be added later.

We will not only send messages to moms; they will also be able to send us messages about the health care system which they have encountered. They can send messages of complaint, as well as messages to compliment the health facility if the service received was very good.

Hon President, we believe we are ready. The Office of Health Standards Compliance was established in January this year, after the Act had been passed by Parliament late last year. This Office will send inspectors, unannounced, to any public health facility to inspect for cleanliness, attitude of staff, waiting times, safety and security of staff and patients, availability of medicines, and infection control. [Applause.] The inspectors will compile a report after every visit. All inspected health facilities will be graded from Grade A up to Grade F. [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon Minister, will you conclude your speech please?

The MINISTER OF HEALTH: Oh, yes, thank you. Just spare me one second.

The CEO or manager of such a facility, together with the chairperson of the hospital board or clinic committee, will then have to call a public meeting and release the report to members of the public, and explain why they received a Grade F. This will enforce accountability on the management of our health care facilities.

Mr President, yes, this is a good story to tell. Thank you very much. [Applause.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order! I now recognise the hon Tshishonga, who will deliver his maiden speech. [Interjections.] Order, hon members!

Mr M M TSHISHONGA: Ndi masiari, molweni [Greetings].

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member, will you speak into the microphone please?

Mr M M TSHISHONGA: Hon Chair, Your Excellency the President, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers and hon members ... [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order, hon members! Give the member a chance.

Mr M M TSHISHONGA: Not long ago the earth was flat, and now the earth is round. This means there has been a radical revolution in mindset. When you get into a room and there is darkness, you don't curse the darkness; you light a candle. That is what I am going to do. [Interjections.] [Laughter.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order, hon members!

Mr M M TSHISHONGA: Mr President, your speech was good – the English was good, the content was good and the reference to energy was spot on. However, it unfortunately lacked depth. [Interjections.] Of course, you could not do it within 52 pages. The speech concentrated on outer energy and not inner energy; outer performance and not inner performance.

I am referring here to a mindset shift. Einstein reminded us that the energy you use when you create problems cannot be used when you solve problems. These are two different questions. Problems are mental in nature. [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order, hon members!

Mr M M TSHISHONGA: I am referring to basic and higher education. We need to treat the mind. We have a sick mind and that is why we are experiencing the problems we are experiencing.

My son asked me if I were in this Parliament, and I said yes. He said, "Please do me a favour. Don't howl at anybody and don't insult anybody. They are all human beings, and they are equal." And that is what I am going to do. [Interjections.]

Mandela was a wise man. When he talked about the 67 minutes devoted to humanitarian causes, he was also referring to mental cleaning. When your mind is being cleaned, you are mentally "flossing" it. Then, when you sweep the streets, you will do it effectively. The education you give the children will be effective. That is what we must do. He did not mean that we must clean the cities and the streets without cleaning our minds. [Interjections.]

Let me conclude by saying that we should empower our children so that they can have creative minds, and there can be entrepreneurship, education, economy and good governance. Corruption must be controlled – let us all be whistle-blowers. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order, hon members! Order!



Mr S C MOTAU: Hon House Chair, hon President and hon Deputy President, President Jacob Zuma told the nation on Tuesday night that radical transformation was needed to kick-start the economy in order to move the country forward. He is right, and here is something radical that he can do tomorrow during his reply, to restore trust and boost confidence in our economy. The hon President must pull the ANC government out of the tripartite alliance. [Interjections.]

The alliance has become a toxic mix in our economic environment. It has destroyed trust and confidence in the golden triangle of government, labour and business. Until this trust has been restored, investor confidence will continue to wane and his economic growth target of 5% by 2019 will stay but a dream.

Our nation is currently in a very bad state on several fronts: the fears of a recession, ballooning youth unemployment, rising energy costs and insecurity of electricity supply, crime, corruption and the lack of inspirational leadership at the top. The downgrading by Standard & Poor's of the country's ranking and our banks is a clear warning that South Africa dare not ignore. We must change course, and we must change course now.

And yet, when we expect President Zuma to provide the country with a sharp vision of how we should get the country out of this low-growth quagmire, what the citizens get is arrogant, flippant, cynical and self-serving quips.

During the state of the nation debate on 19 February 2013, I urged the President to show true leadership and take ownership of the Nkandla scandal, because no amount of talk or spin would explain the scandal away and no amount of praise singing and fawning on the President would change this fact. True to form, in his response later, the President contemptuously laughed off my plea and similar pleas by members of this House as "howling".


Geagte Speaker, kyk hoe lyk die skreeuers nou! Kyk hoe lyk hulle nou! [Applous.]


More than 4 million South Africans agreed with us on this scandalous issue during the elections last month. [Applause.]

Earlier this year President Zuma referred to South Africans who criticised him over Nkandlagate as "clever blacks." The implication is that there are South African black people who are not so clever who support Nkandlagate. That cannot be right. Every nation prospers on the backs of its clever people. Instead of treating the so-called "clever blacks" with contempt, the President should embrace them and seek their counsel on how to build an economically prosperous and united country. [Applause.] I make these points to show that his is not the kind of leadership that is going to take us forward to the country of our dreams, as envisioned by the National Development Plan.

The NDP foresees a South African economy that should be close to full employment by 2030. Unfortunately, there have been strident negative noises coming from some members of the ANC-led tripartite alliance about the NDP, threatening its implementation. Strong leadership is needed from the Presidency to counter these disruptive forces.

The tripartite alliance has outlived its usefulness. [Interjections.] The alliance is today more of a huge stumbling block to the economic progress of South Africa than a facilitator. President Zuma and his Presidency team must take this critical issue by the scruff of its neck to ensure ...

Mr G A GARDEE: Hon Chair, I want to ask if the speaker will accept a very quick question.

Mr S C MOTAU: Hon Chair, I do not have time for questions.

Mr G A GARDEE: Would you be willing to enter into an alliance with the ANC?

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member! Hon member!

Mr S C MOTAU: If President Zuma ...

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member at the podium, would you just hold on for a while?

Hon member Gardee, in the first place, I did not recognise you; you must wait to be recognised.

Mr G A GARDEE: All right, Chair.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Then, you asked if the hon member would take a question and he indicated that he was not willing to.

Mr G A GARDEE: Oh. I did not hear that.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): So that settles the matter. Will you take your seat please?

Mr G A GARDEE: Thank you.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Thank you. Continue, hon member Motau.

Mr S C MOTAU: Thank you, Chair. If President Zuma took this radical step, he could go down in history as the President who freed South Africa from the pernicious shackles of the outdated alliance. What a legacy! But can the President take this bold step?

In an attempt to wash his hands of any responsibility for Nkandlagate, the President has told the nation that he cannot be blamed, as he is not a project manager. Well, I have news for the President, as well as the Cabinet, South Africans incorporated, and the South African Armed Forces, as far as his Nkandla private homestead is concerned. The President is the project manager number one. [Applause.] There is no way in which the President can distance himself from the Nkandla scandal. The buck stops with you, Mr President.

Let me close by referring to the NDP, and I quote:

Leaders, especially in government, must also face up to difficult decisions and tradeoffs. Strong leadership is about making such decisions and effectively persuading society that the best path is being pursued.

Mr President, are you up to the task? [Applause.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Order! Hon members, before I recognise the next speaker, I wish to remind you that whistling is not allowed in the House. I heard on more than one occasion while the hon member was speaking that there were members who were busy whistling. Would you please refrain from doing so?



Ms N R BHENGU: Hon Chairperson, Your Excellency Comrade President Jacob Zuma, hon Deputy President, hon members, and fellow South Africans ...


... ngithatha leli thuba ukubonga abantu baseNingizimu Afrika abavotele i-ANC ngobuningi.


The ANC presented an election manifesto with realistic and attainable goals based on a thorough analysis of socioeconomic conditions in our country. We told no lies and made no empty promises. Our people voted for the ANC overwhelmingly, and to them we say thank you. [Applause.]

The ANC, together with the people of South Africa, will move South Africa forward. The election campaign is over now and the real work has begun. Those who are not directly affected by inequalities and poverty will sing a different tune to protect their wealth and prevent radical socioeconomic transformation. Others, from affected communities, will present unattainable goals to gain popularity and dominate the media space. But that is not what will change socioeconomic challenges in this country. Only a good plan will do and that is the National Development Plan and radical socioeconomic change as reflected in the election manifesto of the ANC. [Applause.]

The ANC has tasked me to unpack in this debate what we seek to achieve through the infrastructure development programme. I am also going to reflect on uneven levels of development inherited by the ANC government in 1994, particularly in regard to water, energy, sanitation and communication services as catalyst resources for local economic growth, job creation and poverty reduction.

Before I do that, let me quote from the wisdom of the first President of a democratic South Africa, His Excellency Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, who said in 1964 during his trial:

I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony with equal opportunities.

Hon members, in celebrating 20 years of our democracy, we need to reflect on the long road that we have travelled since 1994 and appreciate the fact that South Africa is indeed a better country than it was when the ANC assumed power.

We also need to be realistic and acknowledge that the needs out there are more than the available resources. Uneven levels of development in our society require careful planning and allocation of resources so that the gap between developed and underdeveloped communities can be reduced in order to realise the ideal of a democratic and free society, in which all persons live together with equal opportunities; a society that Tata Mandela and his ANC fought to bring about.

The apartheid government allocated resources and development infrastructure along racial divides and the geographical location of communities. The white minority communities in urban cities and leafy suburbs enjoyed first-world infrastructure, as they were also treated as first-class citizens. Their roads were tarred. They had access to telecommunication services; clean, safe and adequate water; and electricity for domestic, commercial and industrial use.

The provision of infrastructure enabled their municipalities to attract investment, create jobs, generate more revenue and become financially viable, so as to continually provide citizens with services. Communities in townships, hostels, peri-urban areas and informal settlements, which were mainly for Indians, Coloureds and Africans, had poor, inadequate and substandard infrastructure that could not attract investment.

Upon assuming power, the ANC introduced a wall-to-wall ward demarcation system that incorporated areas with Third World standards of infrastructure under the same municipalities that had First World standards of infrastructure. That marked the beginning of addressing inequalities. Today, we have Tembisa as part of Ekurhuleni Metro in Gauteng; uMlazi and uMkhumbane as part of eThekwini Metro in KwaZulu-Natal; Gcilima and Mvutshini as part of the Hibiscus Coast Local Municipality; and Ugu District Municipality in KwaZulu-Natal, to name just a few.

The communities in rural areas and on farms were left destitute, with no infrastructure such as water, energy, roads, sanitation and communication services. The negative impact of this situation was high levels of unemployment and poverty at community level, and lack of investment and a revenue base at municipal level. If this situation had remained unchanged, this country would have become a welfare state.

The radical socioeconomic transformation that hon President Jacob Zuma presented is aimed at speeding up the process of breaking the poverty cycle caused by lack of adequate investment on infrastructure development in underdeveloped areas. The main objective of this is to attract investment to underdeveloped municipalities, so as to create jobs and reduce poverty and inequalities. Communities will become self-sufficient, self-reliant and afford to pay for services. Municipalities, on the other hand, will broaden their revenue base and become financially viable.

Hon members, when we reflect on what was inherited by the ANC government, we are not simply opening up wounds to rub salt in them. We are demonstrating our appreciation that a lot has been done, and our awareness that a lot still needs to be done to correct the apartheid settlement patterns and uneven distribution of resources that created rich and poor communities in one country.

The radical shift in this instance is, therefore, the investment by government in infrastructure development, informed by the infrastructure backlog and development potential of each area, in order to create a balance between developed and underdeveloped areas and address inequalities.


Kunabantu abangafuni ithintwe indaba yokuthi i-ANC yathatha izintambo zombuso kunjani kuleli lizwe. Bafuna sikhulume sengathi yonke le nyakanyaka yokungalingani esiyilungisayo yenziwe i-ANC, kube kungenjalo. Bayaziwa abantu abadla izambane likapondo; wondlebe zikhanya ilanga. [Uhleko.] Abadla imbuya ngothi, bahlala kwanjayiphume nasemalokishini. [Ubuwelewele.]

Kubalulekile ukuthi sikuchaze lokhu ngoba kunentsha yakithi esakhasa kwezepolitiki, egixabezwa ngezikhundla nemali bese ivaleke amehlo nengqondo, iphenduke imikhovu okuthakathwa ngayo la ekhaya. [Uhleko.] [Ihlombe.]

Amaqembu ahluliwe okhethweni awangachithi isikhathi, abange umsindo omkhulu ongasho lutho. Akukho shintsho azolwenza abavoti bengawanikanga amandla okuphatha izwe. Umuntu owenza ushintsho umuntu onikezwe amandla okuphatha izwe. Ake basidedele siyi-ANC senze esikuthunywe abantu baseNingizimu Afrika; sithuthukise izingqalasizinda kohulumeni basekhaya, sihehe abatshalizimali bavule izimboni zemisebenzi ukuze kukhule umnotho wezwe bese kuphela ukuhlupheka.

Abantu bakhulumile bathi akubuse i-ANC. Abahluliwe okhethweni sebeyophinde bazame ngonyaka wezi-2016 nangonyaka wezi-2019, nalapho i-ANC iyobe ikhona. Abangazi ukuthi sikhuluma ngani babuze kwilungu elihloniphekile uMnu Lekota. [Uhleko.] Nabo bafika beshayela phezulu bekhulumela futhi, namhlanje badla izigqoko. [Ihlombe.] Kunzima emzabalazweni ayingangamlomo! [Uhleko.] [Ihlombe.]


The ANC government identified 23 presidential poverty nodal points. These are the most underdeveloped municipalities, which cannot attract investment due to a lack of catalyst infrastructure, such as water, sanitation, energy, roads, and communication services.

These become priority areas for an infrastructure development programme to prevent the continuous migration of people from rural to urban areas, as this creates more demand for housing and related services in urban areas, resulting in the mushrooming of informal settlements, as well as the disintegration of families.

In 2010 the Portfolio Committee on Transport, of which I was the chairperson then, undertook a study tour to China. What we learned from that study tour was that the Chinese government focused on an integrated transport system that linked railway transport to roads, aviation and maritime services. The introduction of high-speed trains in China gave birth to the establishment of new factories in deep rural areas and the development of new cities, which resulted in many job opportunities. That did not happen by default; it was a conscious decision taken and implemented by the Chinese government.

The same approach applies in South Africa. The ANC government took a conscious decision to invest in infrastructure and integrated transport for growth and development purposes.

The Deputy Minister of Science and Technology, in her maiden speech, correctly raised the issue of an integrated transport system as a need. We appreciate that kind of thinking, as it demonstrates an understanding of the challenges. The ANC government has already implemented the integrated transport system in South Africa, hon Deputy Minister Msibi.

That process is already ongoing. It started with the adoption of the White Paper on Transport and the establishment of transport entities such as Prasa and Transnet for rail transportation development, Samsa for maritime transportation, Acsa for aviation and Sanral for roads.

Our integrated transport system includes the Bus Rapid Transit System roll-out in metros, which for the first time in our country opens an opportunity for the taxi industry to participate in the mainstream of the economy as shareholders in the BRT. The integration of taxis and buses has also addressed the issue of taxi violence, which resulted in many casualties.

Our integrated transport system also focuses on upgrading railway lines, refurbishing old trains, purchasing new trains and turning railway stations into economic hubs; the upgrading of our ports and building of new ports such as Ngqurha; the upgrading of our existing airports to world-class standards, as well as the building of the King Shaka International Airport in KwaZulu-Natal - your home base, hon Deputy Minister; the upgrading of freeways and rural gravel roads, the roads maintenance programme commonly known as S'hamba Sonke, the building of bridges to connect communities and address the problem of school children who swim across rivers to get to schools, and the provision of scholar transport, including the supply of bicycles to school children in rural areas. So, the integrated transport system is on course.

The ANC government is hard at work, moving South Africa forward. There will come a time in South Africa when no municipality will be referred to as a presidential poverty nodal point or an indigent municipality. There will also come a time in South Africa when poor families will no longer need the social grant at all. That time is 2030 in terms of the NDP.

The infrastructure development programme in our election manifesto includes: the upgrading of railway infrastructure, including new signalling systems and converting railway stations into commercial zones; building new railway lines to connect cities, ports and airports; refurbishing old trains and acquiring new trains to transport both the public and goods; upgrading rural roads and access roads from gravel to tarred roads in order to support agricultural and rural development programmes; building new water dams and upgrading of water reticulation services to cover new villages and new settlement areas; accelerating broadband infrastructure roll-out; reducing costs of energy by establishing electricity plants to ensure that sufficient energy is produced to support our industrialisation plan; and ensuring a consistent and adequate funding stream to address sanitation challenges.

The ANC government has committed itself to building a developmental state. The NDP provides a framework for all sectors of our society to work together in the process of building the developmental state. The ANC also has a good infrastructure development programme with adequate resources to create six million job opportunities.


Uma i-ANC ikhuluma ngamathuba emisebenzi ayiphuphi. Le misebenzi izovela ngokwanda kwezimboni ezinkulu ngenxa yokuthuthukiswa kwezingqalasizinda, ukuthuthukiswa nokuvulwa kwamathuba ohwebo kosomabhizinisi abancane kanye nosomabhizinisi bemifelandawonye. Asixoxi inganekwane; asifuni abantu bamile izimpondo emini. Sinohlelo lwangempela, i-NDP.


Together we will move South Africa forward. I thank you. [Applause.]



Mr S S A MPHETHI: Thank you, hon Chair. Mr President, all protocol observed, the nation was expecting a speech that entailed radical economic changes, as you promised drastic changes during your inauguration speech at the Union Buildings in Pretoria. How can poverty, inequality and unemployment continue to affect the lives of many people, when the ANC has been in power for 20 years? South Africa is not a better place than it was in 1994 as far as poverty is concerned. [Interjections.]

On the national minimum wage, you were supposed to support what the Marikana workers in the platinum belt have been demanding.

We call on the President to have an audit done into the appointment of personnel in the municipalities, because there are people that we call deputy premiers in different provinces.

In 2014 we are told to celebrate 20 years of democracy, and yet we still have Apla operatives languishing in the country's prisons. Kenny Motsamai, who was sentenced to 25 years in prison, has served 22 years of his sentence in the Boksburg prison. Now the Minister of Justice and Correctional Services is talking about releasing Mr Clive Derby-Lewis and Mr de Kock. Mr President, all MK political prisoners are out of jail. Please release our political prisoners. We don't have money to go to court.


Mr S S A MPHETHI: You say no.

The redistribution of land and wealth are key. Mr President, please admit that you and your government don't have concrete plans for land reform. What is one million jobs in the agricultural sector in 16 years' time? Poverty will only be eradicated if you take the bull by the horns – by returning the land to its rightful owners, who are the poor majority of this country. The PAC will call for a land summit next year to discuss the land issue of this country as a matter of urgency. [Interjections.]

You spoke about the fact that children between the ages of seven and 15 should be in school, but what about those aged 16 to 18? There are no 15-year-olds doing Grade 12. The PAC demands free education from Grade 1 until the completion of an undergraduate degree.

Scholar transport has been taken away from poor people in Mpumalanga and given to rich Indians from KwaZulu-Natal, and government officials and the premier know about that.

Regarding African royalty, Mr President, you intervened in the Kingdom of amaMpondomise and you failed, and now you are involving yourself in the Kingdom of amaMpondo. So we are requesting you to withdraw the application that you made in court. Thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]



Mr A J NYAMBI: Hon Chairperson of the NCOP, Your Excellency hon President of the Republic of South Africa, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon special delegates of the NCOP, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen, there is something interesting about the hon Maimane. I'm tempted to deal with the party that I thought you would address when you were here. I was so disappointed. As a disciplined member of the ANC, I take my cue from the hon Deputy Chief Whip. If it weren't for that, I wasn't going to call the hon Waters "hon" for what he did. I thought we were going to address the issue of the picture here to show that as black people we cannot be undermined like that. Instead, you decided to ignore it. So, today what is so interesting from the DA's side is the issue of that picture.

It's not a mistake. If you check the list of the DA, you will see they decided to use our own honourable blacks to undermine the achievements of the past 20 years. We heard the hon Kopane, we heard the hon Bhanga, we heard the hon Mokgalapa, and we heard the hon Motau. It's not a mistake. Hon Bhanga, why did you fail to address such an important matter? Maybe I'm qualified to say you have a factory fault. You started in the ANC Youth League, you jumped to Cope, and now you have come back as a DA member. Hence, the confusion we have today. [Interjections.]

Hon President, let me assure you that as the NCOP simele amaphondo. We have been to the different provinces and the people in the provinces applaud the feeding scheme, applaud the RDP, applaud the roads that have been built that they never had in the past. [Applause.] The ANC I am representing stands for nonracialism and nonsexism, and we are striving to build a prosperous South Africa. [Interjections.]

You talk about the alliance – what backwardness! You are a bombastic representation of white capital. This year marks and proclaims the culmination, the apex of an era of legendary leadership in our country, as we celebrate 20 years of the epic journey of democratic governance and the restitution of the dignity of our people.

Today I can say with unshakeable confidence that I am proud to be South African. I am proud to be part of an illustrious movement such as the ANC, that continues the unparalleled path of nation-building and making South Africa a world-class country. I am proud to be part of a movement led by the pioneering leadership of committed men and women who have put their shoulders to the wheel to move South Africa forward.

I say this because in the past 20 years of democracy our movement, under the incisive leadership of the ANC, has moved with profound speed and dedication to redress the legacy of our atrocious divided past.

South Africa is also becoming known as a place in the world that is being progressively liberated from the imposed divisions of sexism, patriarchy and racism. In the past 20 years we have witnessed a government in action, transforming society and building a better life for all our people, regardless of their social status, gender and location in any part of our country. We have done this because of our historical resolve to wage a concerted fight against apartheid and all its ugly manifestations in all sectors of society.

Under the leadership of the ANC, we indeed have a good story to tell. We have been able to lead South Africa nearer to nonracialism, nonsexism and equality. Through our decisive interventions we have been able to address the consequences of apartheid and the inequalities of the past. Our practical actions and decisive leadership have ensured that no one can challenge us when we say, "We have a good story to tell," and that we are a nation at work building a better life for all.

As we saw yesterday, the successes that we have garnered as a nation under the leadership of the ANC are often minimised by the politics of expediency and constructed half-truths of people whose experience and commitment to the historical struggle waged by the national democratic movement to change the lives of our people, remains a shallow and self-serving journey. But despite the vile efforts of our detractors, this ANC-led government will continue to thrive and lead South Africa forward.

Hon President, we truly have a good story to tell. We say this because we know for sure that South Africa is a much better place to live in than it was in 1994. When we took up the fight against apartheid, we understood that the struggle for freedom would never be over until the lives of all our people changed for the better. Such was our optimism that we were inspired to take to the streets and face the might of apartheid and its armed forces with only one conviction: that we had to build a better South Africa that was nonracial, nonsexist and democratic.

In 1955 our nation took the fight against apartheid further when we adopted the Freedom Charter. The adoption of the Freedom Charter was a milestone, and the document articulated our vision for South Africa. It is this important document that clearly articulated our fight for human rights and the dignity of our people when we said, "All shall enjoy equal human rights!"

The adoption of the Freedom Charter produced a concrete programme for economic and political liberation. By this time, both men and women were united in a common struggle for the right to vote, equality before the law, and human dignity.

Building on the Freedom Charter, the negotiating approach of the ANC reflected the necessity for reference to all rights contained in the Charter. During 1989 the ANC presented a document called Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic South Africa. In 1991 the Constitutional Principles for a Democratic South Africa reflected the will of the majority of the people by guaranteeing our people fundamental human rights that are clearly described in the Bill of Rights.

The ANC guidelines further articulated that courts should have a primary role in ensuring that the Bill of Rights was operative, and created the Constitutional Court which enjoyed the support of the people and served all South Africans in an independent and accountable manner. It further articulated that the Human Rights Commission should ensure that human rights violations are investigated.

This process led to the 1993 Interim Constitution and resulted in the 1996 Constitution. Hon Chairperson of the NCOP, we are indeed proud that our Constitution is the supreme law of the Republic and that it seeks to protect the human rights of our people. It is a profound framework that guides our people in building a democratic South Africa, and that says, "Never shall we go back to our terrible divided past."

There is no doubt that the adoption of the Constitution represents a decisive break from the repressive past and defines our nation's shared future. It is this Constitution that we shall do everything in our power to defend and uphold. Our Constitution remains a useful instrument to guide our quest to dismantle the pillars of apartheid and build a better life for all our people. We will not stand by and watch as some among us use this podium to take our nation back to the atrocious moments of our divided past. [Applause.]

We have moved decisively to address the social imbalances created by apartheid. We are aware that we have a long way to go and that some of our people are still battling with some of the most inhuman conditions. We are aware that some of our people still face poverty – as you put it, hon President.

But, steadily, the dark clouds of despair are lifting, giving way to our season of hope. Our country, which for centuries has bled from a thousand wounds, is progressing towards its healing. We are a nation at work to build a better life for all our people.

We are indeed proud that the ANC remains a bold beacon of hope and an instrument for the continued liberation of our people from the disadvantages of poverty, unemployment, poor health and underdevelopment.

We are aware that while the dark clouds of a racially and ideologically orchestrated war against our people have settled, we are faced with an even greater war in order to bring the true meaning of freedom to the multitudes of our people, whose lives are made unbearable by the daily struggles that they continue to endure and the grim reality of the legacy of apartheid in our society.

Hon President, as the ANC we are aware that our nation is faced with some challenges that we never anticipated when we fought against apartheid. Our people are held to ransom by those who continue to steal the resources of our people through dubious tenders and trusts. The incidence of corruption in our society seems to reinforce the view postulated by the great epic work of the late Mazisi Kunene, his poem, Emperor Shaka the Great, where he says in the section, Mthethwa kingdom and the rise of Shaka:

Those who feast on the grounds of others

Often are forced into gestures of friendship they do not desire.

Let me speak without any hesitation and say that the ANC is committed to fighting corruption. [Interjections.] It views this act as a modified violation of the rights of our people. Therefore, we shall not stand by with our arms folded as people take from the poor to fill their pockets. We shall not tolerate those that seek to blind others with gifts, so that they turn a blind eye to their selfish acts as they feast on the resources of our people. We shall not let our agenda of creating a caring society and the values described by the Constitution be held to ransom by the selfish acts of a few individuals.

We need to demonstrate to all prophets of doom that the ANC remains committed to the ideals of our struggle for democracy and freedom. We need to show our people that we shall never abandon the struggle for a better life for all.

Let me give honourable brotherly advice to the Leader of the Opposition. When you see the media or you come to this old podium, never ever be tempted to "enjoy the comfort of opinion without the discomfort of thought", as John F Kennedy said. [Applause.]

In conclusion, let me remind this august House of the seven things that Gandhi said would destroy some of us. They are:

wealth without work

pleasure without conscience

knowledge without character

commerce without morality

science without humanity

worship without sacrifice

politics without principle

These were published in his newspaper Young India on 22 October, 1925. I thank you. [Applause.]



Ms A STEYN: Hon Chairperson, the National Development Plan marks agriculture as a key job creator, proposing that it can create close to one million jobs by 2030. In a country with the third highest unemployment rate in the world, this sector could indeed play a vital role in creating much-needed jobs.

Agriculture has a number of features that make it a unique catalyst for development and poverty reduction, but it must be noted that social challenges in the agricultural sector can only be effectively addressed when the sector thrives.

These features include its role in stimulating economic activity, supporting livelihoods and providing environmental services. GDP growth originating from the agricultural sector is at least twice as effective in reducing poverty as growth originating from other sectors of the economy.

Whilst agriculture has historically been a major employer, that role is diminishing. Studies by the SA Institute of Race Relations show that the agricultural sector has shed more than 330 000 jobs over the past 12 years. One of the core reasons for job losses in the agricultural sector is that the relationship between agriculture and the state is currently unnecessarily hostile. It is therefore time to utilise the goodwill which exists on both sides to the benefit of the industry, as well as all South Africans.


Landbou is van nature 'n onseker bedryf. Landbouers moet daagliks teen die wispulturigheid van die natuur baklei. Daarmee saam moet rekening gehou word van onder andere die wisselkoers, die rentekoers, en inflasie.

Dit is dus die plig van die regering om 'n stabiele omgewing te skep waarbinne ekonomiese groei kan plaasvind sodat langtermynbeleggings met gemoedsrus kan plaasvind. Mnr die President, die huidige klimaat skep nie die nodige gemoedsrus nie. Dit is nodig om gemoedsrus te skep om langtermynprojekte aan te pak. Landbouers kan nie soos sampioene in die donker floreer nie. Die onsekerheid rondom die heropening van grondeise, sprake van 'n 50% oordrag van grond aan werkers, die onsekerheid met die direkte aanslag op privaatbesit, soos vervat in huidige wetgewing, voortdurende stakings, verval van dienste en infrastruktuur, asook korrupsie en wanbestuur is alles besig om agteruitgang in die kommersiële landbou se produksievermoë te veroorsaak.


There is no doubt that the DA recognises the importance of the legitimisation of landownership. A proper and independent land audit is of critical importance. However, that can only come to fruition if we have a thorough understanding of the status quo, as well as where we wish to be.

Landownership does not have to be a zero-sum contest. Indeed, we can all be winners and land reform can be beneficial to farmers and all stakeholders alike. In fact, we must achieve land reform in order to assist with reconciliation and nation-building in our country. [Applause.]

We recognise that people who were deprived of the right to lodge a verifiable land claim before the 1998 deadline should not be penalised because of the state's inefficiency.

The DA supports an orderly land reform programme that compensates people for verified dispossession. We believe that if it is well managed, it will boost the rural economy, promote justice and maintain food production. The debate should be about how we find the best solution for everyone – a win-win solution. Mr President, what we have on the table right now is not that.


Armoede in ons land het 'n geweldige impak op huishoudelike vlak; daar word gereken dat 20% van ons bevolking nie voedselsekerheid het nie. Die nuutste syfers toon dat 62% van Suid-Afrikaners nou in stede woon. Hierdie is ook 'n internasionale tendens. Die druk op landbouers om voedsel te produseer word dus al groter. Daarmee saam word gereken dat arm Suid-Afrikaners ongeveer 60% van hul inkomste spandeer om kos te koop. Dit is dus noodsaaklik dat die land se boere, swart en wit, moet verseker dat huishoudelike voedselsekerheid bekostigbaar is.

Dit is dus van uiterste belang dat die regering moet verseker dat die landbouers ondersteun word en dat die noodsaaklike beskerming aan die sektor verleen word. Kleinskaalse landbouers speel 'n uiters waardevolle rol in die plattelandse gebiede om voedselsekerheid te verseker. Grondhervorming se sukses sal bepaal word slegs as daar beter omgesien word na nuwe boere.

Daar moet dus spesifieke programme ontwerp word om hierdie sektor te bemagtig. Dit was dus skokkend om te verneem dat die Tesourie onlangs R231 miljoen se ongebruikte geld vir kleinskaalse landbouontwikkeling van die Department van Landbou, Bosbou, en Visserye teruggeneem het onder Minister Tina Joemat-Pettersson.


Government support in South Africa is miniscule compared to support given by other countries to their farmers. The producer support estimate, a measure of government assistance to farmers, is at 3% for South Africa compared to 12% for China and 24% for Russia.

This support could come in the form of additional funds from the National Treasury to fund the implementation of green box policies, such as infrastructure support and much-needed research and development. The agricultural sector and farmers must be recognised as national assets. [Time expired.]



Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Hon Chair of the House, we are not going to allow the debate to degenerate, as has been the case, particularly from this side. We are going to use this opportunity to present a proper interpretation of the capitalist crisis that is defining South Africa today.

Firstly, South Africa is the richest country in the world in terms of mineral resources, both precious and industrial metals and minerals. Yet, despite that fact, South Africa experiences the highest levels of poverty, at 44% as per your own statistics.

Secondly, for many years Brazil was the most unequal society in the world, until they introduced the minimum wage, which was at 72% above inflation, and implemented the programme called Bolsa Familia, hon Dlamini. Then Brazil was no longer the most unequal society in the world.

Thirdly, we have the most devastating levels of unemployment. That is a reality. Seven million people who are looking for jobs cannot find them, yet they are people who are capable of working and who can contribute to the expansion of South African society. This is happening despite the fact that we have mineral resources beneath our soil – the richest country in the whole world in terms of mineral resources.

Why are we there? Why are we in such a situation? It is because the liberation movement pursued the following principle: Seek ye first political power, and the rest shall follow. That is what happened. Twenty years later they have come to realise that we have been pursuing the wrong programme, and they say that we are now in pursuit of the second phase.

I am saying that we are in pursuit of radical economic transformation which does not have a consistent interpretation.

Hon Radebe says that it's about the creation of a black bourgeoisie or a comprador bourgeoisie, and he says that proudly here. We know that there is no such thing as a patriotic black bourgeoisie. We know what happened in Lonmin and Marikana, and what they did in Marikana. They are here.

Hon Davies speaks about the creation of black industrialists and says we must create jobs within the capitalist world economy – which does not allow new industrial countries to develop. There has never been a country in the entire world that has successfully industrialised without state leadership and the deliberate protection of its own industries. [Applause.] That is the reality.

I have thought about the Department of Trade and Industry, and maybe hon Mzwandile Masina will help here. I thought that your proximity to what is called heterodox economics was going to enlighten you in regard to how you position your industrial policy, but you are not doing so. You are still wanting to implement an industrial policy within a capitalist framework. It is not going to be successful. That is the reality. [Applause.]

Firstly, you are not in control of industrial inputs. You as the Minister have complained here that you do not have access to the platinum that you need to make cell energy and all the other things you spoke about, like catalytic converters – you do not have ownership of the basic mineral resources. However, what is difficult about the state owning mineral resources in order to beneficiate and industrialise them and create many job opportunities? [Applause.] What is difficult about that?

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon members in the gallery, you are not supposed to clap your hands!

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: You have the political power. You have political power – why can't you use political power to transform society for the better? I ask this because that is the only thing that will be able to take us forward.

Also, why do people come here and speak about radical economic transformation and quote a dictionary? [Laughter.] I mean really, a dictionary! This is a person who is in the Central Committee of the SA Communist Party. Why don't you make reference to the Communist Manifesto? Why don't you make reference to the Freedom Charter, which states that:

The mineral wealth beneath the soil, the banks and the monopoly industry shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole.

You come here and say "radical", and rely on the dictionary to define what "radical" means to you! And you want to call yourself a revolutionary and we must take you seriously!

This is one of the things that we must deal with. Let us not lose the class perspective and ideological analysis when we deal with issues of development, because once we lose proper revolutionary theory and tools of analysis, any revolution is going to fail. It's a basic dictum that the liberation movement is supposed to be aware of.

The EFF is going to be the government of South Africa. That is a reality. [Applause.] Hon Chief Whip, when we are the government of South Africa, we are not going to shift from this side. We are not going to fight over seats. We are going to remain on the left and the members of the DA are going to join the ANC because they speak the same things. They are going to migrate to the other side and advocate the same capitalist NDP.

The NDP is like Growth, Employment and Redistribution, Gear, and the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for SA, Asgisa. It says, "Let us grow the economy and the rest will follow afterwards." However, that has never happened anywhere. Hon Minister of Trade and Industry, you will know that the last time any economy grew was because of the increase in global commodity prices. But that did not create even one additional job. So, you can achieve your 5% growth but you won't grow ...


Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... [Inaudible.] ... if you do not expand industry in a clearly defined way.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, your time has expired.

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Thank you very much. We will educate each other more when we are allocated time. [Time expired.] [Applause.]



Mr I M OLLIS: Thank you to the EFF for your applause. I appreciate it enormously. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Order! [Interjections.] That member in the NCOP benches! This is the House, Ntate! Will the hon Ollis please continue?

Mr I M OLLIS: Hon Chairperson, the hon President did the right thing in setting a target of 5% economic growth. Of course the DA would have preferred 8% economic growth because we think that's what is necessary to create sufficient jobs for South Africa, but 5% is a good step in the right direction.

Hon President, I noticed that you dosed off on Tuesday during the speech of the hon Kubayi and one or two of your esteemed colleagues, but I don't blame you for that. Listening to some of the balderdash from some of the hon members, I don't blame you. Some of that neo-Marxist stuff that we heard about really just tires one out. It doesn't seem as though your colleagues were able to offer some good, solid tips and comments on your actual speech. So let me give you four points, hon President. There are four things you can do to sort out our jobs crisis, which I would encourage you to do.

Firstly, read the riot act to Eskom about the Medupi Power Station. This afternoon at 4 o'clock a national power emergency was declared yet again by Eskom because they can't fulfil their mandate.

Secondly, bring the Labour Relations Act back to Parliament and put secret balloting for strikes back in the Bill. [Applause.] Workers should be able to decide for themselves whether they want to go on strike and not be bullied by bosses and politicians and other people.

Thirdly, sort out the environment for drilling for oil and gas off of our coastline. At the moment that's all happening in Mozambique. We need it here and we need the same conditions that pertain elsewhere, so that we don't get locked out and ship all of our jobs north to Mozambique.

And, fourthly, I would encourage you to push for small business concessions in the labour legislation so that we can cut red tape, and small business can get a foot in the door and employ more people. The NDP says we must reduce the regulatory burden for small business and I suggest that you do that as well.

There we go, hon President. These are four things that you can do. If you do these four things, the jobs count in South Africa will slowly go up and you can take a much-needed break. I would offer you my Voyager miles so that the taxpayer wouldn't need to cough up and you could go on a holiday overseas. [Laughter.]

While I am still at the podium, let me just congratulate the City of Cape Town, which has started and announced that it has the launch coming of the new express MyCiTi bus service from Khayelitsha and Mitchells Plain into the city. It's going to be fast and efficient. [Applause.] Hon President, 100 taxi drivers are going to be incorporated into the system. They will be provided with additional training and jobs in that very service. They are very happy about that.

Hon President, in case you think the opposition have forgotten about Nkandla, let me just say that we have discovered something. The National Intelligence Agency required the hon Premier of the Western Cape to have a security upgrade on her private home as well. It cost the massive total of R3 248, but I brought the cheque book and we are quite happy, as a gesture of goodwill to the public, to give that amount of money to Treasury. We ask that you would do the same. Could you just write that cheque for R249 million and then the taxpayer won't need to fund all of these expensive security upgrades.

I was interested to hear the hon Sisulu making comments about black leaders in the opposition, which she doesn't seem to like very much. Racial nationalism is becoming a problem in South Africa and we are increasingly hearing about this very serious problem in our debate. What is the problem with having black leaders in opposition parties in South Africa? [Interjections.] [Applause.] There was a time when white people were not that welcome in the ANC and now it's not okay to have black leaders in the opposition. Why do we have to have this talk of racial nationalism? That belongs in 1948, not in the new South Africa where we are today. [Applause.]

I agree with my hon colleague that we have ended up firing the wrong Sisulu. At least this Leader of the Opposition didn't have to trade on his family name to get a position in Cabinet. [Applause.]

Aligned to the comment about a factory fault, here we have something that Steve Biko ... [Time expired.] [Applause.]



Dr Z P JORDAN: Madam Chairperson, ...

An HON MEMBER: Welcome back!

Dr Z P JORDAN: Thank you for welcoming me back.

Madam Chairperson, Your Excellency the President, Deputy President, hon members, comrades and friends, to fully appreciate what the ANC government has achieved for South Africa, let us recall that there was a time when this country was regarded as an international pariah. Since that time – 1994 – this country has become a highly respected member of the international community. [Applause.]

To assess the sort of respect we have earned internationally, we need only cast our minds back to December 2013. After our nation and the world had received the sad news of the passing of Comrade Nelson Mandela, there was an outpouring of grief in every part of the world. No other African head of state has ever attracted that many heads of state in government, either to a memorial service or to a funeral.

I'm old enough to recall the passing of Gen J C Smuts, who was once regarded as an outstanding South African and international statesman. His passing did not evoke that sort of emotion in the capitals of the world.

In addition to former President Jimmy Carter, two others – Presidents Clinton and Bush – felt that they could not stay away from the Mandela memorial. The incumbent, President Obama, delivered a stirring oration at Madiba's memorial service and during that oration, amongst other things, he said, "What was great about Nelson Mandela was his capacity and his ability to stand in his opponents' shoes." You still have to measure up, hon members. [Interjections.]


The British House of Commons met in special session, and the heir of the British Crown attended his funeral, up to and including Qunu.

True to himself, even in death Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela played the outstanding role of being a reconciliator, persuading, through circumstance, the President of the United States to do the unprecedented, to shake the hand of the President of Cuba. Only Mandela could do that. [Applause.]

It's inconceivable that any South African politician prior to 1994 would ever have been honoured in the fashion that Mandela was. One can therefore say that since 1994 the ANC-led government has really rehabilitated South Africa's international image.

When we mention Mandela, everyone – and I'm certain this even includes some of those who once called for his execution – protests that he belongs to all of us. He belongs to the nation. He belongs to South Africans. That is very, very true – indisputably so. Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela is a truly South African hero, and he will remain an international icon for generations to come.

But in our claiming him for the nation, don't let us forget that, as he himself proclaimed on many occasions, he owed his social consciousness to his upbringing as an African child in the Transkei, and he owed his political awakening and his politics to the ANC. [Applause.] He served the ANC in many capacities, beginning as a callow participant in the Youth League during the 1940s and rising, through service and dedication, to become President in the 1990s.

The centrepiece of South Africa's foreign policy since 1994 has been the African continent. It's one of those ironies of our history that ours is the only country on this continent that actually incorporates the name of the continent in its name – South Africa. Yet, for the greater part of the last century we seem to have had a schizophrenic attitude towards the continent. We're not quite comfortable with our Africanness.

It was another ANC President addressing this august House from this very same podium who reclaimed our status as Africans, projecting an inclusive conception, and very eloquently reclaiming our Africanness and that inclusive conception of African to which our movement has always subscribed. It's well-established that while others have appropriated the name "Afrikaner" for themselves, meaning that they are Africans, they prefer to call the indigenous people "swartes" or "swartetjies" ["blacks"] and I don't know what else – in the past there were other interesting names such as "plural", "Bantu" and so on. But, as former President Mbeki made clear here, we are all Africans. There are others who even have the temerity to call us refugees.

Our African agenda is premised on a simple reality. We as a country cannot hope to grow and prosper and develop without moving forward with the rest of the continent, which is why the President's emphasis on regional integration and the enhancement of Africa's regional economic communities is so important.

One has heard some opposition speakers bemoaning the fact that the size of Nigeria's economy has now outstripped our own. They tend to forget, of course, that Nigeria is the most populous country on the continent. They forget too that, except for its size, compared to that of South Africa the Nigerian economy still has a lot of catching up to do.

It was vitally necessary that South Africa completely reorient itself in relation to the continent. In the past, this country, and its wealth and military capacity were regarded as a threat by the other countries of the region and the continent. Out of that conflictual relationship with the rest of Africa and our region we have now established very strong fraternal relations with the countries of the region, in the first instance, and with the rest of the continent. The people and the leaders of the continent have great expectations of South Africa and South Africa has been compelled to accept and shoulder a number of responsibilities on the African continent as a consequence.

Last year one European diplomat very aggressively asked me what South Africans troops were doing in the Central African Republic. I gave a very simple answer. I said, "Would you prefer us to allow this continent to descend into chaos?"

As you know, the SA National Defence Force is currently deployed in a number of countries ranging from Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to Burundi. In all these instances we were called upon to intervene in order either to preserve the peace or to assist countries to recover from conflicts. These obligations the continent has asked us to assume we have accepted, because the alternative is the chaos that might beset the continent in the absence of government in the absence of peace.

One has heard a lot of noise when our troops have suffered casualties, but when you look at the reports of military experts, you see that they tell you that South African troops have acquitted themselves well, whether in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan or wherever else they have been deployed.

Stability and peace on the continent are essential ingredients for any economic growth and development, and stability and peace are equally important for our success as a country. Many applauded the intervention of the EU, led by France and Italy, in the events that culminated in the murder, which it was – murder – of Col Gaddafi in the streets of Libya. While no one, on this side of the House at any rate, holds any brief for the late Col Gaddafi, one has to say that what the EU did has not produced beneficial results. Otherwise dormant fundamental sects have been emboldened and the ripple effects of that intervention are the problems that are today confronting West Africa and Central Africa.

The sovereignty of our African continent is once again under threat. In the Horn of Africa today we have the scourge of piracy, which is a direct result of the collapse of governments and is the bleeding ulcer that will undermine our trade relations, not only with West Asia but with other littoral states of the Indian Ocean. That poses a danger that the hard-won self-government of Africans might actually be jeopardised.

Just last evening I attended a reception on a Chinese frigate which was on a visit to our navy. We learnt during that visit that the Chinese navy is participating in antipiracy programmes in the Horn of Africa. Yes, very good, but I don't think one needs to be a genius to understand that Africa cannot afford to outsource the security of its coastline, ports and harbours to non-African powers. [Applause.] And it is in that regard that one has to look at the defence review undertaken during the Mandela presidency, which strongly recommended the refurbishment of our navy. I submit no responsible government can afford to outsource the defence of the African coastline to others.

Under this ANC-led government South Africa is playing a new and very exciting role in world affairs, with our links with emerging markets in Brics that have diversified our international economic relations, as well as sources for much-needed foreign direct investment.

Two of the new economic powerhouses in the world – India and China – co-operate closely with South Africa in a number of fields, and Chinese investment in South Africa is growing almost daily. The presence of cars, trucks and buses bearing the name "Tata" on our roads testifies also to the role that India has begun to play in the South African economy. There can be little doubt that these two countries, together with Brazil and Russia, are destined to become significant partners of South Africa well into this century. Again, developing links between China, India and ourselves underscores the importance of the Indian Ocean for our security and for our economic growth.

There are few who can doubt that South Africa today is punching well above its weight division in international affairs. And with Dr Dlamini-Zuma at the helm of the AU Commission, we can expect that this country's contribution to continental affairs will also improve greatly.

We are already witnessing the changed role of South African business, especially our commercial sector, on the African continent, where they have discovered a very lucrative market north of the Limpopo. South African corporations are also investing extensively in the continent.

The role that our country is playing in the Congo hydroelectricity project is a portent of things to come. The electrification of our continent – especially its rural areas – will occasion a social revolution of unprecedented proportions, akin to the rise of China and India, which have become such huge world economies today.

It was South African initiatives under the ANC-led government that led to the adoption of the African Peer Review Mechanism, which is one amongst numerous new continental instruments to encourage the rule of law and to stimulate democracy.

The New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad - the agenda for African development - was also a South African initiative. While neither has yet delivered earth-shattering results, it remains absolutely necessary that we retain these as key elements of our engagement with the rest of our continent.

From the perspective of this side of the House the state of the nation is sound. The pity is that from the opposition benches, with one or two exceptions, all one hears is whinging and a litany of complaints. [Interjections.] We all agree and we insist that a robust, vibrant and vocal opposition is absolutely essential for a healthy democracy – we insist on that. Which is why, unlike others, we don't issue banning orders. We want these opposition voices to be heard and to be amplified. [Applause.]

But, and this is a very big but, there is the issue of the quality of the opposition. [Applause.] There is that problem. Let's remember that for over a decade, through years of the Second World War, Dr D F Malan's Purified National Party were an extremely vocal and robust opposition, but they were also the architects of apartheid. Opposition is very necessary, but in and of itself it is not necessarily a virtue. [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: We are here by the people, not by ... [Inaudible.]

Dr Z P JORDAN: Yes, the people have given their answer!

One of the problems that always arise with opposition is the temptation to exaggerate. [Applause.] And that is understandable. The Free State actually achieved the highest pass rate for matric last year, but we have it from the opposition that it was the Western Cape – actually they came in fourth. I am not proud of that. I'm from the Western Cape myself. Cape Town is my hometown. I am not an immigrant, like the premier – not a refugee from Gauteng, like the premier. [Applause.] The Western Cape also has the lowest number of no-fee schools. Is that something to be proud of? Let's remember also that Gauteng delivered the highest number of bachelor's degrees last year. [Interjections.]

The hon James complains rather bitterly that the issues of poverty, inequality and unemployment were the leitmotifs of the President's last state of the nation address – that is true, but that is because the problems are so intractable. What we are looking for from the opposition are ways and means to overcome those problems. [Interjections.]

He also says BEE has benefitted only a tiny connected elite. Well, if you look at statistics, the reports are that the African middle class has more than quadrupled since 1994. [Applause.] If that is thanks to being connected to the ANC, that explains why we led you by 40 percentage points in the elections. Thank you. [Applause.]





The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon members, I indicated earlier this morning that I would come back to the House and give rulings on some of the points of order that arose from the debate yesterday. I wish to take that opportunity now.

I want to start with the remarks made by hon Malema.

At the Joint Sitting of 18 June 2014 hon member Radebe put a point of order regarding a statement made by hon Malema during his speech. The statement reads:

They -

referring to the mineworkers -

were striking for R12 500, when the ANC massacred 34 of them two years ago for doing so.

After the point of order was put, hon Malema maintained his statement and reiterated:

The ANC government massacred the people in Marikana. Those police were representing the ANC government.

Despite an attempt to call hon Malema to order, he insisted that he was not going to withdraw it.

I indicated yesterday that I would make a ruling on this matter.

Hon members, having perused the Hansard, I have arrived at the conclusion that the statements made by hon Malema are unparliamentary and do not accord with the decorum of this House. Although members enjoy freedom of speech during the proceedings of this House, this freedom is subject to limitations imposed by the Constitution and the Joint Rules.

The statements made by hon Malema suggest that the government – which is made up of members of this House – deliberately decided to massacre the people of Marikana. This not only imputes improper motives to those members of the House, but it also accuses them of murder.

Secondly, I must also indicate that a commission has been set up by the President to enquire into this matter and that that commission has not yet made any findings. It is therefore undesirable to make statements which will second-guess the outcomes of that commission.

I want to further remind hon members of this House that a ruling made by a presiding officer is final. Statements like "I am not going to withdraw it" sound contemptuous and also challenging to the authority of the officer presiding.

Having said that, hon members, I request the hon Malema to withdraw his statements which said that the ANC and the ANC government massacred the people in Marikana. Hon Malema?

Mr J S MALEMA: Chair, when the police reduce crime, you come here and say that the ANC has reduced crime. When the police kill people, you don't want us to come here and say that the ANC government has killed people. That is inconsistent, hon Chair. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Malema, the instruction to you is: Withdraw the statements you made.

Mr J S MALEMA: I won't do that. I am sorry. I won't do that. I maintain ...

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Malema, I will ask you again to withdraw those statements.

Mr J S MALEMA: Chair, I maintain that the ANC government killed people in Marikana.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Malema, you leave me no choice but to ask you to leave the House.

Mr J S MALEMA: No problem.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you. [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: You murdered people in Marikana! [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: You killed people ... [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: You were the premier there! [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: You are murderers! [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon members, leave the House! [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: You were the premier, Thandi! [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Yes, I was the premier. [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: Mercenaries! [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Leave the House! [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: You murdered people in Marikana! [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Serjeant at arms, make sure that the door is closed! [Interjections.]

An HON MEMBER: All the people who are against murder must leave. [Interjections.]


'n AGB LID: Julle is moordenaars! Julle het die mense in Marikana vermoor! [Tussenwerpsels.] [You are murderers! You murdered the people at Marikana!] [Interjections.]


The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Leave the House, sir!

Hon members, there was also ... [Interjections.] You are excited, hon Whip. There was also ...

The member thereupon withdrew from the Chamber.

Ms M T KUBAYI: Chairperson, I rise on a point of order: I apologise but I need to put this point of order. In terms of the Rules and the code of conduct the members of the EFF have really brought this House into disrepute. I would like to request that a proper process be put in place to investigate their conduct and that appropriate action be taken. Thank you. [Applause.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, the Rules and the Joint Rules do create the opportunity for us to do exactly as you recommend to the House. We shall do so. [Applause.]



The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I now wish to proceed with the rulings. Another point of order was put in the sitting of 18 June 2014, relating to a statement made by the Minister of Human Settlements, in particular when she said:

Now that the madam has found another hired native in the form of the hon Maimane, he will forever be grateful to the ANC for having fought in the struggle so that today a black man is such a sought-after commodity that he is hand-picked to do the bidding of somebody else.

Once again I have perused the Hansard. In my view there is nothing unparliamentary about a native being a native. [Interjections.] Hold your horses! Hold your horses and respect me!

There is nothing unparliamentary about being referred to as a native. There is also nothing unparliamentary about a native being hired by anybody.

However, I must say the following. When you use these words separately, there is nothing untoward or unparliamentary about them. If you, however, put the words together in one sentence, the context that you get in the sentence, such as in the sentence in which the Minister put them, is offensive and may perpetuate the stereotype that the "natives" are always for hire. I therefore request the Minister of Human Settlements to withdraw the remarks she made yesterday.

The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: I withdraw them. [Applause.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, Minister.

Order! The last point of order was put by Mr Waters of the DA yesterday, relating to another statement made by the Minister of Human Settlements referring to the Western Cape, and the words were:

In this province there is a scam readily available, day in, day out. Right now, we sit with a scam that has been covered up with the complicity of the media. Millions were spent by the City of Cape Town on a scam called "World Design Capital". And what has happened here is that the judges were paid to judge in favour of the City of Cape Town.

The hon member who stood up to object, stood up in terms of Rule 14 of the Joint Rules, which prohibits members from reflecting upon the competence or honour of the judges.

The purpose, hon members, of Rule 14 of the Joint Rules is to protect the integrity and the independence of the judiciary and not individuals sitting as a procurement or a competition panel. The judges referred to in Joint Rule 14 refer to members of the judiciary. The judges that the Minister referred to in her statement are not members of the judiciary.

The point of order therefore stands dismissed and I find that the Minister has said nothing unparliamentary. [Applause.]

The Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces adjourned the Joint Sitting at 19:22.


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