Hansard: Debate on the State-of-the-Nation Address by the President of the Republic of South Africa

House: National Assembly

Date of Meeting: 14 Feb 2010


No summary available.




Monday, 15 February 2010


The SPEAKER: Hon members, I have received a copy of the President's address delivered at the joint sitting on 11 February 2010. The speech has been printed in the minutes of the joint sitting.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Mr Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, hon members of this House, as the ruling party, the ANC once again wishes to join the masses of our people in thanking President Jacob Zuma for calling the joint sitting of Parliament on the evening of 11 February 2010 to deliver his state of the nation address.

The timing on the state of the nation address is particularly important because it coincided with the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the release of our icon, Seaparankwe Nelson Mandela, from prison.

The delivery of this important address in the evening, when workers and students were at home, was an affirmation of the activist character of the fourth democratic Parliament. The ANC and the masses which it represents believe that the release of Nelson Mandela will remain a watershed moment worthy of auspicious celebrations.

We therefore wish to thank the President for dedicating the 2010 Mandela Moment leaders to Nelson Mandela and all sung and unsung heroes and heroines of our struggle for liberation. Our gratitude also goes to the ANC, the National Interfaith Leaders Council, and the Mandela Moment leaders, for organising and participating in the re-enactment of the release of nelson Mandela.

For some days before the state of the nation address, there was a debate as to who had brought about the release of Nelson Mandela. Some attributed it to Mr F W de Klerk, while others credited it to the exiled leadership of the ANC. The president has cleared the confusion away and laid the matter to rest.

However, the debate has offered us an opportunity to rewrite the history of our country, not only for posterity, but also to reflect on the struggle between humanity and inhumanity and the triumph of humanity and its inherent values of equality, freedom and justice for all.

In his address to the first Pan-Africanist conference in 1900, W E B du Bois foretold that the colour bar would be the greatest problem of the twentieth century.

Hardly two years thereafter, in 1902, the Boers and the Britons concluded the Treaty of Vereeniging, which reconciled these two imperialistic, colonial and settler communities on the basis of social exclusion of the black majority. This social and political exclusion was consolidated and constitutionalised through the South Africa Act of 1909, which created the white supremacist Union of South Africa. The President correctly observed that this exclusion of black people from the apartheid union was one of the chief reasons for the formation of the ANC in 1912.

The centenary of the establishment of the Union of South Africa presents us with an opportunity to reflect on the struggle between humanity and inhumanity and celebrate the victory of humanity and its inherent values of equality, freedom and democracy, over a period of 100 years. The struggle started with the wars of resistance which were waged by the likes of Inkosi Bhambatha.

In 1892, Mangena Mokoni, founder of the Ethiopian Church of South Africa, called on the African people to unite and co-operate to defend themselves against settler communities who were forcibly depriving them of their land and natural resources.

Recently, President Jacob Zuma rightfully bestowed the Order of Mapungubwe on Mokoni as a leader of the church that espoused the Pan-African ideals and a champion in the promotion of African unity and co-operation.

In the same year, 1892, John Langalibalele Dube called for a spiritual, humane and prosperous Africa.

In 1905, Pixley ka Seme not only embraced these values, but also called for a unique civilisation for Africa and Africans. Chief Albert Luthuli embraced such a civilisation, relating it to the ancient Egyptian and Chinese civilisations. The distinctive feature of this civilisation began to emerge in the 1921 speech of Z R Mahabane, who observed that the Union government had forcibly dispossessed black people of their land and natural resources, degraded and dehumanised them, rendered them voteless, hopeless, homeless and landless.

Going forward, the ANC was left with no choice than to fight for the recovery of the humanity of black people and its inherent values of equality, freedom and democracy. Their demands of freedom were incorporated into the 1923 and 1943 Bills of Rights.

The struggle between humanity, as espoused by the ANC, and the inhumanity of the colonial system, escalated in 1948 when the National Party came into power on the platform of apartheid, that is, separate but unequal development of black and white people. The apartheid system used a host of legislation to deprive black people of their humanity and fundamental human rights.

In 1955, the one and only genuine Congress of the People, led by the ANC, responded by adopting the Freedom Charter, which negated the inhuman apartheid system, and offered a constitutional vision after a thorough consultation with the people, and presented a blueprint for a postapartheid South Africa.

Henceforth, there were two contesting value-systems in the country, that is, the democratic values of freedom, equality and justice for all, and the inhuman apartheid values which reduced black people to subhuman beings.

The banning of the Communist Party of South Africa in the early fifties, and the ANC and the PAC in the early sixties was recognition by the apartheid authorities that human and progressive values were occupying a high moral ground. The banning of these people's organisations did not deter people from their struggles. The vision of the new South Africa embodied in the Freedom Charter dealt a deadly blow to the white supremacist ideology and produced two competing value-systems in the country.

The host of repressive legislation used to suppress the progressive values contained in the Freedom Charter and the banning of political organisations such as the ANC, PAC and SACP led to armed resistance against the inhuman apartheid system. The 1976 Soweto uprising and the mushrooming of mass democratic organisations during the first half of the eighties testified eloquently that the struggle against was essentially a war about values.

Addressing the ANC consultative conference in Kabwe, on 16 June 1985, O R Tambo characterised this war of values as follows:

The conviction, that to be white was to be a missionary of civilisation, has given birth to a tidal wave whose strength will not abate until civilisation in our country is reckoned in the language of freedom and democracy. The pursuit of the certainties of a bygone age has itself become the gravedigger of fond hopes that injustice could be rationalised into a system of thought, implemented as a practice and imposed as a decree and be accepted by the victims of that injustice. Illusions closely held for many a year, that white minority rule would last until eternity, are stalking all the enclaves of white South Africa proclaiming everywhere that, in fact, they are illusions, fleeting shadows without substance. The apartheid system is in crisis.


Therefore, President Jacob Zuma correctly observed that the release of our icon, Nelson Mandela, was brought about by the resolute struggles of our people. It was these struggles that forced P W Botha and his colleagues to initiate talks about talks. However, the President correctly acknowledged Botha's contribution in this regard.

Before acknowledging other people's contribution, it is fitting to highlight that O R Tambo effectively laid the foundation for this country to become a shining example of freedom, equality and democracy and enabled humanity to achieve victory over inhumanity.

Under the leadership of O R Tambo...

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. . . Under the leadership of O R Tambo ANC realised that P W Botha was not yet ready for genuine negotiations as was evident in his Rubicon speech of 1985 which called for a new constitutional dispensation based on group rights rather than human and people's rights.

The ANC interacted with various progressive lawyers and facilitated the establishment of the National Association of Democratic Lawyers, Nadel which promoted human and people's rights and vehemently opposed the group rights ideology. On the 01 May 1986 conservative and progressive lawyers faced each other at the University of Pretoria where the human and people's rights concepts surfaced for the first time in the constitutional discourse.

The conflict between group and human rights played itself out at his conference. The human rights perspective of the progressive lawyers that surfaced in this conference found expression in the ANC 1987 statement on the question of negotiations which rejected group rights and secrete negotiations. In the same year the Arushia Conference called The World United Against Apartheid reaffirm that the Pretoria regime was both illegal and illegitimate because it was not based on the will of the people.

By 1989 the resolute struggles of the people convinced the ANC leadership that the Nationalist Party government had no option but to negotiate. Thus, in 1989 the ANC published the constitutional guidelines for a democratic South Africa whilst OR Tambo championed the formulation of the Harare Declaration which set out the objectives and management of the negotiation process.

President Jacob Zuma correctly pointed out that it was the resolute struggles of the people and the outstanding leadership, foresight and clarity of vision of OR Tambo that laid the ground work for the historic announcement by President F W de Klerk 20 years ago.

In the spirit of nation building and social cohesion President Zuma has acknowledge all those who contributed to the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners. This include former political prisoners, the legal team in the Rivonia Treason Trial, the international community, Mrs Helen Suzman and 'uMtwana ka Phinda ngene', hon Mangosuthu Buthelezi.

Upon his release Nelson Mandela recognised and acknowledged the tireless and heroic sacrifices of the people and committed himself to serve the people.

President Jacob Zuma's call for Parliament and the nation to recommit itself to build a better future for all South Africans black and white in pursued of the ideal that Madiba has fought for in his entire life, the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. This bears testimony to the fact that the Zuma presidency is fully anchored on the values that Madiba embodies, espouses and epitomises.

In this regard we wish to comment President Jacob Zuma for being consistent because since his first state of the nation address in 2009 the President linked the recovery of the humanity of all South Africans with the creation of decent jobs, provision of quality health and education, rural development and the fight against crime and corruption. The practical measures announced during his 2010 Sona show that the President has a clear and pragmatic plan to improve the quality of life of all South Africans.

As we did in 2009, we will celebrate 17 July as the Nelson Mandela Month through a series of community activities aimed at helping the needy and the poor in the spirit of ubuntu and its inherent values as embodied by Nelson Mandela as well as the past and current leaders of the ANC.

The ANC leadership calls for an overarching value system that can unite all the people regardless of race, class or gender. In this regard we have also committed ourselves to strive for the creation of a nonracial, nonsexist, united, democratic and prosperous society in which the value of all citizens is measured by their common humanity.

However, we recognise and respect the cultural, religious and linguistic diversity of our people and shun all attempts by any group to impose its values on other groups. The common humanity of all South Africans has provided a framework for an overarching value system.

President Zuma has already commited his administration to build a new South Africa based on ubuntu, values and principles. This vision found support in the meetings of multiparty leader's forum where leaders of political parties called on the President to find a common ground and platform for nation building, social cohesion and moral regeneration.

The leader of the Inkata Freedom Party, hon Mangosuthu Buthelezi, shared the president's vision in his response to the 2009 state of the nation address. He observed that the national celebrations of historic importance are mostly attended by African people from the townships and villages. He suggested that we should follow an inclusive approach in nation building and social cohesion.

The multiparty Chief Whips Forum unanimously endorsed the inclusive approach to nation building and identified two already existing mechanisms for its realisation. These mechanisms are the Parliamentary Millennium Programme, PMP and the Parliamentary Interfaith Group. These mechanisms will be resourced by Parliament to enable all political parties to assume joint responsibility for moral regeneration, nation building and social cohesion.

The President has often called all political parties to identify national issues around which we should co-operate in our quest for nation building and social cohesion. We believe that this mechanism offer appropriate platforms for these purposes.

We have identified the need to incorporate the views of the electorate in the legislative and oversight business of Parliament as a strategic objective for the Fourth Parliament by providing a platform for schools, tertiary institutions and rural communities.

Parliament as a nation building institution must provide an opportunity for the electorate to engage and consider issues on democracy, heritage, education, nation building, social cohesion, service delivery and moral regeneration as well as international relations and co-operation.

The PMP should be a nonpartisan project resourced by Parliament and should be used as a vehicle to take Parliament to the people. The project would allow members to co-operate more regularly on constituency work despite their party political affiliations.

The PMP will therefore cement and give effect to the concept of an activist parliament at a multiparty level.

Since 1994 a parliamentary religious group existed. It often received support from Parliament without formal recognition. The support of all political parties for the President's call for the recovery of the humanity of all South Africans both black and white and the promotion of moral regeneration for social development, reawakened interest in the place of religion and politics. Thus, the multiparty Chief Whips Forum decided to revive the parliamentary religious group and to rename it Parliamentary Interfaith Group.

This group has already forged ties with the National Interfaith Leaders Council and has affiliated to the Interfaith Action for Peace in Africa, IFAPA. The two organisations together with the ANC commission for religious and traditional affairs have met the Sudanese Interreligious Council which has invited them to visit Sudan before national elections.

The Parliamentary Interfaith Group, PIG and PMP are destined to play a critical role in the promotion of nation building, social cohesion and the African agenda. The ANC as the majority party in Parliament has begun this year fully rejuvenated and ready to continue intensifying the implementation of the programmes with which it has entered into contract with our people during the current term of government.

We are encouraged by the message of the President to the people which reflects a caring government that endeavours to improve the material conditions of our people, particularly the poor. Last year we committed ourselves to what we called an activist parliament during this five year term of Parliament.

Practically what it means is that, as the majority party in this institution, we shall work with more resoluteness, vigour and decisiveness in the course of executing our duties within both Parliament and constituencies.

During this particular year that we celebrate the 20th anniversary of the release of former President Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners as well as the unbanning of liberation movements, we shall spare neither strength nor energy to ensure the objectives of our glorious liberation struggles are brought into practical reality. We will, indeed, move with the necessary speed employing extraordinary unusual means to rollback the frontiers of poverty and underdevelopment, joblessness and other social ills faced by the majority of our people. These we shall do while building on the many gains South Africans achieved since the dawn of democracy 16 years ago.

In this regard constituency outreach programmes and intensified parliamentary oversight, which are the very backbone of the activist parliament, shall be the prominent and central strategic future of the work of each of our Members of Parliament.

The ANC's National Executive Council, NEC 'lekgotla' resolved that the deployees of our movement at all levels of government will be subjected to a rigorous performance assessment system to ensure that nothing impedes our drive towards achieving the goals our people have set for us.

ANC Members of Parliament will therefore,. . . [Time expired.]



The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Hon Speaker, Mr President, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, the 11 February 20 marked the day that our President, father of the New South Africa, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela walked from prison on route to becoming the President of the country that he sacrificed so much for. Thank you, Mr President for recognising the colossal role that uTata uMadiba played in reconciling our people.

Thank you, for recognising all the other people that you did for the role they played in bringing about reconciliation, peace and democracy. Thank you, also to those that you did not mention and I know you could not mention all of them but thank you to Archbishop Emeritus Tutu and the other religious leaders who eventually joined ranks to bring about change. Thank you, Mr President for your effort at using a nation-building tone, such a tone has been missing from the state of the nation address since the retirement of President Mandela.

We are all proud and indeed blessed to have had a President who is revered the world over and compared to leaders like Gandhi, Washington, Lincoln, Luther King and Churchill. The South African movie, Invictus, and the book by John Carlin, Playing the Enemy, are indeed a celebration of a leader who has received widespread veneration and been canonized in his own lifetime for his visionary leadership and human dignity.

President Mandela displayed exemplary leadership. He had the courage of his convictions. He was a man of iron will who was prepared to take on both friend and foe. He was not averse or afraid of taking on his own colleagues within the ANC because he never felt beholden to anyone or any faction for his position. Apart from being personally compromised, Mr President, you appear to owe your allegiance to a certain block within your party's alliance that makes you all the more compromised and vulnerable.

Your state of the nation address left me wondering whether you had indeed read it beforehand, whether you had been set up or whether the people who advise you just did not realise how important it was for you to deliver an extraordinary address for both personal reasons and of national importance. Well, with respect, you achieved neither.

Our country needs to be rallied to roll up its sleeves. It needs to hear the presentation of a national vision that they can respond to as a clarion call to nationhood and future prosperity. The nation desperately needs leadership.

The tenuous respect given to you by a deeply suspicious electorate in April 2009 has been systematically eroded. Your trademark song, for example, will never again be sung without invoking a sense of ambiguity.

Laura Miti recently wrote in the Daily Dispatch:

What Zuma and probably the ANC failed to realise is that the new slate that the President was apparently given by the public after his inauguration had conditions similar to those given to an offender serving a suspended sentence. The Nation had wanted to put the muck behind it and so gave him a second chance. But after that President Zuma was expected to be on his best behaviour for the rest of his public life. But no, he seemed to think the probation he was put on by the nation after escaping corruption charges on a technicality and after committing a serious sexual indiscretion coupled with making an unbelievably naïve statement on HIV and Aids was, Carte Blanche. The crowds after all, still roared his name at rallies across the country - his popularity seemed untouchable.

Well, Mr President, popularity in politics dissipates like this mornings mist

Mr President, on the day that you paid due respect to former President FW de Klerk and others in the NP leadership and service related echelons for crossing the proverbial Rubicon and for having the foresight and courage to take bold decisions, your chief cheerleader harangued President de Klerk and treated him with contemptible disrespect. The fact that neither you nor anyone in the ANC leadership have not publicly rebuked him for this or any other of his oafish behaviour is a matter of lamentable concern.

As surely as President Mandela was quoted as saying "Posterity will prove I was innocent", will posterity prove that you and the other ANC leaders are in dereliction of your duty in this regard.

Your first year in office has hardly been stellar and your call for 2010 to be a year of action really rings hollow in our ears. Why? Because we have heard all these exhortations before, remember these: "the age of hope", "business unusual", "all hands on deck", "working together we can do more" and "faster, harder, smarter"?

Why should 2010 be the year of action more than 2008 or 2009? The ANC is wasting precious time with all these empty slogans. Who really believes that the ANC government will provide anything "faster, harder, smarter"?

Speaking of wasted time, author and political activist Paul Trewhela – I am sure you know him - in his book, Inside Quatro, speaks candidly about the balance sheet of 15 wasted years under the guidance of the ANC as the unchallenged party of government. Regarding this he says:

No party ever came to government with such an overwhelming mandate from the people and with such immense goodwill internationally. Few dissipated that trust so convincingly.

Trewhela singles out education as the greatest failure. He believes, and we concur that the ANC should have seized on this from the outset and said to the whole nation:

We have limited resources, and there are great compelling needs, but this above all – with dedication, good sense and common effort – can rise up and prepare for the future a new generation that will be better fitted to solve the country's problems than ourselves.

We all know about the state of education in our country and no one knows better than the parents who aspire for their children to have a better education than they had. Trewhela says:

Instead, the materialistic scramble for personal wealth, at any price, the rancour, the power play, the strutting about of great men and some women, the arrogance of office, the delusions, the false gods, style, instead of substance, 15 wasted years.

Mr President, your exhortation to teachers to be in the classroom seven hours a day was actually already made last year. This rhetorical appeal had no impact on the matric results. You will have to tackle the role of education unions and teachers regarding underperformance in this crucial field. Again, political will and exemplary leadership from yourself and all leaders involved will be definitive.

Mr President, you rightly spend vast sums of money going to Davos, to court financial friends and to attract foreign investment, but you continue to ignore pressing priorities within your government. You ignore the Auditor-General's assertion of almost total breakdown of financial management.

The Eastern Cape, for example, the Department of Health overspends its Budget by R1,8 billion, with no discernable difference in service delivery. What happens when that happened, creditors are not paid and that resulted in closure of SMMEs and their subsequent sequestration, with the end result being the catastrophic consequence of job losses.

When will you invest in putting competent people into key posts, and when will you begin ensuring that scarce resources are efficiently, effectively and economically spent? It appears not in the near or foreseeable future, as you and Mr Mantashe have stated that your failed and unlawful policy of cadre deployment will continue. In fact, you say that cadre deployment will be more objective and transparent. This is the ultimate oxymoron.

Recent court rulings in this regard, in fact, have found mostly in favour of applicants who have been prejudiced by cadre deployment. The case of Dr Vuyo Mlokoti against the Amathole District Municipality and Adv Zenzile is a case in point. Speaking of East London or Buffalo City, Mr President, you must know that as the next city to be upgraded to a metropolis, this city is now referred to as "Buffalo Circus".

The ANC provincial leadership is now putting it under administration and all I can say is; heaven help Buffalo City. Because the following municipalities have been put under administration in the Eastern Cape, Mnquma Municipality, King Sabata Dalindyebo Municipality, Great Kei Municipality, Koukamma Municipality and Sunday's River Municipalities and nothing has changed in those municipalities because the problem is intractable infighting in the ANC – it is a political disgrace and nothing else. [Applause.]

The recent firing of mayors in Mpumalanga and other provinces across the country is not a genuine endeavour to turn the crisis in service delivery around; it is merely a changing of the political guard.

Mr President, your declaration, that you will conclude performance contracts with your Ministers with measurable outcomes being the criteria for monitoring their individual performance is refreshing. This, of course, is not as innovative as you make out and should, in fact, have been in place in Cabinet since 1994. It will also require political will and you will have to personally support and back Minister Chabane to the hilt. If you can't or won't, the contracts will be worth as much as the Public Finance Management Act is in our public service corps.

That Act has been in place for 10 years, one of the best pieces of legislation this country has ever had but ignored the most. The road to hell, they say, is paved with good intentions.

Equally, Mr President, your corruption commission comprised of the very Ministers under whose watch corruption flourishes will be stillborn if there is no real political will and exemplary leadership.

In Kenya, after Mwai Kibaki replaced the notoriously corrupt Daniel Arap Moi, he promised an end to corruption. He appointed John Githongo as the Anticorruption Minister. Michaela Wrong, in her book It's Our Time to Eat, exposes how the consequences of Githongo's efforts that were tantamount to mucking out the Aegean stables led to him being hounded out of the country of his birth, because he uncovered more and more self-service, self-enrichment and sleaze amongst his own colleagues. This ultimately placed his very life at risk.


Kuza kufuneka ugade Mhlekazi obekekileyo uChabane, ngoba xa uza kufuna ukubetha amaqabane, aza kufuna ukubetha wena.


Githongo said, at the time: "Africans are the most subservient people on earth when faced with force, intimidation and power. Africa, all said and done, is a place where we grovel before leaders." South Africa needs exemplary leadership, not fear or entitlement from its leaders. It is not your time to eat.

Blind allegiance to ANC leaders and slavish behaviour of deployed cadres putting the party first is a recipe for the disaster we are experiencing at local government levels. It compromises discipline and commitment of civil servants, because cadre deployment beneficiaries are actually held to ransom. Similar to the thinly veiled threat by Michael Corleone in The Godfather, when he said: "You're my older brother and I love you, but don't ever take sides against the family again."

On presidential pardons, allow me to advise that you resist the temptation to abuse your position of power to pardon your friends. Beware, also, of taking the nation's intellect for granted. You cannot use the pardon of one person as a smokescreen for the pardon of another. Pardons should be considered only in cases where there has been a travesty of justice. This is not evident on first principle in the cases of Shabir Schaik and Eugene de Kock.

Pardons undermine the rule of law and the principle of equality before the law, which you Sir, incidentally, are responsible to uphold. When you compromise yourself and the rule of law,you accelerate the slide to a failed state. Zimbabwe is a shameful example of this regression. It has become evident that despite your outspokenness about Zimbabwe before your election, you have succumbed to your party's policy of silent diplomacy, because you cannot bring yourselves to act against Mugabe and bring his tenure of terror to an end.

I recommend that you read the DA's road map to peace and democracy and implement its recommendations.


The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: I don't know the same thing that the new ambassador from England smokes, because what she said is what we say. Get rid of Mugabe, have an election and carry on. [Applause.] It has become evident that Zanu PF, under the now almost surrogate leadership of Mugabe, refuses to acknowledge their failure in government and culpability for unimaginable human rights abuses that are catalogued in the DVD that has been given to your office. I wouldn't laugh about it, hon President. If you'd seen the DVD you wouldn't be laughing.

The SPEAKER: Hon Member, please address yourself to the Chair.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: The ever deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe is entrenching the social and economic difficulties in many communities in South Africa that have shown that they have the potential to ignite ethnic and xenophobic confrontation. This situation requires the political will to grasp the nettle that is Mugabe.

Mr President, speaking of political will, let me inform you that in the one area where you have shown some will, the meddling with the Judiciary, the JSC and judicial appointments, that your actions and those of your emissaries have not gone unnoticed, and are a source for grave concern. There are apparently some bulletproof jurists and legal practitioners that have the unconditional support of your government, despite how compromised they may be. The fact that Mr Mpshe seems to have been rewarded for juristic compliance and so too Mr Simelane and that Mr Ngobeni provides legal services for the ANC, yourself and the Department of Defence, despite his very apparently compromised position as a legal practitioner.

The latest revelations about Mr Seth Ntai'salleged solicitation of a financial reward to make a legal challenge go away or to go one way or another are all examples that compromise the independence of the Judiciary and contaminate the profession as well as the government, due to these people's unhealthily close relationship with the governing party's leadership.

Mr President, you must give unambiguous leadership about how we're going to create jobs and stimulate our economy as we pull out of this recession. Some ideas from someone who has always shown capital growth, post recession, Richard Branson, are instructive. He clearly states that optimism and instinct are no substitute for hard work. He recommends that leaders should surround themselves with trusted and talented people; keep them happy and motivated; be innovative, provide and maintain a certain quality of service; and ensure value for money. You, Sir, have failed in all of these to one extent or another; your government must now look for solutions not excuses.

Much aspersion has been cast on the productivity of South African workers. This is fallacious, because who do these gain sayers think actually built the magnificent 2010 football stadia? On time, in fact long before time, better than some of the so-called most productive nations in similar situations. It is not the South African work force that holds us back; it is the government's restrictive and convoluted labour laws that keep South Africans out of work. [Applause.]

In a recent visit to Tongaat in KwaZulu-Natal, I met with retrenched textile workers and none asked for government handouts. Mrs Dolly Yeriah held up her hands to me and said she has perfect hands and wants to put them to use in order to provide for her own family. This re-enforces the fact that self-provision and independence is the source of self-respect and personal human dignity.

The Presidential Hotline has been a supreme public relations fiasco, as its very existence is an indictment on all three spheres of government and all its implementing agencies. Furthermore, the few examples of success are the exception rather than the rule. My office has evaluated this hotline closely, and the catalogue of frustration reads like a comical version of Animal Farm.

South Africa will host a unique and successful World Cup. We will welcome the world to visit our amazing country and have fun in the sun. The visitors must be treated like royalty, not robbed or fleeced by unscrupulous hospitality providers, because their experiences will determine whether or not they return and become tourism multipliers. The eyes of the world will see us through lenses never ever seen before on international TV, and this image will decide the prudence of our enormous investment in this event. We cannot allow ourselves to be embarrassed by any unintended disappointments.


Iintloni ezifana nombane ophela esithubeni nje ngokuhlwa kwango

Lwesihlanu azamkelekanga. I-DA ithi phambili Bafana Bafana, phambili! Phambili Mzantsi Afrika, phambili! Siza kubabonisa abantu baphesheya ukuba i-Afrika iyaqaqamba.


Posterity will judge the DA and other opposition parties on whether or not we had the courage to speak truth to power, and to be a realistic political counterweight. The DA has done this most effectively to date. Imagine being an opposition to Tat'uMandela and even Thabo Mbeki - not easy. We have grown, nonetheless, and if you do the maths you will all know that the Western Cape was not won by the 18% of white voters. The DA is a real alternative and the electorate has recognised this. In 1994 we had seven members; in 2009 we have 77 members.

We are solution oriented, because we do not want to inherit a bankrupt or scorched earth. Therefore, we will contribute in every way we can to ensure a prosperous South Africa; certainly not to entrench the ANC though. Our political growth has been assisted by the quality or lack thereof of leadership in the ANC at all levels of government because leadership is as leadership does.

The reality is that the current crop of ANC leaders is being found wanting compared to the previous generation; certainly compared to the person we are paying tribute to in this debate.

In conclusion, I want to say that if you feel that I was being unfair or prejudiced in this response, if you read the newspapers from Friday to today, you will see that the people of this country are unhappy with the direction that is being given by the leadership. The people of this country want exemplary leadership, and I appeal to all of us in this House who are in positions of leadership to give that exemplary leadership. Thank you. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Can I remind the members and the speaker that they should speak through the Chair and direct themselves to the Chair.



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The SPEAKER: Can I remind hon members and speakers that they must speak through the Chair and direct themselves to the Chair.

Rev H M DANDALA: Speaker, Mr President, hon members of the House, on behalf of COPE I also wish to add our appreciation to the fact that the President dedicated this year's State of the Nation Address to the memory of the release of Mr Nelson Mandela.

COPE pays tribute to Mr Nelson Mandela and all those who worked with him to bring us the wonderful freedom we enjoy. There are very few stories of exemplary leadership around the worlds than we have seen with Mr Mandela. He is selfless, disciplined, and he is dignity personified. He is an icon of world peace.

The portrait of Raymond Asquith as drawn by John Buchan applies aptly to Dalibhunga. He says, "Our role of honour is long but it holds no nobler figure". When the world honoured Mr Mandela with the Nobel Peace prize amongst countless other honours we became proud. South Africans can stand anywhere in the world and claim his as our contribution to the triumph of good over evil.

When he ascended to high office the state of our nation was one full of hope and as Bantu Biko once said, "We had set out of a quest for true humanity and somewhere in the distance horizon we could see the glittering prize". The glittering prize was that of triumph over hopelessness.

Hon members the question that we need to ask ourselves is: what is the legacy that parliament asks us to celebrate through this reflection on the state of the nation? The legacy can be summed up in a few indicators:

(i) South Africa and the ANC gave us a great leader with a sense of honour and a strong moral focus-he raised our eyes to what we can become as a nation;

(ii) He trusted and respected the law and allowed himself to be tested by the law;

(iii) He insisted on the separation of state and party powers;

(iv) He spurned patronage in all its forms;

(v) He had depths of compassion for the poor, always treating them with utmost dignity;

(vi) His hallmark was and still is the sense of honour.

Twenty years on, we have not captured that glitter of hope. We have debilitating poverty for millions of our people. In a country with our resource base, it is simply a shame that so many people live below the bread line. We have millions of our children unable to read or write owing to an education system in collapse. We are not safe in our own homes owing to the high levels of crime. Indeed we can defeat these, provided that we firstly acknowledge that this is the true state of the nation, and then rally to galvanise the nation to rise to the challenge.

What this nation needs Mr President is the inspirational yet transformative and action oriented leadership. In her book 'Laying ghosts to rest' Mamphele Ramphele says, "Successful people are those who make and admit mistakes rather than fail to confront their failure. We need to acknowledge where we have fallen short as a nation". We have to be determined to take corrective measures. This is the only way we can triumph over these many challenges-to build a nation that the whole world will watch in admiration even as we host the FIFA world cup.

South Africans are waiting for the government to invoke our collective sense of honour so that we can rise to overcome, just as we have done in the past- to win against all odds.

I call on the President and his government to listen carefully to the pulse of this nation. Our people are angry at the promises made but not fulfilled. And so the Congress of the People asks-why should South Africans believe you now?

You promised 500 000 jobs or job opportunities. The fact is that almost a million jobs have been lost during the same period of promise! Will South African people be told what the Macro strategy is for reversing the Apartheid Economy that marginalised the majority of our people from being innovators in the creation of their economic destiny making the townships and rural areas mere consumers of economic output rather than key drivers of economic innovation?

Small businesses are still waiting with anticipation for the 'single business registration system' that was promised when the President took office. The Congress of the People asks-how will South Africans under the leadership of our President transform their parlous economic state that is marked by the growing gap between the rich and the poor?

By the President's own admission, land redistribution, a tool in the hands of this government will not meet its target of 2014. Many of the farms bought by the government under this scheme have dropped in productivity, if not left as ghost farms threatening the livelihoods of communities. Our food security as a nation is under threat-why should South Africans believe you now Mr President.

In response to your previous State of the Nation Address, you promised that in order to ensure service delivery and executive accountability you will make all your ministers to sign performance contracts by the end of July 2009. You have not told us if any ministers have signed these contracts to date. Instead of acknowledging this glaring gap you have now further promised us a new outcomes approach that will make 2010 a year of action-why should South Africans believe this, when your own office Mr President according to the Auditor General's most recent report has failed to get an unqualified audit and the man you put in charge of evaluation of his colleagues goes shopping with a state credit card?

The Congress of the People welcomes the ministerial committee to combat corruption, yet as late as last week this committee could not sit due to unavailability of ministers. Mr President we welcome your emphasis on education and the initiatives you have announced to focus the nation on this priority.

Successive ANC government have promised that no child will study under a tree. The question of infrastructure to allow teachers to do the things highlighted in your speech has become urgent. What kind of pupils can we produce, where over 79% of our schools don't have libraries and laboratories?

In the week preceding the State of the Nation Address another report was released pointing a finger at SADTU, the teacher union aligned to your government-pointing out that they have been out of school for 42% of all the time that has been lost by the country through Industrial action since the dawn of democracy.

The Congress of the People calls on the government to declare a state of emergency in Education wherein teachers may not use innocent children to flight their battles with the state.

Mr President, most of our state hospitals are in a parlous state. We welcome your stated commitment to right this wrong. We also welcome the mooted policy of National Health Insurance. But South Africans will ask with justification-why should we believe that this time... [Time Expired.]


"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-9] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][uh].doc"


Mr M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker, Xhamela, Your Excellency our President, Nxamalala, our hon Deputy President, hon Ministers, hon members of this House, we all applaud the wise decision of the President for dedicating this year's state of the nation address to the 20th anniversary of Madiba's release. May I, Mr Speaker, request all the men in this Chamber to stand sikhahlele [so that we salute]?



Mr M G BUTHELEZI: Dalibhunga!

HON MEMBERS: Dalibhunga!

Mr M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker ...

The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Speaker, on a point of order: While I appreciate the observance of culture which is admired by many leaders in our country, I think as leadership we should have regard to the equality clause in our Constitution ... [Applause.] ... and ensure, particularly when we are in Parliament, that these principles of our Constitution are observed in practice. I think it's most unfortunate for an hon leader to call on males in the House to rise, thus excluding the female members of the House. That's most unfortunate. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Thank you hon member, noted.

Mr M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker, I would like to say that I really pity my daughter for her ignorance because it's not because women are being put down. It is our tradition out of respect for women that they sit down when we do that. It has nothing to do with slapping down women. That is an African culture. We are in Africa and that is an African tradition. It has nothing, whatsoever, to do [Inaudible.], nor does it infringe ...

The SPEAKER: Hon member, proceed with your speech.

Mr M G BUTHELEZI: I pity your ignorance. Having spent 10 years in government, I'm aware of both the great challenges which confronted us since 1994 and of how much still remains to be done to meet the minimum objectives promised with our liberation. I was committed to the agenda of social and economic liberation while I was in government. And I remain committed to it from the opposition benches.

Last week the President often referred to us all as being compatriots, and indeed we are. In addition, I respect the President, warts and all, because behind him, rightly or wrongly, lies the will of the democratic mandate of 66% of the South African people. I could not hinder or oppose without opposing the South African people. However, I must differentiate between the will of the South African people and that which is required to deliver to the people what they expect.

In this critical time the President stands to fail and words alone will not fix problems. I cannot afford to see the President and his government fail. If they fail, my own country fails. If the President and his government fail, I will not applaud and rejoice but weep. [Applause.] For if they fail, our liberation fails. In this time of economic turbulence and enormous challenges, we are in this boat together. Together we will sail or sink. Therefore the type of engagement I seek and offer the President is in the recognition that my admonitions, my criticism and insight are being offered with no interest in mind but the success of our country and the survival of our liberation process. [Applause.]

From this perspective, I must denounce and warn against the practice of making exaggerated and unrealistic promises which government has pursued and does not seem to be willing to ever relinquish. We must stop insulting the intelligence of our people, especially the poorest of the poor. We are experiencing social ruptures, widespread protests and ever increasing dissatisfaction because what was promised is perceived not to have been delivered. This cannot be addressed by promising more, unless we wish to see the social unrest rising out of control into a wave which wipes us all out.

I'm convinced, Your Excellency, that if we stop treating our people as if they are morons by promising them pies in the sky, they will be with us. They will understand that we have a difficult role to hold. We do not need to promise what can obviously not be delivered. After all, we are not in this democratic dispensation for that long. We knew that we started governing a people the majority of whom comprised the poorest of the poor who were deliberately kept under conditions of deprivation. Let us not therefore pretend to be latter day Pied Pipers of Hamelin in that fable where the Pied Piper blew his pipe and all the rats followed him. We must not pretend to our people that we have any magic wands because we have none. We should refrain from insulting our people by running to them with food hampers during elections, which we know cannot be sustained.

This government cannot continue to try and be everything to everyone. This is the time to take the developmental direction and pursue it with single-handed determination. The economic and social crises require firm stewardship. In this process I plead with the President to heed my admonition, rather than the call for easy populism and radicalism often fuelled by a long-obsolete communist mindset. [Interjections.]

Before it hit South Africa, I warned the government that we would not be spared from the mounting world economic depression. In the same week there was a Financial Mail cover story, with our then hon Minister of Finance's photograph on the cover, in which the Minister was saying that according to government advisors we will not be as ravaged by the recession as other countries. The impression was that depression would bypass South Africa.

Thereafter, from our benches we warned the government not to give excessive credence to the same economic advisors who are now touting the exaggerated promise of a quick economic recovery, looking for green shoots in the underbrush of a dying forest of economic depression. Do we want to brand ourselves as a nation of denialism? We have been in denial whether it came to crime or whether it was HIV and Aids.

I praise the President for the announcement he made about the new long-term programme of infrastructural development. But it will take time before its economic benefits will be felt. In the meantime, we need to deal with the projected downturn in the construction industry after the third quarter, which will coincide with the recessionary effects always following the completion of the infrastructural work and expenses associated with world cups or Olympic Games, whether it was in Greece or other countries where events of this type have been held. I fear that the people of South Africa are going to experience much economic anguish after August this year, and we must prepare for that. Let's prepare our people for it without dampening their enthusiasm for the magic of the 2010 soccer World Cup.

Our economic vision must be clear and avoid all which is confusing. The talk of nationalisation is most detrimental as is the ambiguity with which the President has fudged this issue when he said that the matter is open for debate. If we don't make the clear and unequivocal statement that we shall not nationalize anything which can stand on its economic feet in this time of crisis, we will deter domestic and foreign investors who might look at South Africa as a land of opportunity.

I must admit that as we grew up as young African nationalists in the ANC, we were quite fascinated by nationalisation. I paid two visits to the late President Julius Nyerere. My first trip was paid to Mwalimu to thank him for giving sanctuary to all our political exiles. On the second occasion I wanted to see Ujamaa, African socialism in operation. President Nyerere was a very honest politician. He gave me his book, 10 Years After Arusha. By that time he was already admitting some of his mistakes in implementing African socialism, Ujamaa.

In 1994 when President Nyerere came to South Africa"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-10] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][uh].doc"

, he visited me in my office as Minister of Home Affairs. He told me that in 1980 he said the following words to President Mugabe, when he was then installed as the first Prime Minister of a democratic Zimbabwe, "you have inherited a jewel", referring to the economy of Zimbabwe, "don't do what I did in Tanzania. Don't destroy it." The rest is history. [Laughter.]

My stand against nationalisation is not inconsistent, of course, with my having voiced in this House for three years on the need of nationalising the Reserve Bank, as was done in the United Kingdom, so that government may begin regaining control over what we use as our money and hope that we may one day move towards a debt-free currency.

We must go beyond the commitment not to nationalise, to adopt the policy of privatising anything which will be better off if relinquished from government ownership and which taxpayers have no business in financing. Our anguished taxpayers have no reason to continue to pay the bill for companies that operate at a perpetual loss, only because they have found in the state of an indulgent sugar-daddy who continues to pour out money with no hope of return, such as Denel and South African Airways. [Applause.] If privatised, these companies will find their right positioning in the marketplace.

A year has passed and little has been done to bring about the savings promised last year, with the prospect of the taxpayer having to continue to pay for the constant mismanagement of the Land Bank and many other state entities which have now been out of control for years. I urge the President to speak with one tongue and in a loud voice to provide iron-fist leadership in economic matters, and cut into positions of privilege, consolidated economic turf and institutional corruption without fear of inflicting pain or creating resentment for the rest of the country will recognise and applaud his leadership. To the President I say: Be merciless in shutting down the many state institutions which do not deliver and redirect their funding towards those which can deliver. I know that the President referred to what he called a review of the parastatals in his interview with the SABC on Saturday. We must now move beyond just rhetoric on this issue.

This is not a time in which the country can endure hesitation or a wishy-washy benevolent style of leadership. At the risk of his unpopularity, it is time for the President to rise to the challenge of being tough and determined. If one tries to be all things to all men, one ends up being neither fish nor fowl. [Applause.]

The priorities he identified for us have remained unchanged since 1994. They are the health crisis, education crisis, crime and corruption crises, unemployment crisis and the rural development crisis. And I would like to say, thus so far as rural development concern, Your Excellency, it will never take off without traditional leadership being given an opportunity to be part of it; it is a disgrace that after 16 years of black rule in South Africa no budgets are made available to all traditional structures and leadership. As these problems have become worse since 1994, we must accept that they are not going to be solved within the present paradigm. Albert Einstein, the genius, defined madness as expecting different results while continuing to do the same thing.

In education, we must have the courage of failing teachers who do not produce results and stop this nonsense of refusing to perform a thorough assessment of teachers' skills and education. A teacher whose class does not obtain the desired results for two years in a row should be immediately dismissed, as should the principal of a school with poor results. Please, Your Excellency, implement what you have announced. The plight of our education system is so serious that the President need not be intimidated by the threats of the teachers' unions. [Applause.]

As the President knows, in the erstwhile KwaZulu we had a much higher pass rate than we now have in the very same schools, in spite of the standard having been lowered and the amount of money spent for education and teacher training dramatically increased. This is unacceptable. As a country, we cannot afford to lower educational and exam standards, unless we wish to commit national suicide by installments. [Applause.]

The crime situation is out of control. Our yesterday and today newspaper headlines students that are killed just for their cellphones, and that give me sleepless nights. Your Excellency, I wonder of the visitors that are coming in June, how many will be killed for their cellphones. According to the crime statistics published on NationMaster.com, South Africa has the highest per capita level of murder by firearm, rape and assault anywhere in the world where crime statistics exist, and has the second highest level of murder by means other than firearms. The solution to this massive crisis is not through quick fixes, such as calling on the police to become trigger-happy, at the risk of slaughtering innocent bystanders and suspects alike.

Let's face it; generally speaking, our police does not have the required capacity to identify and interrogate witnesses, to collect and secure evidence, and prepare and present cases for prosecution. This is a result of both lack of training and lack of resources. The fundamental problem with crime is that most criminals have a legitimate expectation of impunity. In most parts of our country, crime is still amateurish. But as it flourishes, the crime industry becomes better organised, which will find our police even less prepared to cope with what is likely to come. Let us no longer rely on words, words, words. We need better trained and better resourced policemen, and higher standards, which may force those who do not live up to the new required levels of output, performance, training and education to leave the force and find other opportunities for employment.

We cannot continue to carry deadwood in the police service and in the public service alike. After 1994 it was unavoidable and necessary for a number of insufficiently-qualified people to be inserted in the public service or promoted beyond their natural talents, education and training. However, this has created a pervasive climate of inefficiency and poor performance often

adjusted to the performance of the minimum common denominator. We now have the benefit of a new generation of bright, competent and well-trained younger people who have come through the ranks of our universities and the civil service itself; it is time to sort the wheat from the chaff and get rid of those who cannot keep up with the very challenges which the President has outlined in the state of the nation address.

Government is people. And if people in the government are not good enough to carry forward what it takes to overcome the challenges that President has identified, no matter what the President says and no matter what his Ministers commit themselves to doing, our government will not deliver.

Finally, I plead to now stop the rhetoric of celebrations. The President and the hon Chief Whip have kindly recognised that I dedicated my life to the release of President Mandela and other political prisoners, and the unbanning of political parties. I have spent my life in the struggle for liberation. But the struggle before us is now greater than what we were facing before 1994. We knew that political liberation would eventually come, even if it might happen after our own lifetimes. In the struggle for prosperity now before us there is no certainty of victory, and our failure would crush the hopes of a continent and destroy our people.

Also in this respect, we must not insult the intelligence of our people. They cannot feed their families with celebrations, whether there are celebrations of our past victories, or the centennial celebrations of our country's unity, or the celebration of victories achieved on soccer or cricket fields.

I urge the President to mobilise the immense support that he has amongst the grassroots of South Africa for a new national struggle, calling on the collective upliftment and individual development of our population. In other words, it is our struggle for economic emancipation. Mr President, we need a national effort of historical proportions, built on education, work, education, work, education and work and more work.

Our generation sacrificed to bequeath freedom onto the next generation. The present generation must understand that with the same spirit of mission, it must sacrifice, so that its collective hard work and dedication may bequeath prosperity upon the next generation.

My party and I want to help the President in this effort if he accepts to rise to the challenge of becoming the leader of a national movement which cuts across all the nonsense, wherever it is found, and puts us all to work to build that better future we all have dreamed of for so many generations.

Ingangawe Msholozi! Nxamalala! [Applause.]



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The SPEAKER: Can I just state the obvious that members of this House are hon members and should not be referred to as ignorant. I think we should to the parliamentary rules. I now wish to invite the hon Masutha.

Adv T M MASUTHA: Hon Speaker, your Excellences, the President and the Deputy President of the Republic, ministers and Deputy Ministers, colleagues, comrades and people at large.

It is with a deep sense of humility, privilege and pride that I'm invited to stand before you on behalf of an organisation that carries with it, a proud history of struggle for the liberation of our people through the selfless heroic sacrifices made by its cadres, both men me and women and from all races creeds and ethnic groups over a protracted period of almost a century.

Allow me, therefore, comrade President to echo your salute of these heroes and heroines, sung and unsung, including those from other political persuasions other than the African National Congress, which I'm representing here, whose contributions, whether large or small, helped to expedite the ultimate emancipation of our people from the terrain of apartheid.

In particular, we take this opportunity to wish isithwalandwe, uTatu' Madiba who led the nation in its long walk to freedom and even longer and more fulfilling life filled with eternal joy, peace and satisfaction as he watches us all , his children, make his vision and dream to become a reality. This is my prayer. His continued, tireless and selfless provision of leadership to our nation and the world at large even in his retirement is most humbling and yet profoundly inspirational and is a gift for which we are eternally grateful. [Applause.]

Your Excellency, the President of the Republic, it is an observation teat I am confidently share with many, and, in fact, the Chief whip of the Majority Party who spoke earlier that your presidency has drawn its vision in great measure from the vision espoused by uTatu' Madiba of nation building, aimed at creating a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, united and prosperous society based on the principle of equality, human dignity and freedom in the true spirit of our Constitution and the Freedom Charter, the pursuit of which is the foundation upon which the ANC's very existence is hinged.

In its Manifesto for the 2009 General Elections, the ANC commits itself to addressing, during current period in office, the most difficult and yet central challenges facing our nation, namely: An improvement in the provision of quality jobs and sustainable livelihoods, education, health care, safety and security, and of promoting rural development and land and agrarian reform. Central to this objectives is the ANC continued role of providing leadership and hope to our people, and its central value of putting people first in and at the centre of its all policies.

Your Excellency, there a number of specific measures you announced in the state of the nation address relating to the character of state and of the public sector which we are determined to transform South Africa into that demonstrate your determination to usher in a different style of leadership. You said: "When this administration came into office last year, we undertook to work harder to build a strong developmental state. We said it would be a state that responds to the needs and aspirations of the people and which performs better and faster. This year, 2010, shall be the year of action. The defining feature of this administration will be that it knows where people live, understands their needs and responds faster. The government must work faster, harder and smarter."

The specific measure you outlined or have already embarked upon in pursued of this goal include the hotline you have established for all citizens to enjoy direct access to your office and not only through ministries, state departments or even through us public representatives. Your appearance in person at various poverty stricken areas of our country to get a first hand impression of the plight of our people has also not gone unnoticed.

You have announced the introduction of performance contracts between your office and Cabinet Ministers, setting out clear and agreed targets to which they will adhere and against which their performance will be measured.

The introduction of new ministries in your office, particularly on policy planning and performance monitoring and evaluation is a critical step in the right direction towards reinforcing a focussed, coherent and well coordinated effort in government policy planning and implementation.

This, so that the overarching strategic vision and direction of government is not lost as the different departments recline to their respective silos which in turn results in our people falling in between the cracks that exist between the policies and services of the various departments as they seek help from government. This will also obviate past experience of policies and interventions that appear good on the face of it and yet do little to change the situation of our people as a whole or add little value towards the realisation of our strategic vision and goals.

Key to the new approach to improving government performance and service delivery are principles aptly articulated in Minister in the Presidency, comrade Collins Chabane's strategic document, which are to: Provide principled leadership and making the tough decisions that may be required to deliver on our mandate; strengthen our ability to coordinate across the three levels of government and work as a single delivery machine; build partnership between government and civil society so that we work together to achieve our goals for a better life; be completely transparent with each other. We must claim no easy victories, just tell the truth and build on what we have achieved; recognise that there will be always be limited funding and resources and yet be willing to commit to doing more with less and doing it on time; and develop a skilled and well motivated public service that is proud of what it does and receives full recognition for delivering better quality services.

As the Standing Committee on the Auditor-General in our engagement with that office last year, we have come to note with appreciation the AG's paradigm shift in the auditing of public entities with the addition to the regular financial auditing of performance auditing, focusing on the three "e's", namely, efficiency, economy, and effectiveness. The focus therefore is increasingly going to be on outcomes rather than outputs. The question will what value in real terms are we getting out of the money spent, rather than whether we have spent the money as prescribed. We also need to look at the sustainable use of our limited resources in an environmentally friendly way and so that posterity will not judge us harshly.

Speaker allow me at this juncture to turn to the important matter of restoring good old-fashioned values in our public service. The National Executive Council of the ANC's January 8th Statement presented by your Excellency in Kimberly last month which outlines the line of march for all the ANC cadres, whether deployed in government or elsewhere, clearly and firmly articulate the ANC policy on this matter.

The ANC articulates the view that the process of building a new public sector cadre forms part of the major tasks for creating a developmental state. Where people are found to be incapable of performing the tasks assigned to them, must either be capacitated or replaced with the capable ones. To be a public sector cadre means service to the people and a caring attitude in dealing with citizens.

The ANC is committed in transforming the State in a manner that benefits our people. There is no room for using the resources of the State for self-enrichment and acting from narrow self-interest. Selfishness is alien to the values of our movement.

In this regard, you have also mentioned. Hon President, government's resolved to eradicate fraud and corruption and the establishment of the inter-ministerial committee on corruption which is currently had at work to find new ways of eradicating corruption. Amongst the specific areas of concern that you alluded to are corruption in the issuing of tenders and drivers licenses, social grants and Identity Documents. The so-called "tenderpreneurs" who milk the State coffers of millions of Rands and yet perform a shoddy job, if at all, needs to become something of the past. [Time Expired.][Applause.]



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Ms P DE LILLE: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, the past few weeks has given us the opportunity to think back of the unbanning of our liberation movements and the release of Madiba with nostalgia.

The ID supports the President in thanking all those that led the fight against apartheid, inside and outside of our country.

However, this is not just been an opportunity to remember how we won our freedom, but also a time to reflect on what we have done with it.

It is indeed very sad for me that the millions of South Africans who deserve the most praise for our victory over oppression, the very people that led the battle in the streets; have yet to taste the fruits of our democracy.

We acknowledge that 15 years is not enough to reverse 350 years of colonialism and apartheid. But it is my belief that we could have achieved far more.

The fact that government has not followed up on its plans on implementation and evaluation means in many ways, that it has failed Mandela's legacy. For example, the energy crisis we are facing today was caused by the ANC, and the very same ANC stands to gain the most, financially, from electricity tariff increases.

For the ID, it is unethical and immoral that a significant percentage of the 35% increase proposed by Eskom will go straight into the ANC's coffers via the Chancellor House. It is with dismay that we recall that Chancellor House was the name of the building that housed the Mandela and Tambo law firm.

Indeed, by straying from the higher set of ethics espoused by Nelson Mandela, the ANC and the government have made a mockery of his legacy. To this, with the actions of some of the ministers, who continue to make money off state tenders, has revealed the President's tough talk on what corruption is. Just talk.

It is clear that the battle for the soul of the ANC has now morphed into a leadership battle for state resources.

The announcement that Mr President has terminated over 30 000 fraudulent social grants payments is very good. But when will these crooks be arrested, charged, prosecuted and sent to jail?

Mr President also said that the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Corruption is looking at ways to decisively defeat corruption. But, does Mr President think that they will be effective when there are so many conflicts of interest in business deals where even ministers are involved? The idea that ministers can monitor themselves is both misguiding and misleading. Rather, we should be setting up a permanent commission comprising of MPs and civil society to monitor and expose corruption in Government.

In some countries an anticorruption unit is set up for every big procurement by the state. Can Mr President also tell us when, if ever, will we see a plan from him on how we are going to restructure the economy so that it can create jobs?

It is an indictment on the Mandela legacy that we have become the most unequal society in the world.

It is patronizing to enter into a semantic debate about what constitutes work when over a million of South Africans have lost their jobs last year.

Mr President said we are turning the corner. Which corner? Where is this corner?

Millions of South Africans have been living in economic depression all their lives. This recession, now at the end, has only worsened the situation.

We are surprised that Mr President is only now going to establish an inter-ministerial team on energy to formulate an integrated energy plan for the next 20 years, when the legislation for this has been passed two years ago. Can Mr President explain why there have been these delays and give us an indication of when this plan will be started and when it will be completed?

Again, he is promising that the independent power producers will be introduced. But can he please tell us by when the policy environment will be in place to attract them into the market?

It is precisely this kind of thinking that has led to the energy crisis in the first place.

We would also like to hear when Mr President is going to intervene in the failing state-owned enterprises, to halt the rot that has set in?

As a social democratic party, the ID believes in the strategic importance of state-owned enterprises, but only if they fit in with our developmental objectives that are run properly and are not a bottomless pit for taxpayers' money.

Mr President has also said last year that he will improve the monitoring and evaluating of state-owned enterprises. I don't know whether he has forgotten.

ID would like to welcome the wage subsidies for the young people because we have already asked for that in our manifesto last year.

I won't even go into the delivery commitments and the performance agreements for ministers. We've heard it in the last state of the nation address. We heard it again. Can it now be known what the delay is? Why is it taking so long?

The ID is ready to roll up their sleeves and dirty their hands to work hard to build our country. But we will need decisive action and leadership, and need far less repetitive talk and spin from Mr President. I thank you. [Applause.]



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Mr S Z NTAPANE: Madam Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Mr Deputy President, hon Ministers, hon members, I believe that hon Holomisa has already informed you in person of his travels abroad to Korea for an international conference on federation of peace, and of his intention to thereafter join other members of the interim Defence Force Commission to the United Kingdom. He regrets that these commitments were confirmed before this debate.

We thank you further, Mr President, for heeding our call for more time to participate in Parliament. We hope and trust that a further fairer dispensation will be disposed to, for all other debates in Parliament.

At the outset, we wish to pay tribute to that great South African, Nelson Mandela. We join you, Mr President, along with the rest of South Africa, in celebrating the twentieth anniversary of his release from prison. This event, followed by millions of South Africans and people from all over the world, ushered in an era of hope and regeneration. Our task is always to measure ourselves against that sense of hope and promise.

Therefore, a state of the nation address should be about telling it like it is, and saying how government will address the challenges facing us. With due respect Mr President; we feel that your address did not meet these criteria.

An honest assessment of the state of the nation is this: backlogs and imbalances of the past remain with us. Economic policy at the moment is failing to expand the economy and to increase the share of every South African in that economy.

There seems to be no consensus about the type of economic policy required or the instruments that are needed to grow the economy. Currently we have various policy positions being announced and contradicted by different individuals in the ruling party and tripartite alliance. There is no agreement; some people talk of the developmental state, others of nationalisation and others of the free market. It is just a disjointed approach with no direction.

The UDM has argued repeatedly that we need to come together as a nation and find a common agreement on broad economic policies. Our proposal for an economic indaba should not be dismissed lest we face the perils of widespread dissatisfaction boiling over into a genuine nationwide uprising - underline "genuine".

We would suggest that there is a need in your reply, Mr President, to clarify your position in the spat between your Ministers who speak against nationalisation, and leaders at Luthuli House who disagree with them and threaten them with disciplinary and political repercussions within the party.

Infrastructure is falling apart. Maintenance has been sorely neglected. Much of the country's infrastructure is managed by parastatals. We are disappointed that no reference was made to the poor state of these parastatals. The leadership and financial crises faced by most of these parastatals need to be acknowledged and urgently addressed.

Working infrastructure enables economic growth, whereas dilapidated infrastructure impedes economic growth. Take for instance the financial and medical cost of using the roads, which is escalating because of the poor state of the roads. Major highways including N1 in Johannesburg and N2 in the Eastern Cape are riddled with dangerous potholes, not to speak of the preposterous situation in smaller towns and rural areas. The infrastructure maintenance units that had been phased out need to be brought back.


Aba bantu kuthiwa ngooNolongo, mhlekazi, bamisa iintente ecaleni kwendlela belungisa iindlela.


This would create permanent jobs and reduce government expenses. Infrastructure maintenance is cheaper than infrastructure replacement.

Service delivery protests expose the rifts within the ruling party and its alliance partners, as well as the rift between the elite and the poor. Whilst it is fine and well to speak about the police enforcing order in these communities, it would be better, Mr President, to speak to the leaders of the tripartite alliance; nine times out of 10, it is they who are leading and instigating these protests to displace councillors and mayors they dislike or to pursue other political agendas.

Mr President, you can help the people and communities by disciplining members of your political alliance, who are using the poor as cannon fodder for their political schemes.

Linked to the question of service delivery is the issue of people grandstanding and seeking cheap publicity. We regularly see the Minister of Human Settlements speaking of demolishing admittedly inferior government-built houses, but where are the new, better structures?

Could you, Mr President, also take your country into your confidence and explain the proposed tariff increases for Eskom to build power stations, related to the Hitachi deal? The ruling party is heavily invested in that contract, which depends on Eskom imposing tariffs that would cripple the economy. Can we trust your Cabinet to make unbiased decisions in the best interest of the country, when the ruling party stands to benefit directly to the tune of billions from this Eskom deal?

Taking the above-mentioned into consideration, our assessment is that the state of the nation is not positive, nor are we convinced that this government is prepared and able to deal with the challenges that face us. Since this government was elected, we have not seen any significant delivery and the newspapers have been filled with the types of cars the leaders are driving and in front of whose homes those cars are seen. Thank you.


"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-14] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][uh].doc"


Mr S L TSENOLI: Madam Deputy Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, and hon members, I feel privileged to participate in this debate.

Comrade President, the timing of your speech was absolute exciting to us. [Laughter.] [Applause.] This is because we were celebrating, remembering those inspiring words that you took from No Fist Is Big Enough to Hide the Sky: the Liberation of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde : Aspects of an African Revolution, that we will be free. The African-American who visited us at Drakenstein prison the other day reminded us that when big people make statements in public, such as they did, it is because the grassroots, their people, make them do so.

So, when they said in Guinea-Bissau that no fist is big enough, there were some who believed that that was not going to happen. They were as cynical as those who believed that we were not going to be able to make the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup happen. Now that it happens, we welcome them in saying that we are going to host a successful 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup. [Applause.] Evidence shows that we have promised and that we are delivering systematically. We do so, knowing that that success is in no small measure because of municipalities that are described as dysfunctional. It is perhaps often also human nature to only see what is wrong and ignore the good that is happening right in front of your eyes. [Applause.]

Madam Deputy Speaker and Comrade President, the African National Congress, which you lead and carry on your shoulders 99 years of its history, tradition, and customs, taught this country democracy. Democracy unfortunately often produces unpopular results, because to appreciate the importance of doing the correct thing, we learn from our mistakes. The ANC, every five years, publicly discusses its internal issues, its problems that it confronts in dealing with other problems, openly. Our discussion documents are circulated everywhere, for people to contribute to civil society, including some of the opposition. We take those views at our deliberations at our congresses and announce the results of those publicly.

How can they then want to claim for themselves criticism and self-criticism? We will not allow them to claim that for themselves. We taught them that. [Applause.] Criticism and self-criticism is our revolutionary practice. [Interjections.] It may not often be alright and good for us, but we do it, because we know the value of criticism and self-criticism. We do it regularly. Our leadership does it every day. This is a crucial point, because if we didn't do that, people wouldn't believe in what we are saying today. The confidence they have in us in every election comes from there.

For 15 years we have said openly of government's assessment of its own work that we cannot continue in the trajectory. If we did so, people would be angry with us. This is what government said. Now you can't talk to us about things that we know, that we, ourselves, do and assess, and so you give the impression that this is strange to us. [Applause.]

I can't resist talking about the privatisation story that Umtwana kaphinda'ngene invites us to go into. President, he is correct that Einstein said madness is often defined as doing the same thing and expecting different results. Overwhelming evidence shows that whenever you do that, in many instances and unfortunately this is the truth, for the consumers, or people, things often turn up very expensive, and if not for the consumers, for the state itself.

In property, in council properties that have been given to the private sector to run, residents have had to endure thrice, four times the rent that they used to pay in the past, consequently pushing out the poor to the periphery of the cities. That is not what we want to do. Is that what we want to do? So, the state and how it operates, we were told, and of course this is not a blanket story. There are different instances but overwhelming evidence, including respectable intellectual views that suggest otherwise, one of them being James K Galbraith, who said quite frankly that liberals should learn from the conservatives in the United States of America that free markets don't exist, that, indeed, this is an excuse to give to friends, that this is an excuse to profiteer, and that those who pursue them uncritically do so, ignoring available evidence in front of them. [Interjections.]

Comrade President, your reference to the turnaround strategy, as adopted by Cabinet, is a very important one, as a report to Parliament. Parliament is already engaged in a process, firstly, to hear from the department leading that process about its current state of readiness to implement that but also to hear from national departments and Ministers about their views about where they are, and here we must thank the Minister of Rural Development, the Minister of Water and Environmental Affairs and the Minister of Energy for their input.

Speaking to Parliament, reacting to Parliament as an activist Parliament, provided us with key issues that confront those departments in their relationship with municipalities. They provided us with insights that are very useful and that will come into play in the action we are going to take with the turnaround strategy. The turnaround strategy is a framework that will enable us, in other words national and provincial departments, to act in a manner that reinforces the effectiveness of municipalities. Some of the problems we are talking about, including housing, transport and some of those issues, lie elsewhere for their effectiveness. In a sense, the remedy that we seek is not only at municipal level; it is at national, provincial and also parastatal level.

We heard an excellent presentation from the Development Bank of Southern Africa, DBSA, for example, of how and what they are doing and the resources they are able to command and put to bear on this. The problem is effective institutional co-ordination, so that we pool our resources much more effectively to bring to bear on these areas. This is work in progress; it is an excellent programme. The Minister for Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, with his energetic rush across the country to interact effectively with municipalities and with traditional leaders, has put that turnaround strategy in place, having consulted.

One of the things, of course, we would interact with him on a regular basis is...


Ntate Shiceka, baholo ba re lepotlapotla le ja podi, lesisitheho le ja kgomo.


... slowly, slowly makes it. In other words, we have to ensure that we give the stakeholders we interact with sufficient time to pool their resources, which includes the constituencies they mobilise, so that they are able to effectively assist us in bringing about this turnaround strategy. One of those stakeholders, Comrade President, is the government that you lead. I am told that there is about

R2 billion that is owe by various departments to municipalities. Now, we don't know for how long that is. Some of it might be 60, 90 or 120 days and so on.

These are complex programmes relating to the effectiveness of the municipalities' ability to bill this department in time, effectively, but what we are suggesting is that it would make a huge impact if one of the things we do systematically is to work with departments, for them to work with municipalities, to be able to release and unlock those resources, so that they help with the cash flow of municipalities.

Importantly, our assessment about the nature of the political problems in municipalities and administrative problems, those we have identified in the past, your leadership in interacting with municipalities and mayors across the board, laid the foundation for what is emerging, amongst others in that framework of the turnaround strategy. Therefore, you have already given practical leadership around those issues. We believe that with the parliamentary process that now proceed to the provinces we will have a sufficient basis, now understanding the state of readiness of the municipalities in provinces to shape themselves, so that they are able to interact effectively with these issues. We will make a big difference to the nature of what we are going to do.

I want to return, with the last minute that I have, to where I started. If the private sector, as given an opportunity in the United States of America, the crisis that we face today and where it started, if we really just allowed them to go ahead and do that, we wouldn't be where we are today. That it necessitated state intervention to bail them out is an important recognition of the failure on their own, without regulation, to do business properly.

So, in a sense, what we are saying, Comrade President, is that the government that you lead must not hesitate in taking proactive and very effective relationship building that recognises the weaknesses that exist there but also often the strength that the public sector has, especially in line with what we call the developmental state, that we would like to create with the features that you identified during your speech. It must be decisive, interventionist and inclusive in how it deals with these issues and not a replication of what others want us to believe that comes from afar.

We are not amazed at the cynicism of others about the kind of leadership you are providing. They cannot but do otherwise; they are opposition, and so often what they say has got no basis in reality. [Interjections.] [Applause.] We can't blame their confusion if, in spite of ANC conference policy resolutions that clarify our policies, they still get confused with the robustness of our debate elsewhere. Our responsibility is to lead all of society in debate. Government has a policy process that it makes and so there is no reason for us in the African National Congress and our allies to claim confusion, because we know exactly where we are going to. We understand the processes of decision making, and we are not afraid of debate, internal and external. I thank you. [Applause.]



"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-15] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][uh].doc"

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Deputy Speaker, the previous speaker spoke about the strength of our Public Service. Let's talk about that.But first I would like to start my speech by handing out a bouquet to the Minister of Mining, Minister Shabangu. Her comment that mines would not be nationalized in her lifetime showed, I think, extraordinary leadership. It showed that she understands that international capital markets are fickle, that markets like certainty failing which investment capital is hesitant or comes with a high risk premium

For this she gets top marks-by contrast Julius Malema is shown to understand as much about markets as he does about woodwork. [Laughter.] I regret that the President didn't actually speak his mind on this vital subject. Proponents of nationalization have not outlined a cogent case to show how such a move will create jobs and reduce poverty – surely this country is the highest priority. Yet the proponents of nationalization continue to trumpet it as the panacea to our country's socioeconomic problems.

These calls appeared to be based on the assumption that the state has the ability to run mines profitable and state-owned enterprises effectively. The truth is that state-owned enterprises over the last 15 years have lurched from one crisis to another. Over the last 3 years R143 billion have been on rescuing parastatals.

They have been a drain on the State's limited financial resources rather than a net contributor to economic prosperity. Yet these institutions are supposed to be the vanguard institutions of the developmental state. There are two fundamental problems which stand in a way of the state-owned enterprises advancing the ANC's developmental state, namely financial and governance - and incidentally they are interrelated.

Financially SOEs lack capital and are investment hungry. Eskom current funding difficulty in infrastructural expansion has clearly exhibited that neither it, nor government, have a capacity hence Eskom endeavour to get private sector investment for the Kusile, and no doubt other power stations. We welcomed this.

Secondly, the issue of governance, this speaks directly to the issue of cadre deployment as opposed to fit for purpose where merit, skill, and ability are the determining factors for appointment. It also speaks to the fact of regular interference by political office bearers in a day to day running of SOEs. Boards get turned into lame ducks as politicians meddle in the running of these entities.

This is exemplified by the paralysis we have seen in the long list of parastatals without chief executives. Armscor recently joined the list of Transnet, SAA, Eskom, Denel, SA Tourism and we have seen recently the turmoil at the SABC. Last Thursday, the chief executive officer of the Road Traffic Management Corporation took voluntary leave pending investigations into allegation of gross financial mismanagement, procurement irregularities and misappropriation of funds.

In all of these there is a consistent pattern - parastatals being mismanaged into the ground or brought to their knees by political interference and corruption, only to be bailed out and the management and the board replaced at great cost. For the country that has yet to find a successful formula for running existing SOEs - the creation of more SOEs in the name of the developmental state is laughable.

Against this backdrop the question marks must be raised on the ANC's renewed determination to build our bigger and even more interventionist state. The state is currently struggling to fulfil some of its most basic functions. Too many institutions as well as government departments are already too incapacitated and overwhelmed. Giving them additional responsibility and power of intervention when they cannot even execute their core function is likely to cripple them altogether.

The state lacks critical management capacity; it does not have skilled efficient and meritocratic bureaucratic elite, prerequisites for a developmental state. On the contrarily the ANC's policy of cadre deployment has ravaged the public service, fuelled corruption and stalled service delivery.

No, Mr President instead of government trying to nationalize or control everything we need to open the economy, promote opportunity, create competition and give choice. Mr Speaker, one of the most critical tasks facing our nation is economic growth and the creation of jobs.

Now I hear the President boasting that the government has created 408000 public work jobs opportunities. What do opportunities actually mean? Work for one day, one week, and one month? The truth is the economy lost over 870000 real jobs. The truth is government's capacity to create real jobs is limited – either 500000 supposed to last year or 4million by the year 2014.

It is the private sector which is an engine room in this regard, yet it is looked upon with suspicion by this government and loose threats of nationalization are thrown about.

We welcome the president's proposal of a wage subsidy for younger workers but this is nothing new. Indeed we, the DA set out detailed proposals in this regard in 2005 in the budget debate. Let me read to you the introduction of Mr Manuel's response by myself in this House. I quote:

What you are saying is: Give a tax incentive to people to employ others at home. What you're looking for is a colonial mindset. You want to be waited on hand and foot by black people who will carry and fetch and the more you employ the more the state will subsidise that lifestyle. We will not do it for you in our democracy now.

You go and tell the President that Minister Manuel. A wage subsidy is an important intervention, but it is a best a palliative. We need to grow the economy. To do this we increased investment and higher productivity.

But Government is focusing on neither because tripartite unity is the issue of primary importance and giving a strong lead on either of these two key issues would mean confronting the protective trade unions and squashing talk of nationalization, all of which will threaten tripartite unity.

Mr President we need leadership. I thank you. [Applause.]




The DEPUTY MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES: Deputy Speaker, hon President, a primary school child visited Parliament and sat in the gallery. He watched how the Speaker entered the Assembly, nodded to the right, nodded to the left and then asked for a moment of silence for prayer.

Back at school, he wrote an essay about his visit and he wrote, "The Speaker is as despondent about the future of South Africa as my father is. The Speaker walked in, looked to the right at the ANC government, and shook his head in dejection because he could see that they were not going to solve the country's problems."

"Thereafter, full of hope, he looked to his left at the Opposition parties, but also became despondent when he saw that there was no hope that they had any solutions. That's when he said the only thing left for this country is prayer; let us pray together." [Laughter.]

Now sir, may we never reach that point, where there is no longer any hope and solutions for South Africa's problems.

In his state of the nation, the President was very precise in his proposals as to how certain problems could be resolved, but also very vague about others. I'll give you an example: The FF Plus welcomes the emphasis on education, and the specific measurable objectives which have been set. The FF Plus would like to add specific objectives for more education in mother tongue.

We would also like to congratulate the government on the fact that almost 33 000 fraudulent social grant payments to the value of r180 million have been terminated. It's a small but important step in eradicating large-scale corruption.

The FF Plus welcomes the outcomes-based approach of government; it makes it possible for Opposition parties and the public to measurably evaluate the government's success. Many other problems were identified correctly, but the solutions are still very vague.


Volgens meningspeilings is misdaad, en die feit dat Suid-Afrikaners nie meer veilig in hulle huise voel nie, een van die ernstigste probleme in die land.

Rooftogte by huise het verlede jaar met 27% toegeneem, en as die syfer oor drie jaar geneem word, is dit 54%. Moord het effens afgeneem, maar die Suid-Afrikaanse moordsyfer is steeds 37 uit elke 100 000 van die bevolking, terwyl die wêreldgemiddelde 5 uit 100 000 is. Dit beteken dat vyftig mense vandag in Suid-Afrika vermoor gaan word en 50 elke dag vir die res van die jaar.

As na moord op plaasboere en hulle werkers gekyk word, gaan die syfer op na oor die 200 per 100 000 van die bevolking – plaasmoorde wat op die wreedste maniere plaasvind.

As die President dan slegs enkele sinne in sy toespraak aan misdaad wy, beteken dit daar buite dat misdaad nie 'n prioriteit van die regering is nie.

Waarom kan moorde op plase nie as afsonderlike polisie statistiek gegee word nie? Die boerderygemeenskap aanvaar dat die rede is dat plaasmoorde – van wit en swart – nie vir die regering belangrik is nie.


Rural development is rightly one of the priorities of the government. In my contact with farmers throughout the country, they affirm the importance of this and offer their assistance.

For rural development, it is important that especially commercial farmers create more job opportunities. The commercial farmers ask me how one creates more job opportunities and expands one's farm, if, after fifteen years, one is still not certain that one will keep one's farm; if one's neighbour is murdered and one is not certain whether one will experience a farm attack at night; if one's children have to be sent to a school 300km away because the Afrikaans school close by has been closed by the government.

If the Minister of Human Settlements then also comes and falsely accuses farmers of being the main cause of squatter camps, the commercial farmers' offer to help with rural development is then lost, while they have to fight just for their own survival.

Urbanisation is an African phenomenon. Kibera, adjacent to Nairobi, is the largest squatter camp in Kenya, with more than 600 000 people living in an area of four square kilometres. There are no South African farmers there.

How many people have moved from the former Transkei to the Western Cape? How many foreigners from Africa have streamed over our borders and settled in squatter camps? Are farmers also being blamed for that?

Twenty-one African states have already made offers to lure South African farmers to their countries. Even Mr Gadaffi, of Lybia, promises the son and the moon. He promises diesel at 50 cents a litre and a pipeline to make unlimited amounts of water available. How do I answer these farmers?

The FF Plus welcomes the President's proposal to subsidise the cost of hiring young workers. Does this proposal include all young people or are young white people excluded from this? For which reasons can young people who were born after Mr. Mandela's release – the so-called free borns – be excluded from this?

The black wealthy and middle class is already considerably larger than the white rich and middle class. Affirmative action at present only takes race into consideration and not economic capacity. For which reasons should a black millionaire's child be advantaged by these measures, while a poor white child is disadvantaged?

The government is making a mistake if it does not take notice of the growing opposition and polarisation which affirmative action causes, especially amongst the youth. Read the letters in the newspapers and listen to the debates on university campuses.

Let me read you a part of Selna du Toit's letter dated 12 January of this year in the Afrikaans newspaper, Beeld. She writes:

Last year our son completed his matric. He obtained seven distinctions and scored 97% in the Math paper. He cannot get a bursary to study computer engineering. At this point, there is bitterness in his heart because nobody wants to give him a reasonable chance.

I therefore direct an urgent plea to our government and all those large companies who only give bursaries to students who give them points for black empowerment: Rise above this destructive form of intimidation and give bursaries to all deserving students in South Africa. Give everybody hope that there is a future for all in this beautiful country.

What should I answer Selna about her son? When will there be equal opportunities for the young free born? And when will we learn not to use the race card when we differ in opinion from someone else?

When Mr Malema differs from Mr Cronin, he calls him a white Messiah.

When Mr Jimmy Manyi differs from Mr Godsell concerning the firing of Mr Maroga, he calls Mr Godsell a racist.

When Judge Motata differs from the person who testifies against him in his drunken driving case, he calls that person a white racist – even though he does not know him at all.

Why should all 36 university campuses in South Africa be English? When I argue that at least two or three of these campuses should be largely Afrikaans, with white, brown and black South African students, it is labelled as hidden racism by the government spokespeople.

When you host an Afrikaans cultural festival, it is suddenly racist, but a Zulu festival in KZN is not racist.

Rightly so, Mr. Vavi, of all people, says: "The using of the racial card when there really is no racism makes it difficult to combat real racism."

This approach forces the South African population into different camps which oppose each other.

The same happens with ill-thought out name changes.

In his state of the nation address in June last year, the President said:

We will ensure a common national approach to the changing of geographic and place names. This must provide an opportunity to involve all South Africans in forging an inclusive national identity, to deepen our understanding of our history and heritage.

But names changed without this having taken place. The FF Plus understands that all groups' names should be given recognition. But there is a very big difference between a name such as Pampoenfontein, and one like Pretoria. Names such as Pretoria, Potchefstroom, Pietersburg and Piet Retief were named after Afrikaner heroes and carry a lot of Afrikaner history and emotion. Why are these names specifically targeted, if it is not meant to elicit confrontation?

The FF Plus believes that, with negotiation, guidelines can be developed to manage the sensitivities around these issues. For example, names which offend should be changed; names which have great historical value for a specific group can only be changed in consultation with that group; names cannot be changed after a specific cut-off date; etc.

The way name changes are being approached at present will, for the next 20 years, from town to town, cause conflict between communities. It is bad for relations and causes an ever increasing polarisation between communities.

All kinds of compromises are possible, with examples in the world where towns have double-barrelled names and where both heroes and traitors are acknowledged because they are part of history.

For example, in London, at the one end of Whitehall, you will find a statue of Charles I, the king who was beheaded; at the other end of Whitehall you will find a monument to the man who did it, Cromwell. Cromwell stands in front of the Parliament which he disbanded.

Sir, remember, you have not converted a man because you have silenced him or tried to wipe out his history.

The previous government – and here is a lesson I learnt – could not change Mr Mandela's views with his incarceration. In the same way, no part of the South African population can be bullied into nation-building. If they feel accommodated it will be easy and there will be a lot of co-operation. Nation-building is always a voluntary process. Let's try to achieve this. Thank you very much. [Applause.]



"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-17] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][uh].doc"

Mr B M KOMPHELA: Deputy Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon President, hon members, friends, colleagues and comrades, it is an honour for me to take part on the debates of the President on the state of the nation address, cognisant of the imperatives and priorities outlined by the ANC on the manifesto that we've given our people hope. Quite acute also, on the declaration of the President on the "year of action", and that programme - the 2010 World Cup, the festival has begun.

On the evening of the 11 February 2010 we celebrated the release of Utata Nelson Mandela, when he walked out of Victor Vester Prison as a free man, free at last. You chose that day to call a joint sitting of Parliament to deliver the state of the nation address, to celebrate a watershed moment that changed our country. Indeed, the release of Utata Nelson Mandela was brought about by the resolute struggle of our black people in this country. The masses of our people, in their different formations responded with determination to the call to make this country ungovernable and apartheid unworkable.

As we celebrate Nelson Mandela's release, we recommit ourselves to the call that he made; reconciliation, nation building, the unity of our people, nonracialism and building a better South Africa, black and White together.

We are truly guided by the inspired words of Nelson Mandela, who on the edge of death in the dock said:

During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to the struggle of the African people; I have fought against the white domination; and I have fought against the black domination; I have cherished the ideals of a democratic and free society, in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.

Those were inspiring words from Nelson Mandela, on the commitment of choosing death over any other thing like the oppression of the people of this country. In the President's programme of this "year of action" the ANC commits itself also in building a developmental state, whose characters are similar to those of the UDF which are a caring, sustainable, democratic and people centred society. In celebrating our achievement in the ANC, we've done a number of things in a very short period of time that an apartheid government could not do in 400 years. [Applause.]

Today, when you visit the Fifa website you will see that the destination for the World Cup is South Africa. There is no more plan B. Many of the people were caught up in an euphoria of a plan B. Plan B was South Africa; plan A was South Africa; plan Z was South Africa and we are in that mood today.

We are celebrating in the midst of despair and a total onslaught in the field of play. Today we celebrate that our struggle for transformation in sport was a just struggle and the "Age of Hope", which the former President Mbeki talked about has dawned on sports in this country.

We are celebrating a better South Africa and we even inspired millions of our people as the ANC. When a young South African, Roland Schoeman, confronted with a choice as to whether to abandon this country or not for money to join other swimmers and earn millions of rands in Quatar, Roland Schoeman, the young man, took a very bold decision that he would not leave South Africa and abandon his citizenship. That is patriotism to the bone of this young Afrikaner. [Applause.]

Because the ANC proclaimed in 1955 when our forebears, our parents moved the Freedom Charter, which says South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and cannot be an exclusive terrain of white people and black people pushed to the periphery. That is what we have opposed to and we'll be opposed to anything that pushes the white people to the periphery and black people above them.

As we gather here today we want to join you in the call and tell the world that as the ANC we are satisfied about the 2010 Fifa World Cup preparations. The stadiums, training venues, accommodation, transport, security and even logistics, fan parks; restaurants that will serve delicious food and most importantly, host cities are ready and at anytime, we can play this spectacular event in our country.

We will work together to ensure that Africa's first World Cup will amaze the world and us beyond expectation. We state with absolute certainty and believe that we are ready for the world and the world is ready for our stage.

The success of this event is not just a question of the bricks and mortar and operations. It offers an opportunity to place this moment in a context of our country, a continent, the past struggle of all our people and our collective future.

This event must contribute to our programme of nation building and asserting ourselves and our Africaness and both our commitment to the world. We often speak about our Africaness, our collective heartbeat that echoes across this great continent. This World Cup will be similar to the one in 1995; a year after the election of a democratic country when Utata Nelson Mandela wore jersey number 6 of the Springbok Team, in celebrating and uniting our people in the calls for a free, democratic, nonracial country on an equal basis. That is how he led us in the celebration of that great moment when the World Cup was won by the Springboks.

This is a difficult phrase to explain because it is not a racially exclusive term, but because it holds history that only those who were defiant and those who remain defiant in the face of repression can understand.

When you are faced with a reality that says you are not good enough, you are a third class citizen, you can only participate within predetermined perimeters, you still have a choice, at that moment, to either accept the fate that has been assigned to you, or choose to change that fate. This is when our Africaness moved from being a static word to being an action.

It is not rhetoric but an active reality; it is the movement that started with founding fathers of the liberation movement, the likes of Kwame Nkruma, Samora Machel, Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela over many years.

The will to move mountains to achieve what we believe is just and fair is part of the eternal mechanism of our Africaness. It is what drives our constant pursuit of excellence and equality; it is also what instils the belief that both excellence and equality are possible, simultaneously.

This is what the 2010 Fifa World Cup epitomises to us as a country. We had to fight both internally and externally. There was pessimism and disbelief at the tenacity of our country at the southern most point of Africa to host this tournament.

We do not think any other country has had to contend with much negativity as we have. When we arrived in Korea, Japan, Germany and France, all of them said this negativity comes from our country. They said that their sister journalists are fed by Media 24 about the negativity in our country. They asked where we thought they got this information if not from our country. That is something that we, journalists, and the people should be patriotic because when you ask them where they get the information that people at O R Tambo Airport have spears, pangas and guns, they say it is our country that feeds them with that kind of information, but it is not real.

Those who supported the 2010 World Cup are ingrained with an Africaness. They include Desmond Tutu, Sepp Blatter, Issa Hayatou and our own Nelson Mandela. The new faces of Africaness have been awakened by hosting the 2010 Fifa World Cup in a few months, almost 115 days to go.

For the entire history of Fifa it has never been on the shores of the continent and the continent that has given so much to the world; and the continent that has produced the likes of Ace Mabhekaphantsi Ntsoelengwe, Roger Miller, Steve Kalamazou Mokone, Lucas Radebe, Abedi Pele, George Weah, Michael Essiene, Samuel Eto, Dedier Drogba and the list is endless.

That is why we are unequivocal in calling on the country to rally against injustice. Today we are satisfied that South Africa must take this call, a call that we are ready to host the 2010 Soccer World Cup because working together has demonstrated that we can achieve more.

Today no one needs to be convinced...Thank you. [Time expired.]



Rev K R J MESHOE: Deputy Speaker, President of the Republic, Deputy President and hon members, the ACDP joins other speakers in thanking the President for dedicating this debate to former President, Nelson Mandela, for his legacy of forgiveness, reconciliation and nation building. One of the positive things announced by the President, which has given us hope that we might see improved service delivery, is the announcement that the work of the departments will be measured by outcomes and that Ministers who are responsible for a particular outcome will sign a detailed delivery agreement with the President.

Questions that arise from this announcement include: Firstly, Will the key outcomes of what Ministers will be held accountable for, be made public? If yes, when will they be made public? If no, how will people confirm that Ministers and their departments are performing optimally and efficiently if they do not know what the expected outcomes are? Secondly, Will the President be monitoring delivery programmes alone or with the Cabinet Ministers who might be tempted to protect and defend their colleagues be working with him, or will he appoint a body of objective, a political and independent panellist to help him with the assessments? Thirdly, what will happen if Ministers fails to deliver? Will they be fired, demoted or deployed to other departments as had happened many times before?

In his state of the nation address, on 3 June 2009, the President said one of the ten priorities of the government was to intensify the fight against crime and corruption. However, in his Thursday night speech he spoke only about fighting crime as one of government's five priorities. We want to know why fighting corruption is no longer a stated priority of government. Corruption in this country is a pandemic that seriously undermines economic development and growth. It was reported a few months ago that more than 2 000 corrupt civil servants rigged government tenders worth more than R600 million and that poor procurement policies, strategies and systems were costing both the South African private sector and the government a loss losses amounting to more than R25 billion each year. How can fight against corruption not be among government's top listed five priorities when so much money is being stolen by government employees?

Just recently, Finance Minister, Pravin Gordhan, revealed in Parliament that government, for example, pays more than private business for everything it purchases. Some estimates indicate as much as 10 to 30% more, despite government's potential bargaining power. This is nothing but a waste of taxpayer's money that the ACDP deplores. Deputy speaker besides the efforts of the Finance Minister to address the corrupt tendering system particularly in the Limpopo province, we want to know what else government is doing to stop this cancer? We also want to know what government is doing about the frustration expressed by the head of the Special Investigating Unit, Willie Hofmeyr, before Scopa last month. He is reported to have said that the government has failed to deal decisively with cases of corruption identified by his staff. As he identified disciplinary processes, a weakness of government, he also said that there are cases of a really serious nature where disciplinary action does not take place. Mr Hofmeyr concluded that the possible reason for this lack of decisive action could be the progressive labour legislation that is preventing government from firing corrupt officials.

The ACDP wants to know when government is going to do away with lengthy disciplinary processes and suspending corrupt civil servants on full pay. We believe that certain labour laws must be revisited and amended to make it easier for employers, including government, to charge thieves and corrupt officials for crime, and fire lazy workers. We have heard, this past week, that the Eastern Cape Department of Health has overspent by almost R2 billion due to fraud, corruption, dishonesty and financial mismanagement. As a result, there's no money to pay health workers and municipalities such as the Baviaans Municipality. The mere suspension of senior officials for using emergency aircraft intended to ferry sick people, to go to Bloemfontein to watch a soccer match is disgraceful. Will the President ensure that these officials do not just get away with a slap on the wrist in the form of a suspension with full pay and that those who are guilty of corruption are charged and prosecuted?

I did not understand what the President meant by saying:

We will implement all the undertakings made on World Aids Day relating to new HIV prevention and treatment measures.

Does the President still believe in government's ABC strategy that, in our view, he has undermined and acted against? What are the new HIV prevention measures that the President referred to? The ACDP further wants to know from the President what government's latest position is on Eskom's proposed 35% per annum electricity tariff hike for the next three years, particularly so because of reported compelling reasons to believe the ANC will benefit from the proposed tariff hikes.

Is it true, Mr President, that the ANC's share in this deal, through Chancellor House that holds a 25% stake in Hitachi that won a tender to build the R20 billion Medupi boiler in Limpopo in 2005, is worth more than R5,7 billion? If this is true, Mr President, then this would be another form of corruption by the majority party. To hear the ANC secretary general, Gwede Mantashe, saying there is nothing wrong with the party holding a stake in Hitachi was shocking. We hope by now that the treasurer of the ANC has taken steps to disinvest the ANC's interest in Hitachi as he promised. If this is not done, then the poorest of the poor in our country must be informed about the deception of this party that claims to speak on their behalf whilst behind their backs they actively collude with Eskom's greed, exploitation and self-enriching price increases.

The ACDP supports calls to invest in the unused potential of South Africa's coastal wind and solar resources rather than building two huge coal power stations that would undermine our commitment to curbing greenhouse gas emissions.

In conclusion, Mr President, may I urge you and your government to work faster and harder as you promised to ensure that your administration performs better and responds faster to the needs of our people because the writing is on the wall. As you know hon President, the ACDP objected to the opening of Parliament at night, something that is not done in any democratic country in the world. I believe that what happened on Thursday night, 11 February 2010, was prophetic. The sun is setting on the ANC, Mr President. [Laughter.]

Violent protests at Balfour this past week, and your visit to the area and after that the subsequent visit of a nine member Ministerial team, is sending a clear message to the government. People are running out of patience, and they want service delivery now. Yes, it is going to sink. They are saying:

Fix our roads that are in a deplorable state, eradicate poverty, high unemployment, illiteracy, corruption and crime urgently or you might not have another opportunity to give another state of the nation address. Thank you. [Applause.]




Mnr W G JAMES: Dit is my voorreg, Speaker, eerbare Raadslede, om 'n paar idees met u te deel.


One may look at President Zuma's state of the nation address in terms of what he said and as what he did not say. In terms of what he said, I have very little quarrel and support the overall thrust: The focus on job creation, education and health. The claim about the 480 000-odd jobs is a fudge and it is an act of what one may term rhetorical elision.

I object – to use a Soviet Union style term – to the rehabilitation of P W Botha. I will return to Botha at the end of what I have to say if there is time.

The main issue with President Zuma's address is what he did not say and the lack of ambition he indicated in word and manner for our country. Our economy is animated by the talent, ideas, intellectual property and spin-off entrepreneurial opportunities coming from some of our 23 - Deputy Minister of Agriculture - universities and over 50 colleges. We have the most advanced science, medical and technology infrastructure on this continent by far. We are at the high end of astronomy, nuclear physics, biotechnology, medical genetics and large scale engineering and construction.

Together with our science council system, we could be the powerhouse on the continent, competing globally with the likes of India, Brazil and Chile. But, we are running at 40 per cent capacity and we need to get to 100 per cent. We need hundreds of trades' schools for high-end artisan training. None of this is new to you. To get there, we require an unrelenting attention to quality.

I think of Stanford University in California, a fourth rate institution in the 1940s, after the war, built up by its legendary provost by paying consistent attention to detail in the hiring of quality staff of attracting quality students and of working in a well run and properly functioning institution on the basis of a quality infrastructure. We certainly need to apply ourselves similarly. Careers pursued via universities, colleges and the trade school are equally valued and important, and we should market our aspirations accordingly.

Education is the joyful unlocking of human potential and not the burden to the taxpayer of head-stuffing of students who are seen as units of information consumption. We have a great base on which to build.

Let me give you some examples of inherited nodes of a knowledge economy: Firstly, deep-level mining produces innovations in engineering, geology, paleontology and medicine at the University of the Witwatersrand. Secondly, the HIV and Aids infrastructure is emerging in KwaZulu-Natal. The University of KwaZulu-Natal with this welcome trust funded clinic in the northern parts of KwaZulu-Natal is working on development of Aspen Pharmacare, which is the largest commercial producer of antiretrovirals in the country. Thirdly, viticulture at the University of Stellenbosch, the art of wine making and how, together with plant pathology, was looking at the development of a bottling corking and label printing industry. There has emerged a knowledge economy, and around that a very important part of the Western Cape economy. Fourthly, is the medical devices industry; biomedical engineering linked to heart transplant surgery and immunology at the University of Cape Town. Fifthly, is dentistry at the University of the Western Cape, UWC; the UWC has been producing dentists for the country with its practicing hospital in Mitchells Plain. I wanted you to say something about the fact that they practice conservative dentistry, which is why most of the people there have front teeth. [Laughter.] Lastly, is the fact that at the University of Pretoria's Onderstepoort vetenary division we have seen a world class facility in animal health that emerged to the development of the sequencing of heartwater disease and vaccine development.

We need to move to other new areas. We have a very long coastline and there are opportunities for marine biology and the development of aquaculture, which is fish farming. We need to move into the area of carefully looking at alternative sources of energy. We need to look at the area of what advantages the Cape Floral Kingdom can give to plant biotechnology. But, to get to 100 per cent capacity, where tertiary sector pumps away in the knowledge economy, we need to deal with some quality issues.

There are very serious governance breakdowns at our tertiary sector institutions. I had a very close look personally at what has been happening at the Tshwane University of Technology, and the Minister of Education has tries to do that as well, and what we've seen there is a criminalization of the residences at this university. And that requires very serious security and other forms of attention.

The administrative support systems, including library management, are hobbling, and many of the historically disadvantaged universities require much more demanding levels of accountability and performance management.

The academic staff recruitment practices similarly require scaling up at all universities but particularly at the historically disadvantaged universities. But, I want to point out that of the 41 383 total academic staff at our universities only 16 per cent had doctorates and 34 per cent masters. Therefore, half of the academic staff do not even posses a masters' degree and the figure for the poorer universities are more pathetic.

So I look forward to the budgets of the Ministers of Education, Health, Arts and Culture and Science and Technology to see whether they will exemplify passion and ambition for excellence and quality for all people who make out our nation. I have no doubt that they will try. It is my job to hold you to account for the unrelenting pursuit of quality because we deserve nothing less.

I do want to make one remark about P W Botha in closing: He signed the death warrant of District Six in the 1960s. He was responsible, together with Magnus Malan, for launching military attacks on our neighbours including on ANC camps. He was responsible, together with Adrian Vlok, for two states of emergency. In 1987 he tightened the group areas system that caused many of us a great misery for many people. He met Madiba to size him up. He did not meet him in order to see whether he would release him. He was a belligerent and irascible bully. We must credit him as a politician. I don't think we should rewrite history in a way to honour him. Thank you very much. [Applause.]



The DEPUTY MINISTER OF BASIC EDUCATION: Madam Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President and colleagues,

Education is the great engine of personal development. It is through education that the daughter of a peasant can become a doctor, that a son of a mineworker can become the head of a mine, that the child of a farmworker can become president of a great nation.

These are the words of Nelson Mandela. When the great Nelson Mandela walked through the gates of Victor Verster prison 20 years ago, he was confronted by a racially fractured education system constructed in the Verwoedian notion of subservience and baasskap [domination], and steeped in the discriminatory practices of racism and sexism.

Lever and Krafchik, in an article titled Spending on Socio Economic Services which was published in 1988, clearly captured the challenges that the system faced by stating, I quote:

It has been estimated that prior to 1994, around 64% of the black population was functionally illiterate. Numeracy and technical skills were widely lacking. The majority of black teachers who comprise the bulk of the nation's teaching corps were under qualified. The school system for Africans was in disarray and disorder, and most African pupils failed to complete more than eight years in a schooling system which was, anyway, highly ineffective.

The new government inherited a ramshackle system of partially desegregated schooling that continued to be characterized by great racial inequalities in per capita expenditure from public funds. Resource constraints, both physical and human, made the effective implementation of the curriculum at most black schools highly problematic.

The postapartheid ANC government has done remarkably well in dismantling the apartheid edifice in education, as well as extending formal access to learners in the compulsory education phase with nearly universal enrolment. The period after 1994 was characterised by dramatic strides in the equalisation of education expenditure. Today, more children are staying at school until matric. It is also estimated that about 85% of our learner population are now receiving at least 12 years of education, either in schools or colleges.

In addition, millions of learners are exempt from paying school fees. Also, the national nutrition programme provides for nutrition to approximately 19 000 and that translates into 6 265 065 primary school learners and about 1 million secondary school learners benefiting from the programme. The scheme has been expanded to include learners from the poorest quintiles in high school and has already shown evidence of improved attendance as a result of this intervention.

Yet we continue to be confronted by the stark realities of some 40% of our schools being overcrowded and hundreds of schools without water, sanitation, electricity and schools with inadequate infrastructure or which are unsafe. In recent months we have witnessed the effects of tornados, storms and inclement weather which destroyed schools in the provinces of KwaZulu-Natal, Eastern Cape, North West and Limpopo. This is a matter that must be resolved swiftly as our learners cannot be exposed to the elements.

To compound the problem, there have been instances of vandalism and theft of school property. We cannot allow this to happen to our schools which are our islands of hope. We must mobilise our communities to take ownership of our schools, and to act as the custodians and protectors of our institutions of learning.

Despite significant advances, the primary measure of quality in education, i.e. learner achievement, has continued to lag behind. There are a number of reasons for the continued underperformance of the South African schooling system. These include poor management of schools by principals; inadequate teaching; lack of content knowledge among teachers; lack of support to schools by district and provincial offices; a heavy administrative burden on teachers; limited time on task; and weak acquisition of foundational skills by learners.

There is a growing international consensus that achieving quality in an education system will require a clear and unrelenting focus on three main components of the system. Mr Masutha spoke about the three Es; we shall talk about three Ts, i.e. teachers, text and time

To this I may add technology. Nic Taylor has put it very aptly, and I quote:

Three features of our school system combine to undermine effective teaching and learning: poor time management, insufficient attention to text, and very low levels of teacher subject knowledge. The accumulating evidence indicates that with respect to these three factors, our teachers and schools are significantly worse off than those of our much poorer neighbours in the region.

The Coleman Report of the 1960s in the United States found that –

... the in-school factor that was found to have the most significant effect on achievement for all students was good teachers.

The quality of teachers becomes a yardstick for the quality of an education system. But this is well-trodden territory. Our partners in the unions will be quick to point out that this kind of analysis could indeed easily slip into blaming teachers for the educational woes of our country. The simple point we are making though - supported by a range of commentators - is that well-qualified and competent teachers who arrive on time, are of sober mind and body, are well-prepared for their lessons and teach for the duration of the school day are the most critical element in the improvement of the educational system; not only in South Africa, but indeed across the world.

The best investment that any country can make in its efforts to improve the quality of its education system occurs, principally, in the preschool sector. It is here where the foundational skills in literacy and numeracy are established. These skills prepare children for primary schooling. The positive effects of early education for later educational success and career progress are now universally acknowledged. Government's vision for early childhood development is that it will serve as the bedrock for the holistic development of the child.

It is scientifically and empirically established that the most critical and significant cognitive development of a child occurs from birth to four years. It is when a child also develops fine motor skills and acquires attitudes which are either positive or negative. The role of parents in this important phase cannot be ignored. To this end, the Department of Basic Education and the Department of Social Development are working closely together to ensure that practitioners and caregivers are able to contribute meaningfully and purposefully towards the full development of the child.

As the President correctly indicated, literacy and early childhood development initiatives will go a long way in creating employment opportunities. But, more importantly, these initiatives will also go a long way in developing skills in the critical areas of education which we desperately need for social transformation. For example, the Kha Ri Gude programme employs 40 000 practitioners who have successfully eradicated illiteracy among just under a million adults in the past two years. Now that is, indeed, delivery. Fortunately, literate parents or grandparents are able to provide support to infants and children as they grow up.

Fortunately, literate parents or grandparents are able to provide support to infants and children as they grow up. Thus, the initiatives are not only economic in nature, but have a social dimension that benefits the recipients as well as a generation of current and future learners.

Speaking about delivery, government has embarked on a massive drive to expand Grade R provision. In 2003 there were approximately 320 000 learners in Grade R classrooms in public and independent schools but by 2008, this number had increased to 620 000. We obviously recognise the consequences of that additional classrooms, practitioners and costs. We estimate that there is an additional number of around 200 000 learners who are attending community based sites.

In January 2010, we distributed resource packs to all primary schools – Dr Mulder, in all languages – as part of the Foundations for Learning Campaign. These packs are based on the National Curriculum Statement for Grade R and contain posters, storybooks, lesson plans for teachers, a teacher's guide with an assessment framework and a workbook for learners. The packs have been very well received by teachers and schools and we are optimistic that they will make a huge contribution to improving learning and teaching in our Grade R classrooms.

The department remains committed to the provision of high quality learning and teaching support materials to schools and teachers in 2010 and beyond. The department is proceeding with the development of workbooks for learners in Grades 1 to 6 and Minister Motshekga will make an announcement in this regard during her budget speech next month.

Minister Motshekga initiated a process last year to strengthen the implementation of the school curriculum. She announced measures which were implemented from the beginning of this year that aim to relief teachers of an unnecessary heavy administrative burden to allow more time for learning and teaching in the classroom. This process of strengthening the implementation of the curriculum will continue this year and we will take the necessary steps to ensure that all our learners benefit from what is a sophisticated, high skills and modern curriculum statement.

We have also instituted a committee of curriculum experts to make recommendations on the reduction of the number of learning areas in the intermediate phase. It is envisaged that these recommendations will be implemented in January 2011 and we invite the opposition to monitor our performance in this regard.

We have taken the necessary steps to ensure that all Grade 3, 6 and 9 learners will write literacy and numeracy tests in 2010 that will be independently moderated. Government is committed to improve the average pass rate from the current 35% to 60% by 2014. Again we invite you to monitor and evaluate our performance in this regard. These tests will be internationally benchmarked and quality assured.

Our 500 Dinaledi schools continue to demonstrate that our learners can perform well above the national average with the necessary focus and support. I want you to listen very carefully to this. In three years we were able to more than double the passes in Mathematics. That is from 27 000 to more than 63 000. In 2009, 52 779 learners passed Mathematics at 50% and above. Out of this amount 12 213 – that is 23,7% learners – came from Dinaledi schools, which are located in rural and township areas and are historically disadvantaged. They constitute only 9% of the 6 000 schools.

These interventions will provide every learner with a textbook and a calculator. It will also ensure that we improve on the content knowledge of the teachers, that there is additional tuition provided and that additional learner support materials is provided to the learners.

We congratulate Mbilwi Secondary School in Limpopo who is one of our Dinaledi schools, which managed to obtain a 99% pass rate in both Mathematics and Physical Science in the 2009. [Applause.] Mbilwi is interesting because it is a rural school in a rural area and has produced more than a 100 passes in matrics consistently over the past three years. Former Minister of Education would in fact verify that and they were the recipients of an award. The year before last, they had more than 45 distinctions in Mathematics and Science and not less than 15 of the learners had 100% in Mathematics and Science. Changes can be brought about if we make a change.

We shall develop a basic education plan that will form the basis of our efforts in basic education to address the weaknesses in the education system. This plan will seek to improve co-ordination in the system by spelling out clearly the lines of accountability. It will commit provinces and provincial education departments to clear, agreed outcomes and will ensure that all in the system are accountable for the attainment of these outcomes. It will be informed by the ANC's ten point plan.

We also need to operationalise the National Education Evaluation and Development Unit to ensure that we evaluate all parts of the system to lay bare the constraints that prevent the achievement of quality in education. This includes teacher competence. The visit by officials of the Department of Basic Education to the 27 000 schools must be understood in this context. This will form a diagnostic analysis of the functionality of each school, from management to classroom- practice, resource provision, overcrowding, leadership and management, discipline and infrastructure. The South African Schools Act directs each principal to provide the Head of Department with a School Performance Management Plan.

Education is the apex priority of this administration. We shall work co-operatively with all the key stakeholders, especially our teacher unions. We certainly invite our public representatives to join us in the pledge that the President has referred to. The Department of Education is ready to openly and honestly tackle the many challenges we continue to confront in education. We call on all South Africans to take hands with us to ensure that our education system is turned around.

Perhaps it is important for me to wish the 92 000 Grade 12 learners who are writing their supplementary examinations the best of luck. I would like to conclude with the speech of Mahatma Gandhi, another icon, given the fact that the President has alluded to the fact that we are celebrating 150 years of the arrival of Indians. He said the following:

There will have to be rigid and iron discipline before we achieve anything great and enduring, and that discipline will not come by mere academic argument and appeal to reason and logic. Discipline is learnt in the school of adversity.

In conclusion, may we convey our sincere sympathy to the Ramorola and Motshekga families for the untimely passing away of Jabulani. This explains the absence of the hon Minister of Basic Education. I thank you. [Applause.]

Ms F I CHOHAN/ GM & src










The MINISTER OF HEALTH: Hon Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, fellow Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon Members of the House, ladies and gentlemen, let me join all the right thinking South Africans in thanking the President for the foresightedness of coupling the state of the nation address with the celebrations of 20 years of the freedom of Nelson Mandela and the freedom of the whole country and the world at large.

The issue of the quality of healthcare services, specifically in the public sector, is ever in the minds and on the lips of our people. It appears quite frequently on the pages of our newspapers, just as it did this past weekend. It is also echoed in the electronic media time and again. We, as the ruling party, great as we are, are the first to publicly acknowledge and speak about it openly, because prior to the elections last year, when we were preparing to govern, we were able to acknowledge this issue and we identified it and that's why we put it in our ten point programme.

Let me remind you of what the President said during the state of the nation address last year: "Fellow South Africans, we are seriously concerned about the deterioration of the quality of healthcare aggravated by the steady increase in the burden of disease in the past decade and a half." Since then we have been dealing with this matter within the department. I have personally addressed a series of meetings involving people within the health sector. In those meetings this issue was thoroughly discussed. I've addressed the doctors' and nurses' unions as well as other unions within the health sector. I've addressed the CEOs of our hospitals, including their clinical as well as nursing managers. I told them that as far as the ten point programme is concerned, the issue of the quality of healthcare talks to them directly, more than to anybody else.

In those discussions we have specifically dealt with issues like the cleanliness of our health facilities, safety and security of patients, the attitude of staff towards patients, the long queues that are people are forced to endure, availability of medicines, maintenance of infrastructure and infection control. I advised CEOs that they are going to be judged and evaluated on, amongst others, these basic tenents of quality of care.

Many opponents of the National Health Institute, NHI, opportunistically cite these problems of poor quality as a reason why the NHI will not work and why it should not see the light of day. I have personally reassured them time and again that the NHI is never going to be implemented in isolation away from the other points on the ten point programme. The quality of the provision of healthcare services is definitely going to be one of the criteria used before a health institution is accredited for purposes of the NHI.

This is not going to be just a wish from the department. One of the legislations that are going to be put in front of this parliament this year is the establishment of the office of the office of standard compliance to insist on agreed acceptable standards of quality of healthcare in each and every health institution, whether public or private.

As a precursor to this office, a unit has already been formed within the Department of Health and is busy working on the details of such standards. However, we are not going to wait for the establishment of such an office before we demand quality care in our institutions. The assessment tool on how to audit compliance with standards will be tested in all provinces starting from 8 to 12 March this year. Thereafter, all hospital and district managers will receive information on what is expected of them in order to meet the standards. Failure to meet these standards is not going to be without consequences.

In my budget speech, last year, I elaborated on 11 different factors that contribute to the deteriorating quality of healthcare. Among these factors was the inability of individuals to take responsibility for their commissions or omissions within the healthcare sector. The office of standard compliance is going to be a legal way to impose such responsibilities on any individual managing our healthcare. Hence one of our most important activities this year is going to be the assessment of capacity and functionality of management in each and every health institution.

On the 1 December last year, the President outlined our new battle plan against the pandemic of HIV and Aids and TB. Let us remember that our icon uBaba uNelson Mandela was also a victim of TB.

The SPEAKER: Hon member, order!

The MINISTER OF HEALTH: Let us remember that the National Strategic Plan on HIV and Aids says that we must cut the rate of infection by 50% by 2011 and make sure the 80% of people that need to be on drugs are reached by 2011.

While the President elaborated clearly the four new treatment interventions, he also emphasised the need to cut the rate of infection, because the treatment of any disease starts with prevention. No amount of treatment can successfully replace the time-honoured art of prevention of diseases. This is where the concept of primary healthcare emanated from, and we shall never deviate from it.

The hon Meshoe has just asked what the President meant when he said: "We will implement all the undertakings made on World Aids Day relating to the new HIV and Aids prevention and treatment measures." I wish to clarify you Reverend. Immediately after 1 December last year, we formed a task team to work and perfect a plan to implement the new measures. The task team consists of the following: the national Department of Health; all the 19 sectors that constitute the South African National Aids Council; and by the way, Reverend, this 19 includes the religious sector. The only missing sector amongst this 19 is political parties, but rest assured, members, that I'm going to engage you as political parties to be gainfully employed in the fight against HIV and Aids, and there shall be no period to idle. So that even COPE might find something to do rather than dream in broad daylight.

We also have intergovernmental agencies like the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, UNAIDS, The World Health Organisation, WHO, and the United Nations' Population Development as well as funders like President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, PEPFAR, the Department for International Development, DFID, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, SIDA, United States Agency for International Development, USAID, and a list of many others. The teams have been working around the clock to deal with individual health facilities' readiness and logistics, communication and social mobilisation. It is in this social mobilisation that I expect all political parties to access gainful employment, for it is all South Africans, regardless of party political affiliation, who are losing their lives because of this merciless scourge. I'll be communicating with you members within the coming weeks of your respective roles within this battle.

I wish to state in this House today that at least two weeks before 1 April we shall publicly outline our state of readiness in clearer details in terms of activities and locations, and where appropriate, even in terms of numbers of what we're going to do.

Furthermore, a treatment task team consisting of HIV and Aids specialists, clinicians, researchers and practitioners has been hard at work since last month drawing our treatment protocols and guidelines in line with what the President has announced. Doctors, nurses and other health workers within our health institutions, even within the primary healthcare institutions, shall be workshopped in a series of meetings, starting in the next ten days or so, on how to apply the new measures and work in this regard is fast approaching completion. I want this House to know that in our resolve to fight this pandemic, we're not prepared to pull back any punches. We shall never give up the fight.

Let me also quote the President's World Aids Day address when he said:

In another moment in our history, in another context, the liberation movement observed that the time comes in the life of any nation where there remain only two choices, to submit or to fight. That time has now come in our struggle to overcome Aids and let us declare now, as we declared then, that we shall not submit.

I am declaring again today, as the President declared on World Aids Day that we shall never submit nomakanjani.

I also wish to take this opportunity to inform the House about our state of readiness to host 2010 in as far as health is concerned. One of our biggest nightmares is the fact that 2010 is going to be held in June when there's a possibility of another bout of H1N1. We all know what happened to our country as well as the world regarding H1N1, and if many people are going to gather in South Africa it is going to be a challenge to us.

I am happy to announce that the department has been able to acquire 1, 3 million doses of an H1N1 vaccine and we are going to be starting vaccination soon. It's also my honour to announce that a day after the President's state of the nation address we received a letter from the World Health Organisation telling us that they are going to donate to South Africa 3, 5 million doses of the H1N1 vaccine which will arrive in this country by March. This then means that we will be having 4,8 million doses. We are going to be vaccinating all the people who shall be selected, starting with pregnant women, people at the entry points, as well people who are involved in sports administration, and we wish to inform hon members that when the time comes, we would like your leadership to help to guide the nation. We are aware that we've got 50 million people in South Africa, but we are only going to be having 4, 8 million doses.

This donation from the World Health Organisation has saved the country no less than R250 million. We wish to take this opportunity to thank them as they are working with us on the fight against HIV and Aids, they will also work with us on this issue of H1N1, so that we have a very smooth and successful World Cup. Thank you.



"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-21] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][slr].doc"

Ms M N MATLADI: Hon Speaker, the UCDP joins the nation in celebrating the commemoration of the release of the President Nelson Madiba Mandela on the 11 February 1990. He remains the national and international hero who sacrificed his freedom to bring change to our lives.

Kgosi Mangope, the leader of the UCDP, is one of the people who also called for the release of this icon and it was a message that was received by the hon former President Mandela himself and he thanked him for his input

As we debate this state of the nation address for 2010 we are reminded of what President Zuma said last year on the 03 June. He said that between then and December 2009 they plan to create about 500 000 job opportunities through the Expanded Public Works Programme. On Thursday last week the hon President announced that by the end of December 2009 480 000 public works job opportunities, which is 97% of the target said, were created.

According to the bureau of the Labour department nonfarm payroll dropped sharply in early December. The payroll employment fell by another 524 000 in comparison to 533 000 in November. The number of unemployed persons increased by 632 000 to 11, 1 million. Furthermore, the number of the long term unemployed, that is between 27 weeks or more, increased to 2,6 million in December.

Statistics SA said unemployment fell to 24, 3% in the third quarter with the economy creating 89 000 new jobs during the final three months of last year. Most of the jobs created, I want to reiterate that, were in the informal sector and unskilled work. This point to tough condition existing in formal industries. In other words we need to be concerned about the 2, 6 million of the formal job employment that South Africa still needs.

Poor service delivery has led to protests in some municipalities. Many reasons of these protests include dissatisfaction with the delivery of basic municipal services such as running water electricity and toilets especially in informal settlement, unemployment, high levels of poverty, poor infrastructure and lack of houses, corruption and nepotism.

The ousting of six mayors, speakers, some Members of Mayoral Committee, MMCs in Rustenburg, Mafikeng, Mamusa, Moretela, Taung and Klerksdorp could exacerbate the poor service delivery in the North West province. What could the newly appointees do in 12 months that the ousted couldn't do in four years of service?

These service delivery protests are symptoms of sociopolitical instability which could develop into a fully fledged revolt if allowed to continue over a prolonged period. Speedy solutions to the socioeconomic conditions in many communities are needed.

The official pass rate for 2009 matric results was 60, 7% down from 62, 5% in 2008 and 65, 2% in 2007. Out of all the provinces Mpumalanga performed the poorest with only 45, 9% of matric passing. According to the department 18 schools, half of them in Limpopo and four in KwaZulu-Natal, got a 0% matric rate.

Major factors influencing the poor matric rate are: low morale of teachers, poor quality teaching, ill discipline of teachers, inequitable distribution of resources, poor parental support, rapid changes in school curriculum, mismanagement and lack of guidance in schools and, not to forget the inadequate pre service and in-service training of teachers.

Your Excellency you are reiterating the words of the National Commissioner of Police when he boasted that comparatively speaking South Africa has the largest police force in the world and that in the next three years you will be increasing the number of the force by 10%.

Hon President, what change will the large police force bring? Is it only the visibility of the police in the streets? The present police force cannot perform because they are either not well equipped with resources or are not properly trained to respond to the call of duty or they are either irresponsible making excuses for lack of infrastructure and resources to do their work.

Police stations are poorly managed. The performance audit on 10111 and other lines of communications revealed that police are never available for emergencies and in some times turn up two to three hours later. I would like to be personal a bit when coming to the matter. On Thursday during the time when the hon President was presenting the state of the nation address my house was attacked in the North West on that very same night.

Attempts were made to call 10111, three calls were made, none answered and after four hours it was only then that the police arrived. They found that the thugs had already vanished. They have fled the scene.

We would like to say that let these vehicles of the police be at the right place and right time in order to rescue the people that are in need of services. We thank you.



Ms D KOHLER-BARNARD: Speaker, when a country's citizens are crippled by the fear of criminal attack, 36% of it violent, what it seeks is leadership of the highest order. Firstly, empathy must be shown to those hundreds of thousands of victims of crime, to the families of the 50 citizens murdered every single day, to the 68 citizens raped every single day, and there must be a clear indication that a cohesive direction has been determined, followed by a national strategy to take us forward to a safer future.

Instead, this past Thursday, references to this situation that haunts the nation were made as asides, comprising less than 3% of the speech that is supposed to detail and determine the state of the nation.

Now, our citizens know that the criminal justice system is dysfunctional, and what we looked for in the state of the nation address was a date for the release of the long-promised review, but instead, we got nothing.

Police risk their lives to apprehend criminals, but our conviction rates are sickeningly low – just 13% for murder last year. And then we have the situation where innocent citizens languish for years in the most appalling cells, as the courts grind glacially towards an outcome.

Our citizens needed to be assured that, if they report crime, their calls will be heard. Now, the 10111 call centres – currently, rather like the President's hotline in that they are never answered – are a gigantic fraud perpetrated to lull the citizens into believing that there is a way to call for help.

What was needed on Thursday evening were mentions of policies, programmes and initiatives at various levels in society aimed at strengthening social cohesion to motivate poorer and marginalised constituencies to feel that they have a greater stake in our society, and an acknowledgement that there is an underreporting of violent crime.

We needed a rock-solid condemnation of violence against women and children. We needed to hear that the importance of acting in accordance with standards of respect and civility was of high priority in South Africa.

Where was the condemnation of the plethora of public officials who conduct themselves without a shred of integrity, giving rise to the belief that corruption has become the norm in this country?

Indeed, we cannot go on year after year hearing of criminality within the South African Police Service. It's bad enough that South Africa is known as both an importer and an exporter of illegal drugs, but what happened to the 75 bags of 1 000 Mandrax tablets apiece seized from drug lords, stored at the Nelspruit Police Station, yet which simply disappeared after a R1 million reward was offered by those criminals for their recovery? Are there police behind bars for their complicity? Not even one. This would have been a perfect job for the Scorpions, but of course, the ANC shut them down.

Where are the specialised units we were told would be reinstated? Not a word has been breathed. Instead we have a SAPS with a reputation for shuffling the deck chairs on the Titanic: When criminality within is revealed, the criminals are simply transferred to another station.

Indeed, the SAPS now only complies with 10% of the Independent Complaints Directorate recommendations. The rest – which relate to proven criminality, from murder to rape to armed robbery, grievous bodily harm, assault and of course beating ill pensioners to death in the cells, allegedly raping a woman in Knysna, running three students off the road and robbing them at gunpoint in King Williams Town, the list goes on and on - they ignore.

What was needed here was the gravest condemnation of this situation. Suspended members must be removed, tried, and, if guilty, jailed - not transferred. We had hoped to hear that we would develop a police service we could look up to, that we respect, that serves us as it should, and keeps us safe.

Where was the assurance that the SAPS's top structure would cease misinforming the Portfolio Committee on Police that there are no more equipment shortages, when SAPS members inundate us during station visits, jointly and singly, with tales of how they have shortages of virtually everything?

Through you, Mr Speaker, I would like to ask that the National Police Commissioner, Bheki Cele, be reminded that he is no longer a politician but an employee. One, in fact, wonders if he is actually capable of making that transition. He is not a much bemedaled general in some tinpot dictatorship; he is the National Police Commissioner and he has no right to come before the Portfolio Committee on Police in his tackies and tracksuit to lambaste us as if we were an illegitimate structure.

Mr Speaker, it is time to tell the National Police Commissioner that Parliament willdo the work it is mandated to do. His rolling mass media campaign has been most interesting to observe, but he'll only get away with claiming unsubstantiated successes for just so long. If the proposed performance management targets are to be relevant, and the SAPS does not reach the 7% to 10% crime reduction target yet again, the SAPS management must then be removed.

As the usual unqualified ANC cadre deployed to do a job a career police person should do, Commissioner Cele is clearly out of his depth, and strikes out, for example, at criticism of the R50 million party in Bloemfontein, where even the food ran out.

Mr Speaker, I know that, under his political leadership in KwaZulu-Natal, the police killed more suspects and citizens than in any other province, but, really, it is time to instruct the National Police Commissioner not to shoot and kill the messenger. [Applause.]



Mr L M MPHAHLELE: Speaker, hon President Zuma, Deputy President Motlanthe, hon members.

Hon President, I am tempted to say compliments of the new season. However, a year that is over 60 days old has no legitimate right to call itself new. It is enough to say compliments of the new week, comrade President.

The President's state of the nation address fledged a few rays of hope. The PAC welcomes his promise that, in the next three years, an additional two million children from poor households, aged 15 to 18, will benefit from the child support grant.

We are heartened by the President's declaration that the economy is now creating jobs rather than shedding them. It is equally encouraging to note that, over the next three years, government will spend R846 billion on public infrastructure.

Comrade President, the PAC has detected a deafening silence in your speech on the role played by its leaders and members in the struggle for change. Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, the PAC founding president, died in the month of February, 32 years ago, and yet, not once was the name of a man with a divine mission mentioned in your speech. We know who said Sobukwe was a man with a divine mission. These were the words of former South African Prime Minister, John Balthazar Voster.

This conspiracy of silence deeply worries us. It worries us more as we prepare for the 50th anniversary of the Sharpeville and Langa massacres to be held next month. I want to state, in no uncertain terms, that the marches against passes in Cape Town, Vereeniging, Johannesburg and elsewhere in the country, were not spontaneous. They were planned, organised and led by the PAC.

No one can honestly remember Sharpeville and Langa without acknowledging the role played by Sobukwe and his followers. It is regrettable that, in the new South Africa, there is insufficient recognition of non-ANC contributors to the liberation struggle. It is sad that, over 15 years into our democracy, we still have Zwelithini Mhlongo, Ashley Jexe and other freedom fighters languishing in our prisons. This is unacceptable at best and reactionary at worst.

We are of a view that a sustained rural development entails two fundamental things, namely, the redistribution of land in such a way that it mirrors the demographics. Without land redistribution, all talk of rural development amounts to an empty political posturing.

Secondly, magoshi, amakhosi cannot afford to be mere spectators in the affairs that impact on their people and land. They must be an integral part, if not the pioneers, of rural development.

Comrade President, your declaration of war against corruption would be most convincing if it were accompanied by a termination of the ruling party's corrupt policy of cadre deployment in the organs of state, irrespective of their know-how. This counterproductive policy compromises the effective management of the SABC, Eskom, SAA and other parastatals. We can't have a political party membership card used to bolster an individual's curriculum vitae.


Ge ke ruma polelo ke nyaka go laetša gore motheo wa thuto ya rena o a fokola.


The foundation of our education is weak because it promotes one colonial language at the expense of other languages, especially the indigenous African languages.


Mongwadi wa maemo wa Moafrika, Ngugi wa Thiong'o, o re leleme la motho le mo thuša go kwešiša segagabo. Go a swabiša gore ka nako ye ya pušo ya batho-ka-batho dipolelo tša Seafrika di a nyamalala. Pušong ya kgatelelo ya maabane re bone go tšwelela dinatla tša bangwadi go swana le Thomas Mofolo, A C Jordan, P S Madima, O K Matsepe, le ba bangwe. Ba ka moka ba be ba ngwala ka segagabobona. Bjale, mmušo wa rena okare o re sehlare sa mosotho ke polelo ya Seisemane. Ka fase ga mmušo wo wa lehono, batho ba dikadika go bolela segagabobona [Tsenoganong.] Ke a leboga. [Nako e fedile.]




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Mandibulelele Somlomo, ndibulele kuMongameli welizwe, kuSekela Mongameli nakumalungu ahloniphekileyo, okokuqala ndicinga ukuba le Ndlu ifanele ukuhambisana nam xa ndibulela uMongameli, ngokusikhokela kwakhe eCoppehangen. Ndisitsho lungu elibekekileyo, uNdude, asinakho ukulinda isiganeko ukuze sikhokele. Sesiqalile ukukhokela kwaye siyaqhubekeka. Ingqungquthela ebizwa ngokuba yi-COP17 izakwenzeka kwaye izakuba yimpumelelo, phantsi kokukhokela kukaMongameli uJacob Zuma.

Okwesibini, ndifuna ukuyiphinda le ndawo yamalahle. Amalahle asoze siwalahle, ngoba alikho nelinye ilizwe eliwalahlileyo amalahle.


We are going to reduce our dependence on coal but we are not going to abandon coal. UK uses 40% of coal in generating electricity, US uses 50% of coal in generating electricity and Poland uses 80% of coal …


… asizokuwalahla koko sizakuwanciphisa.[Kwaqhwatywa.]

Mongameli, ndiyabulela ngeli thuba undinike lona ukuze nam ndincedise phantsi kokukhululwa kwexhego lethu utat'uMandela. Ndiyayibulela loo mbeko endiyinikwe liqela lam le-ANC yokuba nam ndithethe kwakhona, ndiphose igade ekuthini nangomso, Madiba.


As we march further in our long journey to freedom, inspired by President Mandela's courageous and exemplary leadership, we are mindful that the struggle for a better life is not over and that the conditions of the struggle confronting us have since changed. Indeed the global balance of forces has changed. Climate change is arguably the biggest challenge facing humanity in the 21st century and it may undermine the realisation of the millennium development goals. It poses a serious threat to humanity and life on earth, because we know it is fuelled by the global carbon intensive economy.

Over and above the natural cycles of climate, science tells us that the 150 years of historic industrialisation of the developed countries led to an additional burden on the climate system. It is a burden which does not exempt the developing world but makes it more vulnerable to the vagaries of climate change.

Actions to address climate change and sustainable development paths are linked. South Africa takes a green economic growth strategic approach that supports developing countries to identify actions which allow for sustainable development and climate mitigation cobenefits.

In the context of strong emphasis on mitigation actions, it is essential for adaptation to be given at least the same priority as mitigation. Adaptation to climate change is a concern for the most vulnerable who happen to be the least able to deal with climate change and also the least culpable for the current climate change situation.

As we all know, the nations of the world met in December 2009 in

Copenhagen, Denmark, to finalise two years of negotiations aimed at strengthening the international climate regime beyond 2012. Specifically, our aim was to reach an international agreement that would prioritise both mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions and the adaptation to climate change impacts equally. Our aim is also to balance both climate and development imperatives. In this regard it would equitably share the limited remaining carbon space


Ukuba ke siyayika loo carbon space…


If we are dropping coal, then we will be diminishing that space that we will get.In this regard it would equitably share the limited remaining carbon space in order to give developing countries a fair chance to develop, based on the convention principles of equity and common, but differentiated responsibilities.

We can't be extreme. We can't take an extreme view of environmental conservation at the expense of development. The Constitution is quite clear that balancing development and environmental management, is what we need to focus on. This debate on climate change is about that.

In Copenhagen the international community was unable to reach a legally binding agreement on a future international climate change regime. Formally, the conclusion reached in Copenhagen, was to continue negotiations this year, 2010, on the basis of the work of the past two years under the Kyoto Protocol and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC.

However, with the active participation and leadership of the honPresident Jacob Zuma, together with the leaders of 28 other countries, a political agreement was reached. This agreement is known as the Copenhagen Accord and it captures political agreement on some of the major and difficult issues that have divided the international community since negotiations began two years ago.

The particularly difficult questions addressed in this agreement relate to the following: how to share and reflect responsibility, commitment and action among developed and developing countries; how to verify and ensure compliance with respective commitments; and linked to this, the question of who pays. South Africa is proud of the leadership role it played as part of the BASIC group of countries to ensure that some progress was reached in Copenhagen.

The Copenhagen Accord, notwithstanding its deficiencies, outlines political agreement among leaders on many of the major issues. In particular, these political agreements were related to the following issues that also present opportunities.

Firstly, a means to record economy-wide binding emission reduction targets for developed countries, including the United States of America.

Secondly, to simultaneously for the first time, create a mechanism to record the emission reduction actions, at international level by developing countries such as China, India, Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, Mexico, South Korea, as well as some small countries such as Philippines and the Maldives. At the meeting, all of these countries submitted their commitment to act.

Thirdly, to measure, report and verify this action internationally which is supported and transparently financed by a commitment from developed countries of $10 billion per annum up to 2012, reaching $100 billion per annum by 2020.

Lastly, is the issue to create a technology development and transfer mechanism.

The hon President, in his state of the nation address reaffirmed the commitment of this administration to the global and national effort. South Africa committed to potential mitigation actions leading to a 34% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions relative to business as usual, by 2020, and 42% by 2025. This commitment is neither additional nor extraneous to our internationally reviewed study on the country's mitigation potential, which is the Long Term Mitigation Scenarios, LTMS.

I am emphatic on this point to allay the fears of business. This is not an extra burden on business and the investors must please understand it in this context. This commitment that we made is actually conditional to a legally binding international regime and support with regards to means of implementation.

The extent to which this action will be implemented depends on the provision of financial resources, the transfer of technology and capacity building support by developed countries. Therefore, the above action requires the finalisation of an ambitious, fair, effective and binding multilateral agreement under the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol at Conference of Parties, COP, 15 and CMP 6 in Mexico, to enable the delivery of this support. With financial, technology and capacity building support from the international community, this level of effort will enable South Africa's green house gas emissions to deviate from business as usual, as per our commitment.

We must note that in order to achieve this, we are already taking action in line with our development priorities. The Department of

Environmental Affairs is currently in the process of developing a national climate change response policy. This policy informs, and in turn is informed by processes undertaken by other government departments, such as the National Treasury on Financial Instruments to put a levy on carbon, and the Department of Energy's energy mix policy reflected in the Integrated Resource Plan, IRP. The Department of Transport is investing in transport infrastructure through programmes such as the Bus Rapid Transit, BRT, Gautrain and rail infrastructure. The Department of Science and Technology and the Department of Trade and Industry have made progress on commercialization of the electric vehicle.

Having mentioned these initiatives, it is important to note that at the centre of the climate debate is how the remaining carbon space is shared in the world. International principles of engagement on climate change recognise the potential rise in emissions for developing countries in the short to medium term. As such our study into the country's mitigation potential, as well as recent publications by the Minister of Energy on the IRP, do take into cognisance the current coal fired power stations. There is no need to panic. We have calculated Madupe. It is part of the long term mitigation scenarios. Therefore, when we committed 34% and 42%, we were including Madupe.

Furthermore, to demonstrate this commitment, from the application of expanding our power generation base, we have included the development of a 100 Megawatt concentrated solar power plant, rolling out solar water heaters to a million households, and supporting wind power generation projects.

We are also undertaking a policy development process that seeks to achieve the objectives of green growth, which will be informed by the LTMS study to guide the actions we need to take to follow a low carbon development path. As a focal point on climate change, our department is already engaged with sector departments in developing climate change sector plans.

The problem is that we are looking at the departments of government with a myopic view. We operate as a unit and we look at an integrated approach. My programme speaks to the programme of energy. It speaks to the programme of science and technology. It speaks to all of these programmes, because climate change cuts across. Therefore, if you are myopic in looking at this, then you will see shortcomings that are not there. Those shortcomings will cause a fragmentation of your mind, but the truth of the matter is that we are looking at an integrated approach. That is what we are implementing.

South Africa is a diverse country in terms of culture, religion and languages. The public at large is crucial to addressing the challenge of climate change. It is therefore important that we demystify climate change into a common language that is understood by all. It must be a language that simplifies scientific and business jargon and traverses language barriers so that every individual, South African and institution in society understands the significance of climate change and their respective roles in responding to it. This is a matter for all sectors of society and not for certain sectors of society. Whether you are educated or not, like my mother, you must understand what it is all about.

The government of South Africa and all sectors of our society agreed to pursue the required by science scenario of the LTMS study in a bid to curb greenhouse gas emissions. It is also important to stress the need for adaptation since the world is committed to a certain level of climate change that will require new coping mechanisms. I thank you. [Applause.]


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Dr L L BOSMAN: Mr Speaker, hon members of the House, I noticed with interest, hon President, when you, in your state of the nation address, referred to the government's rural development programme which, in your view, will improve rural productivity and, through this, will improve the lives of people living in rural areas. The fact of the matter is, however, that the transformation programmes, including land reform and black economic empowerment programmes, are failing dismally. Billions of rand of taxpayers' money is wasted in this process.

My ervaring is dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering hom die afgelope paar jaar tot die mate met die uitdaging van transformasie besig gehou het dat hy sy greep verloor het op dit wat nodig is om kommersiële boere in staat te stel om mededingend en volhoubaar in 'n globale markomgewing te produseer.

Dit was met teleurstelling dat landbou weereens nie deur u as van besondere belang vir die land se ekonomiese groei en stabiliteit uitgesonder is nie. Die belangrikheid van die landbousektor as verskaffer van voedsel, asook as 'n werkgewer, en as verdiener van buitelandse valuta word steeds nie deur die ANC as sulks erken nie. Die gesegde lui dat enige land wat sy landbou verwaarloos uiteindelik tot mislukking gedoem is.

Die huidige omstandighede veroorsaak alreeds dat boere en landboubesighede in ander lande in Afrika na beleggings- en ontwikkelingsgeleenthede gaan soek. Landboubeleid en faktore soos venynige uitsprake deur politici wat vertroue skaad, dien as verdere stimulus vir die migrasie van Suid-Afrikaanse burgers na lande in Afrika. Dit bekommer my voorwaar dat sodanige vertroue in die land verlore moes gaan vir boere om in ongunstige omstandighede in Afrika hulle heil te gaan soek. Die DA sal alles in sy vermoë doen om produsente in Suid–Afrika te hou tot voordeel van al ons mense.

Mr President, the Democratic Alliance supports a united, profitable, sustainable and thriving agricultural sector in South Africa. We believe that this is critical for food security and job creation. As a result of government's confrontational stance to commercial agriculture, we have seen a huge disinvestment in the sector. The threats to do away with the willing buyer, willing seller principle and to again review the Expropriation Bill, certainly also contributes to the decline in investor confidence. We cannot afford to keep repeating these mistakes.

The challenges that we now face to restore the confidence and improve production are the following. We should have a clear policy framework to induce confidence and enhance investment in the sector. This will include that all land redistributed under our land reform programmes are carried out at market-related prices and that there is an adoption of the willing seller principle to establish market value of land purchased by government.

We must overhaul the failure of our land reform programmes, by ensuring that the new land beneficiaries have adequate postsettlement support and financial support. We need to identify people with an interest in farming and have proper partnership agreements with former land owners for a period of at least five years, to ensure smooth and productive transfer. New farm owners should have freehold title ownership to unlock the economic potential of their assets. To minimise the cost of land to government, the land can be bought at market value and sold back to beneficiaries at productive, value with the Land Bank to carry the loans at reduced interest rates.

Another crucial and critical issue, which has a vast impact on agriculture, is the effect of natural disasters and climate change. The implementation of a disaster risk management system with adequate funding is now long overdue. We simply cannot carry on with ad hoc schemes, with aid reaching farmers years after it is needed. Current examples of droughts, floods, and fire damage can be quoted, for example in the Eastern Cape.

There needs to be more resources allocated to infrastructure development, such as roads, rail and communication, in order for our products to reach our markets timeously. Roads in rural areas are virtually nonexistent, and in many cases farmers maintain gravel roads themselves. The maintenance service can be outsourced, in my opinion.

Lastly, but certainly not least, the high crime rate in rural areas should as a matter of urgency be addressed. Farmers and their workers remain soft targets, and murders are again escalating alarmingly. The Minister of Police's call for a gun-free country is far removed from the reality. Guns are smuggled and freely available on the black market to potential criminals. The solution to protect the rural communities must rather be found in armed guards on each and every farm to protect innocent people from being brutally murdered.

In closure, Mr President, the Democratic Alliance will work relentlessly to ensure the successful implementation of rural development and food production at affordable prices for all our people. I thank you. [Applause.]



Ms C M P KOTSI: Mr Speaker, hon members, the state of the nation address of the momentous year 2010, a year in which we celebrated the release of the founding father of the democratic South Africa, simply did not meet the occasion. It is a year in which we felt proud as Nelson Mandela, representing hopes of the generations that sacrificed for our future, sat at the gallery. This is a year in which we stand poised to show three quarters of the universe through the Fifa World Cup that we too are a nation among nations.

In a year which we had to show that we are ready to face challenges presented by an economy suffering from recession, we tragically witnessed a lack of vision on a great scale. This is how it manifested itself. Firstly, we had no road map out of recession. Due to this effect on the great majority of South Africans, it was an obligation for President to focus his state of the nation address on this reality. We believe that this is due to the fact that the President still has not decided on who of his Ministers is entrusted with this great task.

The issue of creation of job opportunities is an admission of the ANC's failure to create sustainable decent jobs. As for the promise of 500 000 job opportunities by December 2009, the President must tell the nation about the length of these jobs. This is because we know that Public Works job programmes last for a few months. In fact, they last for a maximum of merely three months. This backs the question of whether or not we are serious about growth, development and, subsequently, job creation.

Secondly, on the much talked about rural economic development, why is it that a huge necessity to stamp-out urban migration, remove some people from social security systems as well create an economy for many unskilled people in the rural areas received less attention during the state of the nation address last Thursday, 11 February 2010? Due to its importance to the great majority of the poor, this cannot wait for a detailed ministerial briefing. It requires the President to provide a road map for the country and for the people trapped in poverty in rural areas.

Thirdly, the great innovation of Polokwane - the National Planning Commission - is still on. This is simply because the powerful, yet unelected, leaders linked to the ruling party of this country deter the Minister in charge of planning from doing this. The President has allowed them to prevail. This idea - the institution and its life - should not wait for the ministerial briefing. It is a key message to South Africa and the Capital World Investors. It ought to be in the Presidential state of the nation address. Yet, again, no road map.

We were treated with the spectacle of wilful neglect of duty, reckless stewardship of the nation and frankly no leadership. The second stage of our development as a nation, which is our economic development, is an unconvincing vision and is in limp hands. This opportunity to inspire South African people and investors in our economic potential was lost and lost miserably.

Cope welcomes the establishment of the interministerial committee on energy that will, inter alia, look at the participation of Independent Power Producer. Clearly this is an invitation to investors to ensure that we will continuously enjoy the availability of energy. What worries us is the fact that the ANC is to start nationalisation. Mr President, can you assure potential investors that the energy sector – the investment - will not be nationalised once nationalisation is enforced.


Mopresidente, o buile hanyenyane kappa ha wa bua ka basadi. Ekaba sena se bolelang ho rona basadi? Tokolloho ya basadi e matsohong a rona. Owele hle, re kopa tlhompho haholo ho wena ntate, jwaloka hlooho ya rona. Ngwana wa ka ke ngwana wa hao, ha e se ke ya ba mosadi ho wena. Ke a leboha. [Mahofi.]

THE MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT /Mohau (Ses)/Mia (Eng [Bosman]/Afr)/Nomthi (Eng [Kotsi]) / END OF TAKE

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"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-25] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][slr].doc"

The MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, colleagues in the House …


… a le nna ke simolole ka go dumedisa, ke amogele motsotsonyana o wa go bua mo Ntlong e.


If there are those who cherish doubts about the sustainability of the legacy bequeathed to us by the former president Nelson Mandela, if there are those who still relish in doubt about the commitment made by the hon President Jacob Zuma in a new direction, if there is anyone who still harbours any bouts about President Zuma's pledge for a year of action and of a focus on outcomes by government, then the only limit to their realisation of tomorrow will be their doubts of today.

Hon members, never before, have we felt more assured of the sustainability of our freedom and democracy since Tata Mandela took those first steps to freedom on 11 February 1990. Tata Mandela's cherished dream ushered in a new dispensation that gave way to civil rights. Tata Mandela's leadership marshalled us into a dispensation of a recognition of our political rights. It laid the foundation for the advancement of our social rights. And, hon President Zuma has outlined the path towards the fulfilment of those social rights embodied in government's comprehensive social security system, of which social solidarity is a foundation.

Over the past 15 years, the ANC government, working with NGOs, faith‑based organisations, organised labour, business, and many committed South Africans has implemented a range of policies that have gradually taken our country out of the untenable situation to which our people were subjected during the apartheid era.

These policies are inspired by, and seek to realise the vision of a society that is both inclusive and attentive to the rights and the needs of the most vulnerable in our society. The thrust of this inclusiveness has been the building of a comprehensive social security system. Our envisaged comprehensive social security system has three pillars: social assistance; social insurance; and voluntary savings.

Our social assistance programme which actually stands at around 3.5% of the gross domestic product, GDP, complemented by three basic services is the envy of many the world over. We provide income support to over 13 million vulnerable people and ensure access to water - free water I dare say – electricity, sanitation, education, as well as healthcare and subsidised housing.

A new dawn is being ushered in as the President has now put us on a new trajectory - a historic step to bringing about a full comprehensive social security system through the extension of the child support grant, CSG, to children up to their 18th birthday.

Lest we forget, the extension of the child support grant was a resolution taken at the ANC conference in Polokwane. It was a promise that we made in our election manifesto. It is in the Medium Term Strategic Framework, MTSF, and it is a promise to South Africans – a promise that we have met.

The extension of the child support grant is also historic. While many countries introduced family support during the 1940s, black South Africans here in this country were excluded from the rights because we were deemed unworthy of such investments by our society. We need to applaud the President and his government for being bold in continuing to dismantle discriminatory practices of the past, and to invest in the wellbeing and future of our children.

This policy initiative paves the way for an additional 2 million vulnerable children to access income support. Our social security programme will now be amongst the most comprehensive programmes as compared to most countries in Africa, Latin America, and also East Asia.

Allow me to talk about the second pillar issues of this comprehensive social security before providing more details on the impact of the social grants and other services.

While social assistance aims to alleviate poverty, the goal of social insurance is to prevent poverty. The comprehensiveness of our social security system is compromised by the limited contributions to social insurance funds by those in fulltime employment. Except for the good coverage in unemployment insurance and compensation for work injuries, there are still extensive gaps in our second pillar of the comprehensive social security system.

The consequence is that many employed people fall into poverty and put demand on the social assistance system as a result. Contributory social insurance will require the participation of all working South Africans so that we can pool our savings and engender support amongst workers in the event that their employment is interrupted by disability, death, old age, poor heath, and so on.

To build on our growing commitment to social solidarity so ably demonstrated through the cash transfer system, it will be under the leadership of this President, President Jacob Zuma. We will finalise work in respect of comprehensive social insurance. This work will involve setting up a mandatory system of social insurance to cover all South Africans for pension, disability and survivor benefits, the health insurance, and the reform of the Road Accident Fund.

In addition, we will reform the social security institutional arrangements, but also integrate and consolidate the administration of social security benefits.

Pillar three of the social security system involves voluntary contributions to retirement and healthcare. We can, today, assure those who save in these voluntary schemes. Our financial systems here in South Africa and the regulatory arrangements have been given the thumbs up by the international financial institutions. In fact, we are rated number six globally for world-class regulations of our financial sector. [Applause.]

Hon Speaker and members, these three aspects constitute comprehensive social security and the envisaged reforms through which President Zuma will lead this country during his tenure. The strategic stance adopted by government is premised on the understanding that our services and strategies need to speak to the needs of our people. The President has, in the short space of time - a few months indeed - already engaged so many of our people and has, more than anyone else, assessed the needs of our people as they experience them on a day‑to‑day bases.

The visionary steps in the state of the nation address, SONA, outlined the broad range of critical interventions that are needed from education, healthcare, rural development, security, and many others. These interventions will work together to break the cycle of intergenerational poverty.

Colleagues, employment and the growth of our economy remain fundamental in empowering our people, and are the bases for a sustained antipoverty framework.

To complement social grants for the poor, and in partnership with the rest of government as well as civil society and business, we will implement all measures and policies announced by the President which will, over time, yield the economic environment conducive for the employment of greater numbers of people. In this area, Social Development's discreet contribution from a strategic perspective is our Early Childhood Development Programme, ECDP, and the Community Development Programme, CDP. By investing in the children's formative years, we are laying a foundation for generations of our South Africans to be well educated and have the necessary skills base to transform the South African economy.

Guided by the strategic themes that seek to crowd in social, human, and financial investment into the improved wellbeing of South Africa's children, as well as older persons and other vulnerable groups, we have introduced a number of policies and strategies to guide our work as government. This includes the introduction of children and older persons' Acts.

More children participate in early childhood development centres than ever before. Large numbers of care workers provide home‑based care to mitigate the impact of HIV/Aids. In response to these enormous challenges of substance abuse such as drugs, alcohol, and others, we will join forces and integrate the work that we do in prevention and rehabilitation with the work that is being done by departments in the cluster of justice and security.

We do believe that none of us will succeed in building our nation if the country continues to experience an increase in substance abuse. Is there anyone who doubts the effectiveness of our broad social security system? "How long halt ye between two opinions?", so asks the Bible.

By extending the child support grant, the President has placed the focus on outputs and outcomes. Through these measures, we have no doubt that during this term of administration, we will also stimulate participation in the economy and improve human welfare as the grants will lower the number of people going hungry and help them to meet needs like transport, schooling, and getting clothing.

We will also assist more people in investing in the future, increase school enrolment and upgrade housing assets. We will also enable more to engage in labour-seeking behaviour as local and international research suggests that adults in household receiving cash transfers are more likely to actively seek employment than those household who are excluded from this cash transfer system.

We will also support more people in saving and engaging with financial markets, but also make it possible for more beneficiaries to save instead of borrow, and for others to set up their micro enterprises. More importantly, we will continue with our work to improve the integrity of our social security administration.

We also participate in the Anticorruption Inter-ministerial Committee. This committee has met twice already. They have met this week on Friday, I must say, as opposed to what we hear that this committee has not met. I don't know where we get this information. Inter-ministerial Committee on Anticorruption

In our environment, we will continue to work with the Special Investigating Unit, SIU, to get rid of all those who are fraudulently on the system. In his state of the nation address, the President mentioned that we removed irregular recipients and, therefore, yielded savings as a result of these actions.

All those who signed acknowledgements of debt because they were on the system irregularly are paying monies back to the state. Those who wilfully defrauded the state are being disciplined and will continue to be disciplined.

Is there anyone who still doubts that the measures outline by the President will deepen the impact of creating a caring society based on the principle of social solidarity?

Hon Members: Yeah!

The MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: You have an answer. If you are a doubting Thomas, I have told you who you are. Solidarity‑based policies and strategies have essentially built up much of the developed world's economy and social infrastructure, especially after the two world wars that crippled those continents.

Likewise, South Africa needs all its citizens and residents to develop and implement solutions that will benefit all South Africans more than ever before, in view of our past that largely determined the life chances of individuals and communities. We often talk about the lack of social cohesion in our society. We also reminisce about ubuntu. What we need to do as a society is to bring back the spirit of caring and the values of sharing and reciprocity.

In this regard, we will work with the National Interfaith Leadership Council, NILC, to ensure that we continue to build values as contained in our Constitution, as well as working together on development programmes.

Our systems should reflect our interconnectedness and ubuntu in which each of us commits to support the other.

Samora Machel, one of the greatest freedom fighters argued: "… solidarity is not an act of charity but an act of unity…" Our attempts at solidarity are interrupted by the Pharisees and the Sadducees pointing fingers while they are not without sin themselves. The Pharisees are so far from the people, squabbling in their parties. The Sadducees are sad as they lack the support of the people.

We must focus on South Africa's greatest challenge, for, as Kennedy said: "If we are not able to save the many who are poor, we will not be able to save the few who are rich."

We welcome the President's commitment to outputs and outcomes and the state of the nation's vision that will take us towards that inclusive society. We will work towards their achievement. We look forward, Mr President, to the signing of performance agreements as Ministers - I'm speaking for myself as well - for in the end, we owe it to this and the future generations to create a better life for all. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mr S C MOTAU //ag//(Tswana)// NB (Eng) / END OF TAKE


"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-26] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][slr].doc"

Mr S C MOTAU: Madam Deputy Speaker, ke a dumedisa. I strongly resist being biblical as it is a very slippery ground. I'll side with an outstanding South African leader, Professor Njabulo Ndebele, who had a piece in The Sunday Times dated 7 February 2010, in which he marked the 20 years of freedom for utata Nelson Mandela. The piece was titled: "The long walk remains." It says:

South Africa is desperately in need of new politics in which the actors understand the full implications of abundant new opportunities for the people to rediscover one another and to build the country. Today, we know that the diversity in thinking is a national asset.

This country cries out for the true leadership that will help us realise these benefits; the leadership which will put South Africa first in all of its actions.

The former United States Secretary of State General, Collin Powell, in his primer on the subject said:

Good leadership involves responsibility to the welfare of the group, which means that some people will get angry at your actions and decisions. It's inevitable if you are honourable. Trying to get everyone to like you is a sign of mediocrity; you will avoid the tough decisions; and you will not confront the people who need to be confronted.

The former President, Nelson Mandela, manifested the requisite leadership qualities and led this country from the front. We miss that bold, visionary, compassionate, inclusive, unifying and moral leadership.

The country demands upstanding leaders to secure the future of our young democracy. Our faltering and underperforming parastatals, many of them, currently, without Chief Executive Officers, CEO, yearn for quality leadership. Such leadership can put Eskom, the avaricious energy monopoly, back on track and secure our electricity future without the nation paying an arm and a leg for energy.

This is critical as the nation fearfully awaits the decision of the National Energy Regulator of South Africa, NERSA, regarding Eskom's latest application for a tariff increase of 35% a year for three years. We appeal to NERSA to exercise responsible leadership in this regard. The regulator must put the interest of South Africa above those of Eskom to dispel the widely held view that they do the bidding of Eskom. A bad decision will spell serious trouble for the country's economy which is already hard-pressed; and more misery for the poor.

It is, therefore, very important that we take special care when we fill the critical leadership positions at Eskom and the other state- owned enterprises. The people who are appointed must be fit for purpose, competent and serve those entities in the best interest of the country. Let us, please, keep party politics out of the selection process.

In this regard Madam Speaker, it would be to add insult to injury to the people of this country if the state were to pay Mr Jacob Maroga one red cent following his resignation from Eskom. He failed the nation and he doesn't deserve what he is asking for. If the state does that, the people will not forget.

We, thus, hope that the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Energy will be goal orientated, fast-track results, and not be a further stumbling block to the entry of independent power producers into our energy market. This is taking long to happen; we need action, now.

To get results calls for a Powell brand of leadership. Regrettably, what the people get from leadership these days are huge doses of promises, bluster, fudge, sophistry, denial and Orwellian-speak - in which wrong is right - and conflicts of interest are pooh-poohed. This is the failure of leadership. Sorry does not make it right.

The ANC, Chancellor House, Hitachi, Eskom and Nexus fall into this category.

Earlier, I referred to the nation's fearful state regarding the outcome of Eskom's request to NERSA. There is, however, another pervasive fear in our land; the fear of being mugged, brutalised, raped or even murder in our own homes.

The eradication of this national plague demands decisive leadership and action. I know that in this regard I'm speaking for many people in this House and country. Crime is slowly but surely strangling our nation. The President has declared 2010 as the year of action. He mustn't stop there. Results will come only when inaction is followed by serious consequences.

As General Powell reminds us the following:

Strategy equals execution. All the great visions and ideas in the world are worthless if they can't be rapidly implemented and efficiently. [Time Expired.] [Applause.]



Mr R B BHOOLA: Madam Deputy Speaker, His Excellency the State President and colleagues. The political commentators and the media have been unanimous in expressing a very deep disappointment about your state of the nation address.

The Independent on Saturday in KwaZulu Natal described your speech as lack lustre the South African nation was hyped up, especially after commemorating 20 years of the release of Madiba; and looking at the World Cup, there was definitely a widespread of disappointment.

You have set the targets last year and the very fact that you announced certain mechanisms about targets, delivery and etcetera is a clear indication that your generals have not followed you; not obeyed you; and that they have let you down.

I respect of the 489 000 job creation, those temporary Extended Public Works job creation projects are not sustainable job creation. The great problem in our country is that our key parastatals are in crisis. As far as power is concerned, the Minority Front, MF, is glad that you have changed direction about the role of independent producers. But let me express a word of caution, I hope friends are not waiting in the wings. The MF is strongly urges the South African government to commence negotiations with the Ambani Brothers of Reliance and Rattan Tata. Call them to this country and ask them to build our power stations on credit; build now and pay later.

Mr President, we are creating jobs. We are in a period of austerity; ask the Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries to stop putting negative factors against the part of subsistence fishermen, where there is a proposed hike of over 300% for fishing permits. There is a difference between recreation fishermen and subsistence fishermen.

Last year, the MF made certain proposals to look at Professor Aliawali and learn from the success of India's planning commission. We said manufacturing, agriculture and infrastructure must be key factors. I want to also ask you, Mr President, to turn eyes to KZN where there is a lack lustre provincial government. EThekwini has no democracy. Inter-community relationship is in the mud. How can the ANC allow a metro council to be run not by democratic electorate representative but by three people from a particular office?

What we need is to move away from race and look at merit. Education in the world knows no nationality, race and barrier but this country needs excellent outstanding management. We have lot of money for education. Are we training our youths to satisfy South Africa's manpower needs? The Minister of Public Services made an announcement that this country is looking for people from outside with 30% extra salaries. Yet, after 16 years, haven't we trained our own youths to satisfy South Africa's manpower needs?

At the end Mr President, you referred to the great contributions made by South Africans of the Indian origin. Ask yourself why didn't they come to see the Indian Prime Minister. Why are they apathetic? After 1994, Indians have been marginalised. One of the greatest announcements that can be made during the 150 years celebration is that the Indian community which we, now, regard as equal South African citizens.

We are all; indeed, very proud of Madiba and I am glad Mr President that you paid tribute to the late Mr P W Botha. In 1993, Madiba went to visit Mr P W Botha's house and he told the MF leader that the reason was to pay respect for him because he had the courage to start a peaceful change in our country.

Mr President, I want you to know that Madiba went to visit Mr Rajbansi. Why did he go? Are you aware that Madiba met Mr Rajbansi 40 times when he was the President? What we need in South Africa is to follow Madiba on the path of peace, unity and reconciliation when he said let us hold hands and build this country together. Furthermore, we have lack lustre of the Minister of Finance and the whole country will blow up into a crisis if nothing is done.

Mr President, the Department of Sports in KwaZulu Natal is in the mud. Mr Rajbansi worked with Inkosi Albert Luthuli as a football administrator; he is the father of football. To recognise his contributions to the World Cup, the presidential suite at Moses Mabida Stadium should be called the Inkosi Albert Luthuli Presidential Suite. Are we following Madiba and all what we are saying, today, is: Come back to Madiba! Come back to Madiba's direction! Come back to the road Madiba has mapped out to build a great South Africa!

Mr President, you said that 2010 is a year for action to work harder, smarter and better. However, let us be mindful of the fact that in a soccer match it is not the dribbling that is important; but the scoring of the goal. Let us commit ourselves, today, to wipe out the tears of suffering from everyone's eyes and deliver them from the shackles of poverty so that they could practically be a better life for all. Let us march forward. Thank you.



"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-27] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][slr].doc"



...e re le nna ke ise tlotlo go Moporesidente, Motlatsa Poresidente, matona le maloko otlhe a Palamente. Ke kopa go simolola ka go baakanya kgannyana e nnye e e tlileng le Mme Matladi.


You took us by surprise, madam, when you said Mangope fought for the release of Nelson Mandela. Those of us who operated in that area were shocked. Let me remind you …


mafoko a a tshwanang le: Fa mapantiti a le bitsa le a taboga, mme fa nna ke le bitsa ga le batle go tla. [Setshego.][Legofi.]


That statement was referring to Nelson Mandela. Mr President, when 10% of the population enjoys 61% share of the total national income ion our country, when our economy imports too many goods and services, when our people are less productive, when most of the shops in the townships and villages stand empty, when our people eat from landfills sites, when government is spending billions of Rands in an attempt ot reduce the gap between the rich and the poor and yet the gat keeps on growing, it is clear that we need a new set of wheel going forward. It is indeed time to do things differently.

We welcome your approach, Sir. We know that with your vision, this will be reversed and they will be the things of the past, thanks to your leadership.

As we celebrate Madiba's legacy, may I remind the House of a special sitting that was called on 10 May 2004 to mark ten years of our democracy. President Mandela was invited and these were amongst his last words said from this podium

Our democracy must bring its material fruits to all, particularly the poor marginalised and vulnerable. Our belief in the common good ultimately translates into deep concern for those that suffer want and deprivation of any kind.

The past 15 years of democratic rule in South Africa have been characterised by policy making and legislative reform aimed at meeting constitutional imperatives. One of the central programmes of reconstruction is the development of human resources. Many South Africans have been excluded from the economic growth of our country because the economy presents opportunities that are skills based.

As the global economy turns the corner, levels of innovations and competitiveness are certainly going to continue to grow faster and South Africa dare not be left behind. It follows that we need to sharpen the skills levels of our citizens among other things so that our economy increases its innovation and competitiveness. Most importantly, in our quest to sharpen the skills of citizens, it is critical to ensure that the skills avail opportunities from which all citizens benefit fairly from the economic growth of the country.

We, therefore, need to create a cadreship of skills with the necessary capacity to effect and sustain economic growth.

How do we achieve this assertion? From the onset, we need to appreciate our country's history. Apartheid made most of the population to be structurally unskilled and created a reservoir of unemployable citizens. You mentioned, Mr President, on 8 January that our people are absent in wealth ownership. We cannot continue on that old path where citizens are not motivated to attain education and skills that set the economy on a better footing to respond appropriately to skills needs that necessitate better, faster and sustainable economic growth to benefit all.

Our ministry is designed to have a strong domestic focus. To this end, I embarked on provincial visits from the beginning of January this year to understand how our policies impact on ordinary South Africans. We held meetings with MECs and their officials and discovered that, amongst other things, there is no coordination – coordination within provinces, coordination within departments. We, therefore, need to devise a strategy that ensures coordination.

To improve at a domestic level, especially with regards to productivity of our people, a paradigm shift is needed. We need a new thinking going forward.

We must support, promote, protect, and develop our own natural resources and ensure that more value‑adding industries are created. Local products must be supported and procured by government and other government institutions in order to increase local procurement, thus increasing local production and, in turn, creating more sustainable jobs. For instance, when one looks at the 2008/9 imports reports from Sars, one realises that the bulk of what we imported into our country could have been easily produced or manufactured locally provided we had increased our economy's competitiveness.

If we do not increase our competitiveness through, amongst others, skilling our human resources in the medium to long term, we shall continue to pay billions for avoidable imports and create fewer jobs.

We, therefore, need to understand that human resources, not capital, income or material resources constitute the ultimate bases for the wealth of our nation. Capital and natural resources are passive factors of production. Human beings are the active agents who accumulates capital, exploit natural resources, build social, economic and political organisations and carry forward national development.

Clearly, if we continue to be unable to develop the skills and knowledge of our people and to utilise then effectively in the national economy, we will fail in increasing our competitiveness and in keeping up with the global economy.

Mr President, we welcome your new approach for all government institutions not to work in silos, but to work as a collective. In the past ten years, there has been an emphasis on policy making and less focus on implementation and the capacities required to do so.

Related to this is the challenge of coordination between departments. Over the years, departments have simultaneously and more or less independently promulgated numerous Acts from a departmental point of view. For example, different notions have existed between government departments regarding SMME's training needs. Some departments favoured internships for SMMEs, while others identified learnerships as the appropriate instrument. There has also been a degree of policy incoherence between some departments resulting in a constrained economy. We are happy that this is now a thing of the past.

The people of South Africa are the country's most important assert. If all South Africans are to meaningfully participate in economic, political, industrial capacitation and social development, they must not only have general capabilities such as the ability to read, count, and write. It is important that they realise how the economy is complex and changing, characterised by increasing use of information, more complex technologies, and a general rise in the skill requirements of jobs.

We, therefore, need to assist our people to have rising levels of applied competence. Knowledge economy is the way to go. To that end, we should also lead by example. Let us not be scared of those little computers we have hon members. Some of the arguments advanced such as: "e-mails is broken." Do not help the cause because it never breaks.

We, therefore, call on the higher education institutions to build the adequate capacities that can absorb more learners. Not only should they build the capacity to absorb more learners, but most importantly, capacity to teach and produce graduates with essential educational foundation that can adapt to the ever changing needs of the economy. The institutions must respond to the skills need of the economy.

It follows that we need to develop and strengthen learnership programmes to encourage graduates to understand the functioning of a growing economy through a well-procured career guidance strategy. To this end, utilisation of career guidance and employment services must be closely liked to the economic development of the country.

We must recognise the importance of career guidance as a facilitation process for their overall human resource development strategies if we want to be competitive in the global markets.

A strategic career guidance programme must be introduced as a policy response on this issue of career guidance. Such programme should facilitate school‑to‑work transition in a culturally enabling environment.

The role of career guidance and employment services is important in the process of school-to-work transition and labour markets intermediation. Delivering these services in a developing context bring about many challenges. These challenges need to be addressed through a coordinated framework of policies and establish services across the different relevant sectors. This can only be achieved through knowledge gained from research – research that can identify the needs of the employers in the different sectors.

The challenge in skills development can be seen as being both policy design or coordination, as well as limited implementation. Effective Sector Education Training Authority, SETA, training programmes must be well designed, well targeted and rolled out fully. This must be done efficiently by pulling financial resources and developing cross-SETA training programmes.

The South African government has committed itself to taking concrete steps to raise the skills profile of the labour market. In as much as government will put efforts to ensure that the country produces enough graduates in the most needed disciples, it shall be in vain if private and public sector employers are not prepared to train these graduates.

It is with great concern that both private and public sector employers have significantly reduced the intake of graduates into their internship programmes. We cannot continue with such a practice if we want to build a skilled nation when the economy's critical players do not take their rightful lead in increasing skills through the on-the-job-training training programmes.

It is important for employers in all sectors to realise that government ignites the fire for skills development geared to effect and sustain economic growth. It is through them that the flame will continue to burn. Many policies, strategies, and approaches have and will be put in place by government to ensure that we create skills, but if employers are not going to respond to government efforts by ensuring adequate on-the-job training programmes, we are not going to create a cadreship of skills that will effect and sustain economic growth.

Research reveals that SMMEs employ around 52% of all employees in South Africa. If these figure are anything to go by, we dare not turn a blind eye to this reality. It is evident that SMMEs, and to some extent, cooperatives are amongst the best drivers that will effect faster, better and sustainable economic growth. We, therefore, need to further encourage the formation of successful SMMEs and cooperatives.

Currently, SMMEs and cooperatives have a major failure rate. It is not because the owners lack the moral willingness to operate successful businesses, but amongst other, they lack the fundamental skills to operate successful businesses. It follows that we need to intensify our effort to empower surviving SMMEs.

Given South Africa's history, there is a strong need to address imbalances of the past hence economic and industrial driven policies are necessary in the South African economy.

Let us be strong and build a cadreship of skills just as we did in the struggle to gain power. Mr President, your leadership has energised the nation. There is a lot of hope. Let us not betray the trust the nation has in us.

Apartheid did not have parents when we stared hare in 1994; democracy had too many parents because people did not want to be associated with apartheid. When the hon member from UCDP mentioned that her party was also fighting for comrade Mandela, it doesn't come as a shock because when people come to this podium, they are all heroes, they want to claim. The only thing that I want to help her with, if you need the police you don't phone 10999 because you will not find them, it is 10111, madam. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M A MANGENA / NB//ag(Tswana) / END OF TAKE


Mr M S MANGENA: Deputy Speaker, Mr President, hon members, the story is told of a high-school boy who was fluffing his mathematics, and when his father scolded him and urged him to pull up his socks, the young man replied:

Don't worry, dad, I don't have to work so hard to get my maths right. After all I plan to be a weather man when I finish school.

Obviously the young man did not know that weather forecasters need some knowledge of maths, geography, physics and, these days, IT, to function in their jobs. He had not heard of Antarctica; he knew nothing about aviation and agriculture where weather forecasting plays a vital role. To him, the weatherman has an easy life because he doesn't have to work hard to get anything right.

Some of us are beginning to feel as though the philosophy and attitude of this young man are creeping in on us as a nation; that we are slowly moving away from the example set by the likes of Steve Biko, Onkgopotse Tiro, Mangaliso Sobukwe and of course Nelson Mandela, whose legacy we honour with the opening of Parliament this year.

Mandela's legacy is tough and lofty. It is a weighty blend of honour, sincerity, sacrifice, hard work, commitment, patience, endurance, patriotism, and selfless service to others and to your country. It seems these admirable values are fading in our public life. In their place we see the relentless pursuit of easy or illicit riches acquired as quickly as possible and by any means necessary.

We know that our kids learn more by watching us than by taking instructions from us. Don't be surprised by the reply, given verbally or otherwise, when we try to motivate them to improve their school work: "Don't worry, mom", they might say, "I don't have to work that hard at school. After all I plan to go into tendering when I finish school." They would know that you don't have to be skilled or knowledgeable to win a tender. You need only to be connected through family, political affiliation, the golf course or social drinking. You need only be that kind of a weatherman.

As we coax our sons and daughters to do their maths with application and diligence, they might just reply: "Don't worry, dad, I don't have to get my maths right, because when I leave school I want to be a councillor or a municipal manager."

From where they sit, our kids might gain the impression that councillors and municipal managers don't have to be competent or apply themselves to the task of delivering services to the citizens. They don't have to be responsible. The kids can see dirty streets, potholes everywhere, uncollected refuse, and yet the municipal manager is having a conspicuously good and easy life. It seems we might be nurturing a society that worships bling, but eschews hard work, honesty, service and commitment.

Every reasonable man and woman in our country would find it easy to embrace the five priorities adopted by government, and pray that they succeed. These priorities would easily be realised if every man and woman in every classroom in our schools; in every ward in our clinics and hospitals; in every municipal chamber and office; in every government office at provincial and national levels, did his or her work with competence, dedication and honesty.

This is only possible if these officials and municipal managers were appointed through a rigorous and competitive process, and they were appointed after answering the question: What can you do?" instead of the question: "Who are you connected to?"

And when every man and woman does his or her work diligently and competently, there will be no reason for any citizen to phone the President in order to get an ID, or to have the President talking about teachers preparing their lessons here in Parliament. That should be a given in an environment where things work.

The grand bonus is that when all of us do an honest day's work, we can go back to our sons and daughters at home and, looking them straight in the eye, say: My son; my girl; work hard for your future. And being the perceptive kids that they are, who learn by watching, they would reply, "Yes, dad; yes, ma'am." Then we would be a people worthy of Mandela, and not a nation of weathermen. Thank you very much. [Applause.]



The MINISTER OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM: Hon Deputy Speaker, Your Excellency Mr Presidency, hon members, on 11 February, the President presented the state of the nation address as part of celebrating the 20th anniversary of the release of President Nelson Mandela from jail, after serving 27 years.

During the course of his address, he made many significant pronouncements. From where I sat, I picked up three, namely the following: One, rekindling the nation-building project; two, the premise of service delivery to our people, especially the poorest of the poor, and, three, the accountability of public representatives and public servants.

In this regard, the outcome for the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform is vibrant, equitable and sustainable rural communities. This, of course, is the vision of the department. There are four outputs in pursuit of this outcome, namely sustainable land reform, food security for all, rural development and job creation that is linked to skills development and training.

Further to the significant pronouncements that the President made in relation to the government's strategic focus in the next two years of the current Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, the President provided some detail in terms of what he expects the department to deliver on. Among the things he expects to be done is the rolling out of the pilots to at least 160 wards across the country by 2014.

Secondly, at least 60% of rural households per site should meet their own food requirements by 2014. Thirdly, he expects the integration of land reform and agricultural support programmes, with performance measured according to the increase in the number of small-scale farmers that graduate into commercial entities by 2014. Finally, he expects the creation of jobs, skills training and development opportunities for young people between the ages of 16 and 25 years.

Given the progress that the three spheres, working together, have achieved during the first nine months of this administration, there is no reason these specified and many other critical deliverables should not be achieved in the next three years.

The detail of what is to be done in pursuit of these deliverables will be set out in a budget policy speech. The budget policy speech will contain a note drawn from an interesting book written by one Steven Lewis jnr, The Economics of Apartheid. He states that there are three general phases of economic and social development that countries in the world pass through.

He examines South Africa's performance, in comparison with other countries. According to him, the third phase of this social and economic development is increasing the productivity of land and labour in agriculture.

In fact, he reckons, the factor affecting wage increase in modern sectors in the economy is growth in productivity in agriculture in traditional sectors. Wages in the nonagricultural must grow in order to attract people from agricultural areas wherein incomes would have gone up.

In the following passage, he looks comparatively at the situation in South Africa during the colonial and apartheid years:

The land available to blacks has been severely restricted, and for a century government efforts - critical in virtually all successful development - have been directed almost exclusively toward white farmers, with the result that incomes available in the African and coloured rural areas have remained pitifully low, leaving people no alternative to seeking work in the modern sectors, including white agriculture, at whatever wage available. The subsistence sector as a provider of income to the majority of South Africans effectively ceased to exist decades ago: the population densities were simply too great to allow any but a fraction of the black population a genuine subsistence output; the rest have had to depend on wage labour in white areas of South Africa, both urban and rural.

This passage speaks to the historical 7% to 13% land divide between whites and blacks in South Africa respectively. The budget policy speech will dwell deeper and wider on this question of land reform.

Rural development and land reform is therefore not just an ordinary programme, as the President has indicated. It is a postcolonial reconstruction and development programme. It is at the heart of socioeconomic transformation, where it matters most and where the most vulnerable reside: in rural areas.

The current patchwork of land legislation that attempts to address historical disparities in our country is admirable. It is a product of a particular point in time in our country's democratisation. But sadly, it is too fragmented to effectively address the centuries-old land question in South Africa.

In the Green Paper that we will soon serve on this House, we are opening a debate on the need to review the current land tenure system as a whole. That is the proverbial element in the room, which can no longer be avoided. Continuing to avoid this question would mean not being true to the letter and spirit of the Freedom Charter, which states: South Africa belongs to all who live in it; black and white.

I'd like to make a few comments and allay the fears of the hon umhlekazi Prince Buthelezi. We have been interacting vigorously over the past few weeks, with a delegation from isilo nabahlali [King Goodwill Zwelithini and the community] around this question. The last time we were there was Monday last week. It was the second meeting we held in two weeks. We're trying to find one another around this question. This goes to the hon leader of the PAC, who made this point about the role of traditional leaders.

The traditional leaders of Limpopo and other traditional leaders, including the chairperson of the National House of Traditional Leaders, are in contact with us. We've been discussing that.

We have addressed a congress, through the director-general, We have addressed a congress, through the director-general, of Contralesa that was recently held in Durban, so we interact with the traditional leaders a great deal.

The second point, hon President, is this: I've given you a number of pictures taken at Muyexe, because there is a Sunday Times article, which was published after the President had delivered his state of the nation address, saying there is nothing happening there. I'm shocked by that article. It is shocking, Mr President. I've given these pictures to the hon Dlodlo, and asked her to show them to the President.

I can't understand how a journalist could have gone to Muyexe and not see the clinic which has been renovated. There was no clinic in operation there, but it is now operating eight hours a day, five days a week, with nurses. [Applause.] I don't know how that journalist could have missed the fact that last month the hon Mthethwa's department established a satellite police station where there was none, because of this work.

I cannot understand how that journalist could have missed a pack shed which has been built new. He actually shows a picture of a forlorn old lady, who probably did not understand what was happening, when there are 36 women who are working full-time on 4 ha of agricultural land, which is being extended to become 15 ha. Now they are operating with drip irrigation because we built a pump house there and it is working. We built a pack shed and they're supplying Kwikspar.

I've given the President a picture of an example of how we fenced 150 household gardens for people to produce and eat. That's what the President is saying, he's saying to us 60% of these houses should depend on their own gardens. That's a beginning, it is there, it has started. [Applause.]

The President referred to 160 wards. It will be done. We are already operating in more than 21 wards across the country and in each of the provinces. There's only one province in which we don't have a site yet and that's Gauteng. But we are going to Gauteng. So, Mr President, there is a good example of what you can see there in pictures.

In Muyexe, from August 2009, we have built, through the Department of Human Settlement, not only the 231 houses that you mentioned, but more than that. There is no house built in the townships that matches the houses that are being built in Muyexe. [Applause.]

He talks about water. It is true, but again, we went there to test boreholes. Four of them are working now and are supplying water from underground, but we are also working to bring water from the Nandoni Dam 45 km from there to that place. I discussed it with the Premier last week and said we must make sure we are agreed that that water coming to Muyexe won't skip any of the villages along the 45 km from the dam. But that's not the only place!

When you go to Riemvasmaak in the Northern Cape it's the same. We are working there and will soon be bringing water 30 km from the Orange River to Riemvasmaak, both for irrigation and domestic usage.

We'll do the same in the Free State at Diyatalawa. If you go to Makgolokoeng in the Free State you'll find that we are working there. We are about to deliver 40 dairy cows to the community of Diyatalawa. We're working with Nestlé. We have a partnership that is going to buy the milk and they are going to provide the state of the art equipment to revamp that dairy facility there. So, hon members and Mr President, the work is being done according to how you have asked us to do it. That article is misleading the country. Thank you, honourable Deputy Speaker. [Applause.]



Mr W P DOMAN: Deputy Speaker, Mr President, the fact that a turnaround strategy for local government was approved is an honest acknowledgement by the government that South Africa has a crisis in the majority of municipalities. In the real state of the nation we are plagued by a delivery crisis with more than 50 major protests at municipalities since the election, with R58 billion debt owed to them and a 12% vacancy rate of senior managers. The President referred to water losses. At the 12 municipalities in Gauteng alone it amounted to a loss of R1,3 billion in the previous financial year.


Wat ons nou nodig het, is die leierskap en politieke wil om hierdie omkeerstrategie deur te voer. Die DA stem volkome saam met die President toe hy verlede jaar in Khayelitsha gesê het,

We must find ways of attracting the best technical, managerial and financial minds to our municipalities, even the most remote, to effect a turnaround.


Mr President, there is one way of attracting them: Appoint them on merit and fit for purpose, and stop cadre deployment! Cadre deployment, the national democratic revolution policy of the ANC, singlehandedly destroyed the capacity in our municipalities within 10 years of the fully democratic local government elections in December 2000. [Interjections.]

What is the ANC councils' idea of transformation? First, all contract positions – the section 57 appointments, as we refer to managerial positions – are reserved for politically connected persons who, in many cases, totally lack the skills and, sorry to say, the integrity for the positions they're appointed to. The third municipal manager of Tshwane is now under provisional suspension, with full pay! Two municipal managers left, while under suspension, with huge golden handshakes before disciplinary hearings were concluded. [Interjections.]

And then, with these appointments the Peters principle kicked in: Incompetent managers appoint incompetent staff to protect themselves. Another unintended consequence was that career staff, who still today do the bulk of good work at our municipalities, have become more and more unproductive because they see no reason why they should excel if there is no promotion possibilities.

The number who has become so despondent and has left local government is shocking. Civil engineering professionals, for example, have come down from more than 2 500 to only 1 300 while the population that must be served has grown by several million in the past decade. Let's professionalise staff selection, not politicise it.


Mnr die President, die DA stem ook met u saam toe u in Khayelitsha gesê het,

Secondly, we must deal with the fact that many municipalities face a deep crisis of governance due to political power struggles. These battles for control over resources render the affected municipalities effectively dysfunctional.

Die 8 000 raadslede in Suid-Afrika het die wonderlike geleentheid om die potensiaal van al ons gemeenskappe te help ontluik, maar dit is tragies dat so baie van hulle net ingestel is op eie belang.

'n Tekort aan geld is nie die groot probleem nie. Die ANC-regering moet geloof word daarvoor dat meer geld vir infrastruktuurskepping – vanjaar is dit R11 miljard, tesame met ander toekennings – beskikbaar is aan munisipaliteite as wat hulle kan bestee.

Hoe is dit moontlik dat al die plaaslike munisipaliteite in die Noord-Kaap en talle in Noordwes en die Vrystaat tegnies bankrot is, maar Laingsburg-munisipaliteit, wat dieselfde moeilike omstandighede het, naamlik geleë in die Karoo, wyd uitgestrek, min werksgeleenthede en baie armes, tog die een toekennning na die ander wen?

Twee redes maak 'n verskil. Die raad, wat uit presies 50% ANC- en 50% DA-lede bestaan, werk verstandig saam, en dan het hulle nog al die jare net een munisipale bestuurder gehad. Terloops, hy is nie 'n wit amptenaar uit die vorige bedeling nie, maar eenvoudig 'n goeie bestuurder op meriete aangestel.

Wetgewing is ook nie die grootste probleem nie. Hoe is dit moontlik dat talle munisipaliteite onder dieselfde wetgewing in Suid-Afrika wel presteer? Mosselbaai, byvoorbeeld, het nie 'n sent leningskuld nie, miljoene in die bank en van 'n uitkykpunt op die N2 by Mosselbaai kan 'n mens die duisende laekoste-huise sien wat gebou moes word weens verstedeliking en wat gratis dienste kry. Behalwe dat die DA natuurlik daar regeer, kan ons ook sê dat die munisipale bestuurder en burgemeester vroue is wat daarin slaag om wetgewing toe te pas.

Die probleem bly swak, selfsugtige, moedswillige raadslede vir wie eie belang en politieke mag primêr is.


In Rustenburg the 60-odd counsellors misused ratepayers' money by voting themselves an expensive bottle of whisky and a tailor-made blazer each for Christmas. [Laughter.] The Speaker only sent us a Christmas card and I want to ask the Speaker, where is our whisky!? [Laughter.]

The ANC counsellors of the city of Matlosana in Klerksdorp are now in the process of buying – listen to this! – 500 World Cup Football tickets out of the municipal budget for themselves, staff, family and friends. They don't even have the loyalty towards our country to support this great upcoming event out of their own pockets. [Time expired.] Thank you. [Applause.]



"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-30] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][slr].doc"

Ms D M RAMODIBE: Speaker, the hon President of the Republic of South Africa, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members, let me start off by expressing my gratitude for being honoured to participate in this important debate. May I also join my colleagues in thanking the President for organising the celebration of the release of Tata Madiba.

It is not a mistake to ensure central positioning of women in different sectors of the economy and the state machinery; in fact, it is of fundamental necessity. When you economically empower a woman you economically empower the whole nation, but if you economically empower a man you economically empower an individual. This may sound like a slogan but times for slogans are over.

The President has declared this year a year of action – meaning that all theories must be put into action. Remember Margaret Thatcher when she said: If you want something said, ask a man; if you want something done, ask a woman. [Applause.]

Patriarchal oppression was embedded in the economic, social, religious, cultural, family and other relations in all communities, its eradication cannot be an assumed consequence of democracy. All manifestations and consequences of patriarchy - from the feminisation of poverty, physical and psychological abuse, undermining self-confidence, and hidden forms of exclusion from position of authority and power - need to be eliminated.

Samora Machel once said:

The emancipation of women is not an act of charity, the result of a humanitarian or compassionate attitude. The liberation of women is a fundamental necessity for the Revolution, the guarantee of its continuity and the precondition for its victory.

The ANC will therefore continue to strive for the realisation of the commitments of the Freedom Charter – the rights of all the people shall be the same, regardless of race, colour or sex.

Hon Speaker, the steady growth in women parliamentarians, provincial legislatures and councillors are a reflection of the implementation of the ANC policies. The representation of women in Cabinet since 2004 has been internationally cited as one of the best practice. The increase in the proportion of women in the provincial and national legislatures and elected municipal councils has also been substantial. Safe to say, that we still have to improve on women speakers.

Indeed, this recognition of the interconnectedness of women's struggles and what need to be done to overcome this oppression was understood when we saw about 20 000 women marching to Pretoria in protest of carrying pass laws. They also demanded the fundamental rights of justice, freedom and equality for their children. They gave voice to their resistance and determination and they demonstrated their power within themselves when they declared: Wathint' Abafazi Wathint' Imbokodo.

When we established our democracy in 1994 we dismantled apartheid legislation and put in place progressive policies. We established an Office on the Status of Women located in the Presidency and a Commission on Gender Equality. We fought for increasing representation of women at all levels of government and made great strides in that respect. We have taken a gendered perspective on the implementation of development projects and programmes.

As a country, our government has taken it as its mandate to halve poverty and unemployment by 2014. In the first 13 years of democracy, there has been great progress in the provision of basic infrastructure, such as clean water and electricity. We have achieved gender parity in primary and secondary education.

In the state of the nation address the President said:

We are building a performance-oriented state, by improving planning as well as, performance monitoring and evaluation. We also need to integrate gender equity measures into the government's programme of action. This action will ensure that women, children and persons with disabilities can access developmental opportunities.

It is for this reason that a women Ministry was established, a very senior Ministry located in the Presidency whose powers and functions include policy and legislation, planning, co-ordination and advocacy in areas, such as poverty which is a cross-cutting issue. This Ministry must be able to work closely with the Ministries of planning, monitoring and evaluation. It must exercise its authority in ensuring that engendering of policies in all departments takes place without any hindrance. The budget must also be engendered to enable departments to implement their programmes.

Hon Speaker, regarding economic empowerment, gender roles led to women's role in the domestic sphere, as mothers and nurturers, being seen as of lesser importance in value than the tasks of men. Women are said to be natural nurturers and domestic labourers while men are perceived to be natural leaders and decision-makers. These roles are reinforced at home, school and through the media, thus restricting women's self perceptions, disempowering their social and economic potential and limiting the possibilities for their future.

This has been further compounded by the system of patriarchy and its imposition of male domination. In our history, the women of our country have experienced various forms of gender oppression in both rural and urban areas, in both traditional and modern contexts. Some argue that the violence against women is an extreme form of reinforcing patriarchal control of women.

Thus when we speak about economic empowerment of women and gender equality, it is from the starting point that the struggle of women for emancipation is linked to the dismantling of all systems that attempt to oppress them. South Africa thus will not be fully free as long as women are not free.

It is abundantly clear on the African continent that women are largely responsible for sustaining families through subsistence farming. According to the US Agency for International Development, rural women are responsible for half of the world's food production and produce between 60% and 80% of the food in most developing country. Thus women are a key to agricultural development.

The UN Economic Commission for Africa has also pointed to the need for diversification in agriculture and pointed out that the agricultural sector could be the main contributor to poverty reduction. It is also important to state that women's participation must mean that women are at the helm of decisions that are made in this sector.

The 2006 UN Human Development Report also points out that:

One of the greatest returns to improved access to water is in the time savings for women and girls and the expansion of their choices. Why does this matter for human development? Time is an important asset for the development of capabilities. Excessive time demands for essential labour lead to exhaustion reduce the time available for rest and child care and limit choice – they reduce the substantive freedoms that women enjoy. Time poverty also contributes to income poverty. It reduces the time available for participation in income generation, limits the scope for women to take advantage of market opportunities and impedes their ability to expand capabilities and skills, reduces further economic returns.

Indeed with more and more time on our side, with improvements in standards of living, women are putting their collective shoulders to the wheel in an effort to improve the performance of our economy. Their efforts are helping to create more jobs and fight poverty. The fact that our ... [Time expired.] [Applause.]




Ms E THABETHE: Madam Deputy Speaker, the President of the Republic, his Excellency Jacob Zuma, Deputy President, Speaker of the National Assembly, Deputy Speaker, Members of the Executive, Members of Parliament and guests good evening.

We will be doing injustice if we do not understand the historical context on which state-owned enterprises were conceived in South Africa by the apartheid government. The apartheid government gave the developmental mandate to SOE's at the time. They were used as primary tools for industrialization and they were an essential and ingredient for government's industrial strategy at the time. Through SOE's government assume that dominant role in the key infrastructure industries, like rail, air, sea transport, telecommunications, water, coal-based synthetic fuels, nuclear energy also the iron and steel. The state also viewed these industries as key instruments for industrialization, employment creation and economic development not forget that it was colour-bar that you must be either white and then you will get a job in an SOE.

It is so fundamental but it's so surprising that we hear the leader of opposition in parliament and all the other speakers saying that SOEs' are not working properly due to the ANC deployment cadre policy. But during apartheid I didn't hear them saying the same thing because these were used as tools to make sure that we can be further exploited and then...


Ms E THABETHE: . . . Yes, but you never uttered a word at the time. Thanks to democracy and through the ANC you can come here, stand and talk about all those things that you did during the apartheid era. [Applause.]

Through you Deputy Speaker, over the last 16 years of ANC democratic governance, it has become clear that the primary orientation of the South African state-owned enterprises will have to fundamentally transform. An SOE orientation that is premised on a culture of profit maximisation that embraces a shareholder maximization approach should be debunked in favour of an approach that is redistributive and developmental. As you all know our Gini coefficient-I don't have to lecture you on that, but the economic path of SOE as advocated by the ANC embraces economic growth, economic development and redistribution. The RDP integrates growth, development, reconstruction and redistribution into these unified programmes that the President is heading.

It is in this view of the ANC that the integrated economic development as advocated in the RDP as agreed to by all alliance partners. The SOEs are primary vehicles in ensuring this time around skills development especially to the poor or the pro poor who never had the time during the apartheid era to experience such empowerment, but also to talk about job-creation and poverty alleviation. It should also be noted that the ANC is a social movement that rejects a growth path that will marginalized the poor and exacerbate inequalities. It has always been the view of the ANC that elements of economic growth should be combined with those of economic redistribution so that we can see the economic development. It is within this context that the ANC is convinced that it is essential that we promote a new growth path and development in the economy.

Yes, we do agree that some of the SOEs as we took over in 1994 were not good but those are not ANC's SOEs. They were started by the apartheid regime at that time. Some of them were at the verge of collapse but there were revived and now some of them are working better. Don't brush all of them with the same paint, they are different, some of them are doing a good job example Necsa is one of the nuclear company that is providing the isotopes for everyone locally in the hospitals and also exporting them to other countries, but none of you talk about those. You all talk only about Eskom and SAA. Why don't you talk about those that are also doing a good job? There are there are lot of utilities and agencies that that are doing a good job but you say less on those things because you are always looking for the negative. President steadfast.


Ka Sesotho rere, lelala o shebe pele, o sebetse hobane dintho tse etswang ke mokgatlo wa ANC ke tse sebeletsang setjhaba, le ba neng ba kene ka hara "apartheid" ba eja, ba ntse ba eja le kajeno. [Mahofi] Empa re tshepa hore jwalokaha ntate Lechesa a buile ha are, lepotlapotla le ja podi, lesisitheho le ja kgomo. Ho lokisa dintho tse manyofonyofo tse entsweng pele ANC e nka di "State Owned Enterprises" ho ka se nke dilemo tse 16.

English :

Show me in the world which country has got a sound microeconomic "jwaloka SA" after 16 years?

Which country is that? [Applause.] It is through the ANC policies that today you can talk better. We are in recession but you were not affected like other countries did. Thanks to the leadership of the ANC at the time to take good policies because economic policies are not like a one week, two weeks, you take a long view but in that you might get people who don't agree with you but the ANC took the right decision. Mr President you are on the right track, don't get people who will be talking and commentating.


O sebeditse mokgatlo wa ANC, o sebeditse o lwanetse batho, o tseba le hore na di SOE tsena re batla ho di sebedisa ka tsela e jwang hore di thuse batho. Ke ka hona ke reng lelala o shebe pele ba se ke ba nna ba o tshwara ka mona le ka mona ba re ha o sebetse, mokgatlo ona o sebeditse hle! O ntse o sebetsa ebile di ngata le tse sa ntse di tla etswa hape, le se ke la tata bea butle. Ha o tatile haholo o a tjhaisa. Ke makala hampe ha ke utlwa moo batho ba ema ba re he! he! kajeno re lokisitse, kajeno re tla lokisa, ba bang ha le e so tshware puso bophelong ba lona, ba bang le hlolehile pele. Empa le bona eka lona le tla etsa betere ha le fihla mona.


Transformation is easier said than done. It is easy to talk outside but once you are there and do it. It is different...


E fapane, ha e tshwane feela ke a tseba hore bohle re tseba hantle hore na re tletse eng mona, "all of us must make sure and we believe that Mr President" jwalokaha o boletse le ho "interview" ya rona di sa ntsane di shejwa di "State Owned Enterprises" hore na di ka sebetswa ka tsela e jwang.


Zingenziwa kanjani ukuthi zibuyekezwe ngoba sebefuna ukwazi ngaphambili ukuthi wena uzozenza njani. Unikezwe igunya abantu baseNingizimu Afrika ukuthi uhole lelizwe futhi sebenza ngendlela elungele ijubane lakho. Ungayi ngabo bazokulahlekisa [Ihlombe.] Njengoba ubukade ushilo ngonyaka odlulile ukuthi:

Ngiyacaphuna: "Abantu basemakhaya nabo banelungelo lokuba nogesi, amanzi, izindlu zangasese ezigijima amanzi nemigwaqo."

Konke lokhu uma sinama-state-owned enterprises asebenza kahle kuzaba lula. Kodwa azange kube khona i-appetite ephumayo ngalesikhathi seminyaka eyishumi eyedlule sesithola ama-outages. Ibhizisi azange ifune ukuma nombuso zihlangane ukuze sibone ukuthi i-energy siyenza njani. Bamele eceleni bagoqa izandla. Kodwa uma singena gesi bathi: hawu! Umbuso kaKhongolose awusebenzi. Khulumani nabo phela nina bochwepheshe abazi kakhulu ukuthi mababe ne-appetite bazokwazi ukuthi benze kodwa mina ngikuzwe kahle Mongameli.

Uthe ama-IPPs azawusebenza. Unikeze uNgqongqoshe wethu umama UDipuo Peters ukuthi ahole ithimba le Interministerial committee ku-energy. Njengoba eshilo umama uSonjica usukhokhele kahle kakhulu eCopenhagen. Hawu! Isithwathwa sisiqedile kodwa hayi! wafika kwalunga.[Uhleko.]

Wahola lama-Head of States amanye wathi indlela kwenziwa nje.

Masiboneni ukuthi siyasayinda manje ukuze sibe nale-accord ukube azange ufike wenze njalo. Bebe kuphi labo abathi awenzi lutho futhi awusebenzi? Nomama uSonjica wasibeka esimeni esikhulu kakhulu. Hawu! Wazile ukubeka lapho Mongameli. Umama lo usebenze kakhulu eCopenhagen, kunzima kodwa sigcine sine-accord. Phela sikhumbule sisese yizwe elisathuthuka. Asikabi yizwe elithuthukile kepha sisebenza ngcono ngaphezu kwamazwe asethuthukile ...


...because of the ANC policies and nothing else.[Applause.] Fundamental to the task of the SOEs, is assisting in fostering economic...I was listening to you "thula" shut up.[Interjections.] Fundamental to the task of the SOEs, is assisting in economic growth and development that only transforms the economy based in promoting productive, income generating economic activities but also ensuring that growth has the resultant effect of the economy in its entirety not an exclusive economy and an inclusive economy. We hope that the economic configuration should provide conditions that encourage them to enter strategic industries and with the leadership of the ANC policies we are going to attain.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: There's a point of order.

AN HON MEMBER: I want to know whether it is parliamentary to say shut up to members in the House. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Member, did you say shut up to a particular person?

Ms E THABETHE: I started by saying "thula" then shut up. I said thula! Shut up! It's what I have said. I withdraw Madam Speaker.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Please continue.[Interjections.]

Ms E THABETHE: Behave what?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, please behave honourably. When the speaker is here don't interrupt to an extent that the speaker must be able to say "thula" please.[Applause.]

Ms THABETHE: I don't think that I can be taught behaviour because she keeps on saying behave, behave. You must not hackle that way, you must talk nicely like a lady MP. Don't say heh! Heh! behave. Please I am not here to be taught by you how to behave. This is a debate and you must debate. This is an activist parliament and you must debate in such way and be robust and please don't feel the corns badly take them easy.

As I close Deputy Speaker, it is in our opinion as the ANC that we will make the state-owned enterprises work and the President, the NEC has got a plan on how we deal with it. There is no major crisis that people are putting as a major crisis. There is no major crisis, there's a plan and wait until the plan is unveiled by the Presidency. We will make the SOEs work for the better of the majority of the people not only the less.

I believe in slogans. I am sorry, the leader of a DA in parliament if you didn't believe in slogans where same people shall govern. People are governing now. At the time that we were saying that, we were led by the white minority but today the people are governing. I believe working together we can do more. Don't take empty slogans. If you believe in empty slogans, I believe in strongly because those slogans you never realised that today you'll be led by a black President, never in your life. You thought it will be a white minority forever, but working together we can do more. We will accelerate and we will make SOEs work better.



Mr M E GEORGE: Hon Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Mr Deputy President, members of government and hon colleagues, it is indeed refreshing, exciting and recommitting to remember the role played by one of our stalwarts in ensuring that today we can all stand here, in this Chamber, enjoying the fruits of their work. In this regard Cope wants to extend a word of gratitude to the ruling party for dedicating the State of the Nation Address to President Nelson Mandela. It is indeed befitting his contribution to the achievement of democracy in our lifetime.

Twenty years ago South Africa was full of enthusiasm, with hope for a better life. However, it is regrettable that, as we celebrate one of the most important moments in the struggle for freedom, the enthusiasm we once had is no longer there. It is further regrettable that the current President of the Republic has betrayed, and continues to betray, the hopes of the people of South Africa.

President Mandela was not only the embodiment of integrity, but also struggled that all leaders must strive and lead with integrity. The recent events affecting the President of the Republic are the direct opposite of what President Mandela struggled for. Cope is vindicated for its decision not to vote for the current President of the Republic when this House voted nine months ago. [Interjections.]

President Mandela was an architect and champion of women's emancipation and respect. Our President does not seem to agree with this important political position. In fact, it looks like he has made it his responsibility to contradict this important principle. Our President pretends to emulate President Mandela and yet he continues to contradict him. President Mandela has never bought votes with food parcels and empty, unrealistic promises. [Applause.] [Interjections.] He did not do this, because at all times he maintained his integrity.

When required by the laws of this country, President Mandela complied and subjected himself to the rule of law through our courts, and yet the current President went through every trick available to present himself as someone above the law. [Laughter.]

South Africa yearns for leadership and under the current President this is nowhere to be found …

The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Madam Deputy Speaker, on point of order: I understand the hon member earlier indicated robust debate. However, the hon member is making unsubstantiated allegations against the hon the President and I believe he is actually infringing Rule 99 of the Rules of the National Assembly. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member … [Interjections.] We must have robust debate, but that debate must be general. The President, when he is in this House, is protected, as any other member. You cannot directly accuse him. General debate, yes, but I am asking you to refrain from accusing the President, please. [Interjections.]

Mr M E GEORGE: Thank you very much.

Ms J D KILLIAN: Hon Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: Rule 99 is not the applicable rule. Hon Minister Pandor certainly quoted the wrong rule. Secondly, I want to make the point that the hon member has freedom of speech in this House. Thank you. [Applause.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Deputy Speaker …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Is that on the same issue?

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: On the same issue. Madam Deputy Speaker, I would just like to read Rule 99:

A member may give notice of a motion on behalf of an absent member, provided he or she has been authorised to do so by the absent member.

What are you talking about? [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members …

The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: I can reply. The hon member is probably correct that I have cited the wrong rule. [Interjections.] Hold on a moment. Unfortunately for the hon members who cannot listen to others …

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: There is a member on the floor. [Interjections.]

The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: They know they are in trouble, Madam Deputy Speaker, so they cannot allow me to speak. [Interjections.] No member of the House can make an allegation impugning the integrity of any person who may be removed by virtue of a vote of this House. That is in the Rules. Find it – that is the rule I am referring to. [Interjections.] You well know that.

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: May I ask, Madam Deputy Speaker, that the next time I stand up on a point of order and you rule me out of order, would you please give me the opportunity to explain to you in exactly the same way that you have given the hon Pandor the opportunity to explain?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I will do that if you need that. But, hon members, I have ruled on this matter. Continue, hon George.

Mr M E GEORGE: Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker.

It is very clear from the State of the Nation Address that with President Zuma at the helm the people of South Africa are leaderless. It is very unfortunate that this happened when we celebrated President Mandela. President Mandela was a custodian of high moral values and set a very good example as the head of the Republic.

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: Hon Speaker, on a point of order: Is the hon member perhaps talking about defence when he says that the country was leaderless? [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Continue, hon George.

Mr M E GEORGE: It is very disturbing that the State of the Nation Address is extremely quiet about this important leadership quality. It appears that the nation is being deliberately led to lawlessness, with absolutely no morals and respect for its people.

The first nine months of the current government under President Zuma has been characterised by despondence, in-fighting in government, poor people becoming poorer …

Mr C T FROLICK: Madam Deputy Speaker, the hon member has just referred to a deliberate action by the hon the President of the Republic, and that is an infringement of Rule 63 and Rule 66. Can you rule on that, please? [Interjections.]


An HON MEMBER: Hon Deputy Speaker, I was wondering, when Mr Muleleki George was speaking about morals, can he tell us what happened to the 4x4s? [Interjections.]


Mr M E GEORGE: The President appears to be an absent leader. This, Mr President, cannot be allowed to continue forever.

Mr C T FROLICK: Madam Deputy Speaker, I raised a point of order in line with Rule 63 and Rule 66 of the Rules of the National Assembly, where the hon member reflected on deliberate action from the President to lead people to lawlessness, and I respectfully request you to ask the hon member to withdraw the statement. [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: Mr Frolick is 100% wrong. As Members of Parliament we are entitled to freedom of speech. [Interjections.] We certainly can reflect on the behaviour and actions of individual members. The ANC does it to us all the time. And Mr Frolick is jumping up and down about nothing. We have every right in this debate to take on the President of this country. [Applause.]

Mr C T FROLICK: Madam Deputy Speaker, for the sake of Mr Ellis, it is "the hon member Frolick". But it is quite clear, Madam Deputy Speaker, in terms of interpreting Rule 63 and Rule 66, that the member mentioned deliberate action on the part of the President, and that is unparliamentary. It requires a substantive motion to justify what the hon member has said. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Can we allow the hon George to continue? [Interjections.] Order! If all of us were to stick to the rules of this House, we would not have the disruption that we are having. Hon Frolick, I will check that and come back with a ruling.

Mr M E GEORGE: Hon Deputy Speaker, we call on the President and his government to prevail in the so-called nationalisation of the mines. We know, as everyone else does, that this call is not an innocent one, but meant to benefit a tiny privileged group within the ruling party.

The name of President Mandela must not be used for mischievous intentions, and the President of the Republic has a responsibility to provide leadership on these matters. Mr President, when some in the alliance attack Ministers, please prevail in this regard. We regret that this was deliberately left out of the State of the Nation Address.

The nation cannot afford to spend another day discussing the so-called private lives and uncontrollable desires of individuals. Thank you. [Interjections.] [Applause.]



Mr M WATERS: Hon Deputy Speaker, Mr President, HIV/Aids is still at pandemic proportions in South Africa.

In 2009 the DA welcomed the apparent U-turn by our government on HIV/Aids, on the occasion of World Aids Day. The government, we thought, had finally acknowledged the reality of Aids, and recognised that this was indeed a crisis which was destroying lives and which had consequences for every South African.

The age of denialism which lasted for a decade was over, we thought. Examples across Africa showed that when there was political leadership leading the charge against HIV/Aids, it did have a positive effect in reducing new infections.

However, Mr President, you certainly do not practise what you expect the rest of us to do. You do not consider yourself bound by the norms of safe sex that you spoke of in December last year on World Aids Day, some 10 weeks ago. To remind you, I would like to quote a few lines. You said:

Each individual must take responsibility for protection against HIV … We can eliminate the scourge of HIV if all South Africans take responsibility for their actions.

The DA believes in personal responsibility, as it will only be through the changing of sexual habits of each individual that we will be able to combat this scourge.

Mr President, the fact is that your actions have set us back at least a decade in the fight against HIV/Aids. The response of millions and millions of young, impressionable people will be: "If the President can do it, so can I." This attitude undermines the entire message of the government's HIV/Aids programme and all the good work the Minister of Health explained here today when he said that his department was working night and day to be prepared to achieve the targets you set for them 10 weeks ago. You have undermined all that hard work.

You, Mr President, set the tone for the rest of the nation. You need to answer the question: Do you believe in what you said 10 weeks ago? The ANC tolerated a president in denial for a decade. We cannot tolerate another.

Deputy Speaker, another grave concern for the DA is the ever increasing overspending by the provinces. Gauteng is R1,8 billion overdrawn and cannot pay contractors. KwaZulu-Natal is at least R2,3 billion overdrawn and technically cannot pay salaries in February, and the Eastern Cape is overdrawn to the tune of at least R1,6 billion.

The main reasons for this financial crisis are the systemic underfunding of the nurses' and doctors' occupation-specific dispensation by national government; the R7 billion overspent by provinces in 2008-09; deferred expenses from that year to the current year; and underbudgeting for the Aids programme of around R1 billion.

In the last financial year, the ANC-led Free State province, unconstitutionally and unilaterally, cut health services and stopped the dispensing of life-saving antiretroviral medication for a month due to this financial crisis. An additional 30 people a day died during this period. Where is the accountability, Mr President?

Deputy Speaker, the management of hospitals needs urgent attention. Sixty-two percent of hospital CEOs do not have a management decree or diploma. Two and a half years after Frere Hospital's horror baby deaths the same unqualified hospital manager, who was previously an ANC councillor, remains in charge. Where is the accountability, Mr President?

Without addressing these fundamental problems, this government is about to embark on the new system of the national health insurance, which is so expensive that a report published in today's papers suggests it will cost 60% of our total national budget.

What we need to do is to get the basics right, and I am pleased to hear that after six years of waiting, we are now going to have an office of standards compliance that the Minister announced today. Thank you, Minister, but if you continue to keep employing unqualified and unfit people in positions as managers of hospitals it won't make a single difference.

Doctors and nurses are struggling under impossible burdens because of enormous vacancy rates. We have 12 000 vacancies for doctors and 46 000 for nurses at least, and all this is because we are not training enough new health professionals. Yet we have no meaningful plan for human resource development, and we are producing the same number of doctors today as we did 15 years ago. You, Mr President, and the Minister failed to stipulate how the human resources crisis in health care would be addressed.

Lastly, Deputy Speaker, another issue that affects health is good, clean water. Without good water we cannot have good health. Only 32 of South Africa's approximately 970 wastewater treatment works – that is, 3% - comply with requirements for safe discharge.

While wastewater treatment works are operated by local government, the national department needs to take strong action against municipalities that continuously fail to address problems at so many of these plants. I thank you. [Applause.]


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Moh M T KUBAYI: Motlatšasepikara, mohlomphegi Mopresidente wa Afrika-Borwa, maloko a Palamente, ke a le dumeša ka moka.

Setšhaba ka bophara se leboga Mopresidente ka polelo ya gagwe yeo e bego e hlakile ebile e kwagala e laetša gore maphelo a batho ba bantši a tla tšwela pele go ba a makaone ka fase ga mmušo wa ANC. Setšhaba se tshepa gape gore hlogo ya naga ya rena, e lego Mopresidente wa rena Jacob Zuma, ke Mopresidente yo a kgonago go re swara bjalo ka setšhaba le go re iša bophelong bjo bokaone.

Re sa dutše re na le mafolofolo le tshepo ya gore ka nnete maphelo a rena a tla ba a makaone le ka moso. Mohlomphegi George, rena re le baswa bao ba latelago ANC re tshepa gore re tla sepela ka dinako ka moka re tshepile gore ANC e tla re fa bokamoso bjo bo kaone.


It is important to take a historic look at where we come from as South Africa and at the past injustices of the apartheid government that went to the extent of the providing of services to the people. The minority in this country got services and infrastructure, while the majority of black people were left without even what we call tar roads today.

I grew up in Soweto where we used to say: "We come from the dusty streets of Soweto", it was not by choice, but because the services were not given to us; the infrastructure was not there. Today, thanks to the ANC government, all the streets in Soweto are tarred. [Applause.]

After our democratic elections in 1994, the ANC took over government with infrastructure that was old, having been in existence for over three decades without being upgraded, and in other areas there was nothing at all. When we took over as government, the ANC understood the challenges that it was faced with. It understood that the infrastructure development is important to improve the lives of South Africans. Yes, the ANC government was aware of the challenges and geared itself to meet them and improve the lives of ordinary South Africans. The situation had to be turned around to ensure that equality can be experienced, even in the context of services provided to our people. And yes, we heard, last week Thursday, of the commitment by the President, as he told all of us that this is the year of action, but all of us must be geared to work.

The ANC's 52nd conference called for the rolling out of state-led infrastructure investment programmes and the promotion of strategic investments in productive activities, with the aim of diversifying the economy and building towards an overall investment to the Gross Domestic Product, GDP, ratio of 25%. Critical in the development of policy drivers is the massive infrastructure investment strategy. This strategy places the state at the centre of investment and development of infrastructure.

While private sector investment remains critical, targeted public investment is the only way to create a better life for all our people and to stimulate the economy. Public sector investment must result in accelerated growth, investment and improvement productivity capacity within the country. Further, it must facilitate rural development and agrarian reform, integrate the economy and foster equitable redistribution of wealth whilst continuing to expand the public works programme through the promotion of labour intensive production methods.

Infrastructure investment for hosting 2010 has also given South African government an opportunity to speed up the service delivery in upgrading development of new roads that you have seen, improvement of the transport system with the introduction of other modes such as the Bus Rapid Transit, BRT; upgrading of our airports; the improvement of our railway network; building and improvement of stadia and other sporting facilities; the improvement and the upgrading of the hospital sector; the revitalisation of hospitality, the ICT infrastructure, the improvement of our borders for access into our country, access to water, electricity and sanitation within a 20km radius of the stadia.

The government of the ANC understood when it signed the agreements and the guarantees with Fifa that this is not only about delivering the World Cup, but an opportunity to provide services to the people of South Africa; therefore, understanding that the infrastructure that remains is not only going to be for 2010, but will remain as a legacy for the South African people beyond the World Cup.

Much has been achieved and more still needs to be done. There is still a need to ensure that the lives of our people in remote areas can be improved, and we also need to ensure that the people within the remote areas also get access to water, electricity and sanitation. I make reference to the woman who was bitten by a crocodile in KwaZulu-Natal, in the Tugela River. That woman believes in the ANC and that it can provide a better life for her; and yes, through the year of action, this shall be achieved.

The role of infrastructure in improving the livelihoods of women can't be disputed, as the more time that is spent trying to fetch water from rivers, wood to make fire from the veld reduces the ability to become active participants in the economy. It is even more important that we don't deliver services that are substandard, that degrade people to what has been provided by the DA in the Western Cape - the toilets that only have a roof and nothing else. That is surely not suitable for our people; that can't be acceptable. All these men and women, young and old are looking upon the ANC to change their lives.

Understanding that His Excellency committed R846 billion for improving infrastructure over the next three years, this allocation should assist us in meeting the millennium developmental goals. It can's be disputed that the major part of the social infrastructure development happens at municipal levels. Therefore, it is important to ensure that the Municipal Infrastructure Grant, MIG, funding is given more attention during this term of office, such that money allocated for infrastructure does not end up providing infrastructure that is not allocated where it is. It is encouraging to hear government's commitment in improving capacity in municipalities to meet the demands that are there.

The majority of young people in this country are still unemployed and without skills, therefore, there is a need to ensure that as part of the investment that government makes in South Africa we use and develop local skills. We need to ensure that we don't import skills to work on this infrastructure development, but we further recommit ourselves to the development of artisan and engineering skills which should be absorbed during construction.

In conclusion, there is a need to review the Development Finance Institution, DFI, so that support for government infrastructure development is adequate. The institution, among other things, must provide cheap and competitive rates for agric business and the construction industry, especially those doing business in providing public infrastructure.

I think it is important to remember, hon member George, that as you honour the memory of our former President, Nelson Rholihlahla Mandela, you've betrayed that cause yourself. [Applause.] You betrayed his memory and his honour. Therefore, I find it very strange for you to stand here and want to reclaim to be a part of that. You will know soon.

When you think about Comrade Nelson Mandela, you'll understand his loyalty and commitment to the ANC and to this government, hence the President's honouring him in this regard, because he belongs to the ANC and nowhere else. You don't have old people, acknowledge that. You can't de born in December 16 and think that you can have senior citizens in your organisation; they don't exist in COPE! Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr N T GODI / /UNH / keh (Sep) / END OF TAKE


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Mr N T GODI: Speaker, comrades and hon members, Comrade President, the APC joins the House in congratulating you for the state of the nation address.

Our Constitution enjoins us, amongst others, to honour those who fought and suffered for freedom and justice in our country. This is meant to ensure that future generations do not forget the enormous sacrifices that their forbearers had to make for the freedom that they enjoy. It is therefore correct and fitting for us on this occasion, to focus on the release of President Mandela 20 years ago, as this represented the victory of the liberation

It is thus equally fitting, that we should remember that in this same month, 20 years ago, the liberation movement unbanned itself through the hand of Mr F W De Klerk. We also want to honour Robert Sobukwe, the great patriot and outstanding leader of our struggle who passed away in February in 1978.

As we evoke the memory of our leaders today, we are challenged to reaffirm our commitment to the vision and the values they represented to assess whether we today still represent a continuum in thought and in action and whether we, the leadership crop of today, can live up to Sobukwe's dictum on leadership. I quote:

True leadership demands complete subjugation of self, honesty, integrity, uprightness of character, fearlessness and courage and above all a consuming love for one's people.

Amilcar Cabral, the outstanding revolutionary, teaches us that in fighting for freedom, the people are fighting for an improvement in their lives and not for ideas or things in anyone's head. This means that our freedom must have material meaning to the lives of our people.

The APC believes that for this to happen, the state has a decisive and central role to play. But for the state to do so, it must have the requisite capacity and correct orientation. As things stand, the

APC believes that there is a serious challenge for leadership. We need competent and farsighted leadership, both politically and administratively.

Whilst we welcome the performance management system that the President has announced, the APC believes that much more needs to change in the state of public administration to deliver timeous and quality services to our people.

We believe that senior leaders of the departments must be permanent and professional employees. The current arrangement of short-term contracts leads to a lack of continuity and instability. We have a number of departmental heads in acting capacities. This cannot be helpful. This leads to a lot of discipline and noncompliance with legislation, especially on financial matters.

Is it surprising that the disciplinary cases and cases of financial misconduct are not dealt with firmly, decisively and swiftly? Is it surprising that financial disclosures, which are under the supervision of Ministers, are not adhered to fully, despite the fact that our disclosure requirements are in need of urgent amendment to make them more comprehensive?

The Minister of Finance will be presenting his budget allocation for departments soon. In the absence of proper leadership andwith weak controls, should we not be worried about how these resources will be managed? Twelve months down the line, departments will not be able to properly account for the usage of these resources. We need competent and patriotic administrative cadres who are committed to serving the public and infused with a sense of national consciousness, pride and national goals.

The APC believes that, as part of the measures to enhance the fight against graft, there is now a need to look at establishing,via a legislative or enabling mechanism, the relationship between Parliamentary oversight bodies and law enforcement agencies. As things stand, corrupt officials are left off the hook because managers in departments have little appetite to correct ill-discipline.

A number of state-owned enterprises, SOEs, have been in the news for all the wrong reasons. A perception has taken root that they are badly managed and need perpetual bailouts by the state. The APC takes a view that SOEs must be properly aligned to the developmental goals of the state and that people in their leadership position must have national consciousness, pride and national goals. We think the state can do more to provide decisive leadership and guide them in the direction of progress.

It is our conviction that our people need alternatives for livelihoods and self-reliance as an antidote for handouts through entrepreneurship and microenterprise development. This has proven in all developing countries to be effective, especially for women empowerment and rural development. Our people need to be enabled to do and think for themselves and not be dependent or degenerate into declassed elements.

As we celebrate two decades of freedom, let's take cognisance of the fact that values and practices that are totally inconsistent with the lives and ideas of Mandela, Sobokwe and Steve Biko, have taken root in our society that threaten to devalue the glorious liberation we achieved at a great and costly price. This is the cancer of corruption.

Unless Government summons requisite courage and stamina to fight this scourge, we will not succeed in our developmental goals. The challenge as seen by the APC is not the absence of legislation but its implementation within government. Many cases of corruption are not acted upon by the officers responsible within departments. Is it the case of them being compromised? We cannot resist concluding that way.

The APC reiterates its call for African unity, for only in unity can our continent and people be lifted from the margins of world politics and underdevelopment. We agree with the new chairperson of the African Union, His Excellency,President Bingu wa Mutharika, that the basis of Pan-Africanism is still relevant today.

In the same tone of celebration, let us not forget the plight of the oppressed Palestinians who like us, are fighting for freedom and like every human being deserve their freedom. We salute them for their unwavering stand against an overwhelming combination of forces. Our country and our government must stand shoulder to shoulder with the Palestinians and condemn the brutality, the humiliation, the killings and imprisonment visited on them daily. [Time has expired.] Thank you. [Applause.]



Mr M H HOOSEN: Hon Speaker, in his last state of the nation address in this House, former President Nelson Mandela said, and I quote:

The public is justified in demanding better service, more respect and greater concern for their needs rather than self-aggrandisement.

It comes as no surprise therefore, that the general response to this year's address has been as disappointing as the occasion itself, as it failed to inspire a nation desperate and impatient for the promise of a better life for all.

The ID is disappointed that the President did not find the time to provide some semblance of hope to the millions of South Africans who are steadily losing faith in our ability to provide decent healthcare, yet he found the time to thankDr Irvin Khoza for his contributions to soccer. [Laughter.]

There are still people dying in the Mpumalanga because hospitals do not have essential medicines in stock. The central pharmaceutical depot in Mthatha in the Eastern Cape, which should provide life-savingmedicine to hospitals and clinics in the region, does not even have a pharmacist. Meanwhile, overspending has become the norm in almost all provincial health departments. Clinics in the Free State have had their electricity cut off for nonpayment. The shortage of doctors and general healthcare workers has reached epidemic proportions in the North West and KwaZulu-Natal.

In addition, more than half of the people who need ARVs in Limpopo don't have access to them because of a chronic shortage of funds.

To top this all off, a culture of poor planning, mismanagement, incompetence and corruption has permeated our public healthcare system.

It is now time to finally prioritise the filling of all vacancies and to adequately fund the public health sector. This government must find creative ways of channelling some of the resources of the private sector into public healthcare and we must ensure that the administrations at all our hospitals are held accountable to the highest standards.

Over the past 15 years we have spent more on education than most other developing nations in the world and the ID believes we still do not have enough to show for it. We remain concerned about the massive inequalities in education, which have once again reared themselves in the recent matric results, where schools in wealthier areas have yet again fared better than those in poor areas.

Mr President, we have lost our sense of urgency. The previous President stood on this very podium in 2005 and promised that within two years every school will have electricity, water and sanitation and that no child would be taught under a tree or a mud hut. Two years later, there was no more talk about this promise. Six months after 61 schools were destroyed in the Eastern Cape, children from rural communities are still being taught under trees in the searing heat. There are still schools in our country, 15 years after democracy that do not have basic facilities such as toilets and libraries.

This is the real state of the nation. As we stand here today on the verge of destroying the dreams and the legacy of our former President Nelson Mandela, I am reminded of the words of the journalist Amanda Ngudle, when she wrote:

Perhaps what has diminished the Mandela legacy is that while he planted the seeds, his successors didn't water the trees.

I thank you. [Applause.]



Mr N M KGANYAGO: Speaker, the President, Deputy President and hon members, I would like to devote my time to the question of education and skills acquisition. I believe that we are in agreement that education is the key to uplifting the millions of disadvantaged people in this country.

We also need to say unequivocally, that failure to address the shortcomings in education is tantamount to condemning the entire new generations to continued poverty. So, when we speak about improving education, we are not merely talking about the benefits of action, but also about the terrible consequences of inaction. Right now we have several millions of young people in this country who are unemployed and deeply frustrated by the failure of the education system to prepare them properly for further study or finding employment.

Whilst we welcome the measures you have announced with regards to improving basic literacy and assessing every school, these are ad hoc interventions. What the UDM has advocated and still advocates and which we would plead with you to urgently adopt as government policy, is the reintroduction of school inspectors who on a regular basis will visit and assess performance in schools. That is the best way to ensure that teachers and pupils maintain discipline and focus on schooling.

Another major benefit of school inspectors would be to identify and continuously track improvements at schools that are in desperate need of basic facilities, such as running water and weatherproof classrooms. We have a distinct impression that currently, the Department of Education is not completely aware of where the neediest schools are, nor is anybody in government tracking whether these schools are benefitting from the funding that is set aside to assist them.

The UDM is concerned that this government fails to acknowledge that there is a serious disparity between what is being taught at our schools and FET institutions, and what is required for further study or employment.

The Outcomes-based Education Policy has only exacerbated the problem. Universities and employers in general, report that matriculants and college leavers simply do not possess the most basic skills.

This is the core of our unemployment crisis. This is why even in a growing economy more jobs are not created. Because there are not enough people that have the skills to make such jobs viable.

We are particularly concerned about the relegation of career guidanceto a subtopic in the so-calledLife Skills subject at school level. I think the Deputy Minister of Economic Development has said a lot about this and I want to thank her for that.

Is it any wonder that our children are ill-prepared for the rigours of further study or the workplace? If you don't know where you are going, any road will take you there.

As you can see, what we are suggesting are simple measures. This is because we fervently believe that a return to the basics is what will produce the best results. It is not necessary to complicate matters. Teachers must work, children must learn, inspectors must evaluate, assess and provide guidance. [Time has expired.] I thank you.



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Mr K M ZONDI: Hon Speaker, since this year's State of the Nation Address, in the main, celebrated that momentous occasion in the history of this nation, which is the release from prison of our iconic former President Nelson Mandela 20 years ago. It was inevitable, fitting and proper to also reflect on President Mandela's legacy of reconciliation and peace which he bequeathed to present and future generations of South Africans, twenty years on.

It is however, most tragic that real and true reconciliation has eluded us in this country for various reasons. This country needs reconciliation, perhaps more urgently than most of us realise, to enable us to build on the solid foundation of our achievements of yester-year. This reconciliation which has eluded us for two decades after the cessation of conflicts of the past, does not only need to take place between white and black South Africans but also between and among black South Africans; and indeed between and among various political organisations that operate in this country.

Reconciliation is not something we can afford to brush aside or postpone to some unknown moment in the future, but is an imperative for the very survival of our nation. It is the very cornerstone of true nation-building which is pursued in order to guarantee lasting peace for ourselves, for our children and for generations to come.

It is for this reasons that we call on the Presidency of our country as an institution and on you Mr President, as a person to be an embodiment of the values enunciated by such an icon of our struggle as President Nelson Mandela was. In particular, we call upon you, Mr President to take decisive initiatives to save and extent the legacy of President Nelson Mandela who demonstrated in word and deed that reconciliation and peace were firm foundations upon which to build this nation.

We mean bold and honest initiatives which go beyond mere public relations exercises pursued for political expediency and cheap political propaganda, driven by the temporal need to only do that which helps one-score political points over one's adversaries.

It is for that reasons that we read with horror that an ANC-controlled eThekwini Municipality which commission the erection of the sculpture of the three elephants has now, after squandering millions of tax payers' and rate payers' funds, balked under pressure from those inside the ANC who now think it was not politically correct to have commissioned such a sculpture because they think it would bolster the image of the hated IFP whose logo has three elephants.

While we have very profound appreciation for the boldness with which you, Mr President gave rare recognition to the positive role played by the people such as the late Mrs Helen Suzman and Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi in particular. We are concerned at the failure of the ANC, of which you are the President, to rein in the President of the ANC Youth League, Mr Julius Malema who poured scorn on the positive role of President de Klerk in getting Mr Mandela released, while castigating the IFP in very derogatory terms. Mr President, Mr Malema is bad news for reconciliation in this country and he is bad news for the survival of the legacy of reconciliation and peace pursued by President Nelson Mandela.

What is even more disturbing is the tacit approval and the encouragement which he receives from some senior leaders of the ANC, including you Mr President. The office that you occupy does not belong to you personally, it is not your private property or that of the ANC, and it actually belongs to all the people of South Africa. Therefore, we urge you to use it for the common good of all the people of South Africa – those who voted for the ANC and those who did not.

The ANC may have won election after election since the advent of our democratic dispensation in 1994. It might perhaps continue to do so in the foreseeable future, but that does not mean that the ANC has the monopoly of wisdom of all that needs to be done in this country to achieve the very nice sounding intentions and goals that the government has set for itself. It will need the inputs of all people of goodwill from across the political spectrum represented in this House to make the necessary headway. The people of South Africa look up to the leadership of the country which sits in this very House for answers to their daily problems. We cannot fail them and we dare not fail them.

Mr President, you have committed your government to halving the loss of water through leaking pipes by the year 2014. Mr President, as someone who hails from KwaZulu-Natal, you know as I do that the water of uThukela River literally runs a stones-throw from your home into the Indian Ocean, living behind thousands of drought-stricken and destitute people in rural villages who cannot benefit from water through no fault of their own. Is there nothing that can be done to change this? Moreover the Jozini Dama, which is in Mkhanyakude Municipal District, does not for reasons we suspect our political, benefit the majority of the people of Ingwavuma, oBonjeni and the entire uMkhanyakude District and yet when it is full, water is released destroying even the people's gardens. This must change Mr President, if we want to save the legacy of reconciliation in this country.


Mhlonishwa Mongameli, ngiyethemba ukuthi kasibakhohlisi abantu basemakhaya ngokuba sisho okuningi okuhle kule Ndlu, ngezidingo zabo zentuthuko kepha sibe singaqondile ukukulandela ngezenzo ezibonakalayo ukuze basizakale impela. Umuntu uze asole ukuthi hleze kushiwo izinto ezinhle lapha ukuze basivotele nje kuphela kepha singezukwenza lutho oluphathekayo ukuhlangabezana nezidingo zabo zansuku zonke. Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.]



The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Mr Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President and hon members in the SONA on Thursday evening the President reminded us that we were meeting against the backdrop of a severe global economic crisis.

This is a crisis that is not of our making. It had its origin in the bursting of a financial bubble in the developed world - a bubble caused by a proliferation of speculative activity, fuelled by hands off approach by regulatory authorities mesmerized by narrow free market fundamentalist ideologies. We in SA were largely spared the systemic financial sector implosion some other countries went through. This was largely thanks to a combination of prudent financial regulation, the National Credit Act which limited "reckless lending", and the maintenance of exchange controls - which limited potential exposure of pension funds or municipal accounts to the kind of unsafe investments in derivatives that a number of their counterparts elsewhere had made with disastrous consequences.

We were not, however, able to escape the second order, real economy, effects of what soon became a global economic crisis. The current crisis is sometimes referred to by commentators as the Great Recession. This term draws attention to the fact that the world has been through the biggest crash since the Great Depression of the 1930s and came perilously close at critical moments to lurching into a depression no less severe than that of the 1930s. It has also been a crisis truly global in character. Nowhere, not even China, escaped being impacted negatively at some time and to some degree.

It is against that background that we have to record, and grapple with the consequences of, the loss of around 900 000 jobs. Most of these jobs lost were in mining - where the crisis produced an abrupt fall in demand and in prices across the world for mineral products - and it was also felt in manufacturing which experienced a 30.4% fall in physical volume of production, and suffered 202 000 job losses between October 2008 and December 2009. In manufacturing, among the sub-sectors most affected were those most integrated into global value chains and which were producing consumer durables dependent on credit finance for their purchase. In SA as elsewhere this included the motor industry which in SA drives at least 6 to 7 other sub sectors as well as the already fragile clothing and textile sector, which nevertheless continues to provide employment to nearly 100,000 people.

We are fortunately now officially out of recession as is the global economy as a whole. According to latest figures for December manufacturing output was 3.2% higher than in corresponding month 2008 - the first annualised rise for 14 months. But there is still great uncertainty about the durability of the global recovery with most analysts agreeing that recovery is fragile and that there is still a risk of double dip recession.

Mr President you referred to the Framework Response agreed in February last year between government, business, labour and community representatives. This response package was indeed unique, and received much favourable comment because it was a product of social dialogue with responsibilities assumed by all parties. It was that which, I believe, that gave it its resilience and demonstrated the meaning of our slogan "working together we can do more".

Among the main features of the Framework Response was our commitment to push ahead with the then R787billion infrastructure investment programme as our main counter-cyclical response. Your announcement in the SONA that we will be spending R846 billion over the next 3 years on public infrastructure shows that our efforts in this regard will not all peter out once the FIFA World Cup investments have been completed, rather that we are on track to effect major infrastructure renewal programmes that will continue for many years to come.

Other dimensions of the Framework Package include the training layoff programme and the R6, 1 billion facility made available to distressed companies by the IDC. The training lay off programme basically involves supporting companies to place workers not able to be employed in production due to the recession on training programmes while continuing to draw at least part of their wages. Applications involving 2.219 workers were approved for the pilot project and applications involving a further 831 workers are close to approval. In addition facilitation provided by the CCMA in terms of the Framework and the LRA saved a further 4.482 jobs.

The IDC's R6,1 billion facility envisages assisting companies in distress as the result of recession to the tune of R2,9 billion through 2010, with a further R3,2 billion available for 2011. Between April 2009 and January 2010 around R1 billion of assistance was approved resulting in 7, 854 jobs being saved. In addition, we have also developed sector specific response packages involving fast tracking certain facilities, and support majors including support packages for the motor industry, the clothing and textile industry; and capital equipment and metals fabrications sectors.

A feature of many of these programmes is that we have insisted on reciprocal commitments in return for any support government has made available. Generally, this has covered undertakings on refraining from, or moderating through negotiation, retrenchment of workers and refraining from, or moderating, extraordinary bonus on dividend payments to managers or stakeholders.

Through these and other crisis response measures, we have I believe been able to save many jobs as well as strategic industrial capacity that would otherwise have been lost most likely irretrievably. Besides, some of the measures in place, notably the training lay off programme; has strengthened the capacity of companies to position themselves ahead of the curve in taking advantage of improved circumstances. It is notable, for example, that BMW, one of the major companies involved in using training lay offs, was among the first motor manufacturers to have announced since the recession a significant investment in the manufacture in SA of new generation vehicles -in this case through an investment amounting to R 2.9billion. BMW did not retrench workers but rather used the training lay off facility to upgrade skills needed for its new project.

Speaker, although the short-term "National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,18 Feb 2010,"Take 36 [National Assembly Chamber Main].doc"

response has cushioned us to some degree from the ravages of the recession, the recession has also highlighted the need for us to accelerate our efforts to bring about structural change that will place our economy on a more labour-absorbing growth path.

We need to make ourselves less vulnerable to the vagaries of cycles and bubbles originating elsewhere. We also need to accelerate structural changes to our growth path so that we can achieve our manifesto commitment of creating decent work for our people.

Even before the recession, when our economy grew at the highest level for the longest sustained period since any time post-World War II, unemployment never fell to below 23% of the economically active population on the strict definition. This points to the stark reality that the unemployment problem we face in South Africa is fundamentally structural rather than cyclical in nature.

In a nutshell, the accumulation path in South Africa under colonialism and the early years of apartheid depended on drawing large numbers of low-paid African people into unskilled work in mining and other primary sector activities. The notorious migrant and contract labour systems were the most visible manifestation of this.

From the mid 1970s onwards, however, as a result of a combination of the gold mining industry having passed its prime and increasing mechanisation in both mining and agriculture, we witnessed the expulsion and later marginalisation of former unskilled migrant workers from employment.

While our economy made important advances during the past 15 years of our democracy, we have not yet succeeded in bringing about structural change on a scale sufficient to absorb those marginalised structurally unemployed people into new productive, income-earning activities. That is the challenge that continues to confront us.

I want to suggest that there is sufficient evidence from economic history to support the proposition that there has been no case ever anywhere, and the examples can stretch from the principality of Venice in the sixteenth century to China today, of an economy which has moved onto a growth path characterised by increasing, as distinct from diminishing returns, without identifying appropriate productive activities and then mobilising support and human energy to bring those productive activities into operation.

On Thursday this week, I will be making a statement in this House about the 2010-2011 and 2012-2013 Industrial Policy Action Plan, which we will release thereafter. Next week, we will engage the portfolio committee on the details of IPAP 2, after which the portfolio committee will hold public hearings.

Mr President, in the state of the nation address, you indicated that IPAP would be a mechanism, one among several others, to, "build strong and more labour-absorbing industries, as well as provide a new focus on green jobs".

The new IPAP will include a combination of cross-cutting and sector specific actions. It will include proposals and action plans linked to defined time frames aimed at bringing about a significant overhaul of procurement legislation and practices. This is aimed, amongst other things, at ensuring that we achieve a greater impetus for local manufacturing and job creation from the infrastructure investment programmes we will be undertaking.

There will also be proposals and action plans to align the Competitive Supplier and Development Programmes being undertaken by some state-owned enterprises to a revamped national industrial participation programme; to move a range of key purchases for infrastructure programmes to long-term fleet procurement processes, and to boost the proudly South African campaign. All of these, we believe, will create improved opportunities for local industries to supply a greater proportion of the inputs needed in ways that can boost decent employment.

In the years ahead, through these efforts, we believe will be able to position ourselves as a significant manufacturer of capital equipment for infrastructure projects, not just for the domestic markets but also to service projects on the African continent and further afield.

We will also be putting forward new proposals, linked to time bound action plans, to enhance access to concessional funding for industrial development focussing on the off-budget role of developing finance institutions and particularly those involved in industrial and enterprise funding.

We will be signalling in a more strategic use of trade policy instruments and standards to support local economic development and decent work.

These proposals will be operational generally across the board but will also be customised to meet particular needs of specific sectors.

As you indicated, Mr President, our proposals will be focused on particular high labour absorbing value added sectors, but IPAP will also seek to promote more labour absorbing, and hence decent work creating activities in all sectors that we work with.

You also mentioned "green jobs". Moving towards a greener economy is essential both to respond to our own domestic challenges of promoting greater energy efficiency and to the common global challenge of mitigating the threat of catastrophic climate change. In our efforts to create green jobs we will be responding to a global trend which recognises that there are opportunities for new economic activity and decent jobs from "going greener". Through IPAP2, we will be proposing a number of first steps on a journey aimed at positioning ourselves at the front end of the curve on "green jobs". Again our approach will involve a combination of focusing on specific quick wins for immediate attention and promoting a broader proactive involvement in greener productive activity across the board.

Further details on IPAP2 as well as our specific job creation targets will be provided later in the week.

In addition to IPAP, further work from within the economic cluster will identify a broader range of actions we need to take to place us on a growth path capable of meeting the challenge of creating decent work for our people. Within the dti, an additional priority focus for us will be on enterprise development. In the course of this year, we will be stepping up our efforts to promote Small Medium Micro Enterprise Development, SMME. Recognising that young people are disproportionately represented among the unemployed, we have begun a conversation with the National Youth Development Agency, NYDA, with a view to align in our efforts with those of this important agency. We will also be developing a new strategic thrust to promote co-operative development following a highly productive engagement we have been involved in with National Economic Development and Labour Council, Nedlac, partners. We are planning to take these proposals through the Cabinet process in the middle of this year.

Mr President, you are a very hard taskmaster. The outcomes-based monitoring system which your administration is developing requires of us not just delivery on activities of the sort that I have described but, more importantly on concrete outcomes it mean something and begin to change the lives of people.

While you have not yet finalised the outcomes targets for the economic cluster, we know that you want us simultaneously to achieve ambitious outcomes in economic growth, increasing labour absorption and declining inequality. The three have not always gone together in the past. The challenge for us to do so now will be tough against the background of a still fragile global economy, but it is not an unattainable goal. Other countries and most notably in recent times Brazil, have made progress on all three fronts simultaneously. That is what our people need and we dare not fail them. Siyabonga. [Appluase



Ms L D MAZIBUKO: Mr Speaker, hon President, and hon members, recently an important debate has emerged amongst the people of South Africa, not only in the media but also, without doubt, in taverns, around braais and dinner-tables, and within a vast number of homes, schools, campuses, churches and other places of congregation and discussion all over our country.

The hon President failed to deal with this burning issue in his speech on the state of our nation. Possibly, because of the way in which some of the traditional customs which are associated with his culture, and my culture, and the culture of all those South Africans who self-identify as AmaZulu, have recently been pushed into the spotlight in this national debate on whether cultural identity and practice should ever be allowed to supersede our humanity, and the human rights to equality and dignity which are enshrined in our Constitution.

In particular, the practices of lobola, polygamy are some of the customs practiced by AmaZulu, which have recently been singled out for censure, sparking a long-overdue debate on the meaning of culture in contemporary South Africa. Within the context of this debate the words "It's my culture" have increasingly come to be accepted as legitimate responses to questions, probing the necessity or indeed acceptability of such customs. For example, to the question "Can we claim that women have equal rights in democratic South Africa, if at the same time we legitimize their exchange between families for cattle and money?" one will often hear the response "It is an important part of our culture." And so the debate is closed.

No discussion of where we are as a nation today and where we are going can be complete without engaging robustly with the subject of culture. Yet, while some analysts, commentators and members of the public continue to grapple with this subject, politicians have mostly been conspicuous by their silence.

Given our racially divided past, the tendency towards knee-jerk reactions on both sides of this debate is understandable. But, we cannot allow inflated sensitivities about the possible motives of those who question our cultural practices to justify keeping in place some customs which violate gender equality, put young people – especially girls at risk, and deny our humanity as a people.

The SPEAKER: Hon member, allow the speaker to be heard. Continue hon member.

Ms L D MAZIBUKO: During the furore surrounding the revival of the Nguni ritual of barehanded bull killing during the annual feast of Ukweshwama, Sunday Times columnist, Fred Khumalo, branded the custom reprehensible and he declared: "African culture? Not in my name." He argued that, as with practice of bullfighting in Spain, or foxhunting in the United Kingdom, about which similar debates go on in those countries, the defensive resort to culture in order to justify these customs and practices slows the progress of any society which claims to be compassionate, equal, and committed to doing no harm. Why, he asked, for example was the animal not rather humanely slaughtered with a single stab of a spear; in order to spare it unnecessary pain?

Khumalo outlined his position thus:

Negligible beliefs, customs, traditions all get conflated under the shapeless umbrella called culture. Culture is something bigger than that, something more potent, something more intelligent. Culture is forward-looking; culture is dynamic just like humanity.

In her book, Laying Ghosts to Rest, which has already been quoted once in this House today, Dr Mamphela Ramphele refers to what she calls the ghost of ethnic chauvinism, which she argues must be named and laid to rest in order for South Africa to embark on the road to true transformation, which, crucially, includes the realization of equal rights for women and the protection of children. Dr Ramphele, referencing Prof. Thandabantu Nhlapo, identifies a series of customary law that need urgent review. Amongst them: The levirate – in which the continuation of the deceased husband's marriage is done through a brother of male relative; polygyny; Child betrothal and forced marriages and lobola or bohadi.

In April of 2009, the late Minister in the Presidency, Dr Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, visited a village in the OR Tambo District Municipality in the Eastern Cape, where the practice of ukuthwala, the child betrothal and forced marriage of girls as young as 12 years old, carried out by abducting them, had reached such epic proportions that girls were dropping out of school at the rate of 20 per month in order to be married off to men often old enough to be their fathers.

The Minister condemned the practice, describing ukuthwala as a form of violence against women, and acknowledged that, "Patriarchy and patriarchal attitudes still persist in South African society and at times manifest themselves in negative and harmful ways against women and girls."

But, in its report to the Portfolio Committee on Women Children, Youth & People with Disabilities in August of that same year, the South African police Services, SAPS was still at pains to emphasize the need to, "uphold the law whilst retaining the respect for culture and tradition." when dealing with the criminal matter of child abduction in this context. Again, the ghost of ethnic chauvinism was compelling the police service to treat the abuse of women and children's rights with kid gloves, all in the name of this nebulous idea of "culture".

Mr Speaker, if I may quote Dr Ramphele once more:

These weighty matters need to be resolved to enable us to align customary practices with the preset of our Constitution.

But, before this can happen in earnest we must work hard to remove the stigma attached to criticizing African cultural practices. We must take this thing out of that meaningless phrase "It is my culture". Thank you. [Applause.]



Mr J H JEFFERY: Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, and hon members, as we all know, the President delivered his state of the nation address on 11 February, the day on which the people of South Africa and the world were celebrating in remembrance of the release of Nelson Mandela from prison 20 years ago.

Madiba was released from prison at a time when the majority of South Africans had no hope of getting justice from the criminal and civil justice system in the apartheid society. Basically, for those who did not live through that period, or those who did but may have forgotten, judges, all of whom were white, were appointed by the State President and were almost entirely men who supported the apartheid regime. There were none of the transparent and inclusive processes that we have today with the Judicial Service Commission. The overwhelming majority of magistrates and prosecutors were white men. The laws that the criminal justice system were enforcing included crimes under the Group Areas Act, the Immorality Act, the Internal Security Act, and so on. In fact, the justice system was deliberately used to entrench apartheid policy and laws.

As this year's January 8 statement of the African National Congress stated, "There is an urgent need to overhaul the criminal justice system, to ensure that levels of crime are drastically reduced." In order to do this, government has been embarking on a criminal justice system review. I have been informed by the co-ordinator of the criminal justice system review, the hon Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, Mr Jeff Radebe, who was unfortunately not able to speak in today's debate because he's unwell, of some of the progress made in the review to date.

It should be borne in mind, however, that many of the review outcomes can only be dealt with over a period of time and have cross-cutting implications that need to be considered, in terms of aligned budgets and strategic planning processes. This work is continuing and includes the establishment of sound governance through the continued development of protocols, joint business and operational plans and improved co-ordinating mechanisms.

Let me highlight some of the progress made in terms of the criminal justice system review. The review process, as mandated by Cabinet, comprises research and implementation of required interventions through a seven-point plan. The research process is now being concluded, and the results have been evaluated and are currently being incorporated in the implementation.

Some of the progress relating to the implementation of the plan is the following. A holistic vision, mission and objective statement for the criminal justice system was developed and promoted within the justice, crime prevention, and security cluster of Cabinet and approved by the relevant Ministers and directors-general. A framework for the criminal justice system performance measurement has been developed and is presently being refined. This aims to ensure that all the various activities across the criminal justice system have common goals and targets, from the SAPS through to the prosecutors, to the courts and correctional services.

A centre for statistics and performance management is in the process of being established to collate all the relevant information across the criminal justice system. An interim system, based upon existing automated and manual systems is, however, functional. A number of protocols and, or, guidelines that will improve the performance of the courts have been developed or are being finalised. There are two regional court protocols, one dealing with screening mechanisms and the trial readiness of cases, and the other dealing with making the trial phase more efficient, such as limiting dispute issues, improving case scheduling, etc., as well as a court protocol for legal aid cases, dealing with improved pretrial and co-ordination aspects between the prosecuting authority and Legal Aid South Africa, to speed up the finalisation of cases.

Case-flow management interventions are being promoted across the criminal justice system in general. Regulations for the implementation of the amendments applicable to the admission of guilt for minor offences, in terms of the Judicial Matters Amendment Act, Act 66 of 2008, are receiving attention. A protocol for the taking and processing of forensic samples, utilising chemistry laboratories of the national Department of Health in criminal investigations and trials and improving the interaction between the prosecutors, Police and Department of Health is being finalised. Then, the issue of bail and addressing the challenges relating to bail is receiving attention.

The Criminal Law (Forensic Procedures) Amendment Bill is currently before this House and, hopefully, will be finalised shortly. This Bill deals, amongst others, with DNA, fingerprinting and biometric issues including the sharing of personal information between government departments.

The capacity of the criminal justice system is being increased through the employment of more personnel. In this regard, the Police have increased the number of crime scene detectives and forensic analysts. Nearly 15 000 new constables have been allocated to the detective services after training in the current financial year. The National Prosecuting Authority has increased the number of prosecutors, and Legal Aid South Africa has increased the number of legal aid representatives. More judges and magistrates have been appointed, and operational efficiencies are being further enhanced by the provision of step by step field guides and manuals. The establishment of a branch within the Department of Correctional Services, to improve the management of remand detainees is being fast-tracked and improved offender rehabilitation, in conjunction with civil society, is also receiving attention.

Moving then on to the transformation of the judiciary, this is well under way. The racial and gender composition of judges and magistrates is far more reflective of the demographics of our country than ever before. Recent laws passed by Parliament are in the final stages of implementation. The South African Judicial Education Institution Act, which establishes the SA Judicial Education Institute for the training of magistrates and judges, will be fully operational from April 2010.

I am informed that the recent amendments to the Judicial Service Commission Act are due for promulgation during the first half of this year. These amendments provide for a code of conduct and regulations regarding judges' registrable interests. In terms of this Act, the regulations and code must be tabled within four months of promulgation, so hopefully that should be settled before the end of this year. Lastly, regarding the transformation of the judiciary, the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development is finalising the Superior Courts Bill for introduction into this House, after considering the report of a judges conference held last year.

We, however, need to review not just the criminal justice system but also the civil justice system. We cannot have a situation where, to get justice in civil disputes, you need to lots of money for lawyers, as this puts civil justice out of the reach of the vast majority of people in South Africa. The fact that our civil justice system is expensive, complex, fragmented and very much adversarial makes it more inaccessible to the ordinary masses of our people.

However, we note that work is being done to ensure that the Small Claims Courts, as per one of the resolutions of the 52nd National Conference of the African National Congress at Polokwane, play a significant role in delivering justice to the people. We commend this because of the accessibility of these courts. Ordinary people do not have to pay money to have their matters heard, and we hope to see more of these courts being set up throughout the country.

With regard to the administration of deceased estates and related services, people, especially ordinary people, are still experiencing problems. The fact that some Master's Offices, including the one in Cape Town, insist that you get an attorney, even in uncomplicated estates, is something that needs to be changed. As the Receiver of Revenue helps the public with their tax returns, so should the Master's Office help the public with winding up deceased estates.

More attention needs to be given to assist in particular women with maintenance matters, so that where a rich father refuses to pay maintenance, he cannot use lawyers to endlessly dispute and delay the finalisation of the matter. Maintenance Courts needs to be more user friendly and should be able to assist women without them being forced to spend large amounts of money on lawyers.

We also need to look at accelerating the extension of legal aid to more civil cases. We are pleased that the Jurisdiction of Regional Courts Amendment Act will be promulgated this year. This Act abolishes black divorce courts and extends civil jurisdiction to Regional Courts, which had previously only dealt with criminal matters.

We hope that Parliament can finalise the Traditional Courts Bill, which is currently before us this year and provide for a system that is consistent with the values espoused in our Constitution and that gives people in rural areas more effective access to justice.

In conclusion, let me say that crime is one of the major challenges facing our country. Crime undermines the safety and security of the people in their homes and places of work and entertainment, thereby denying them the freedom for which they fought for many years. We, therefore, welcome the reforms being brought about by the review of the criminal system to make it more effective and efficient, and we, as Parliament, must work together to monitor and improve its implementation.

However, the weaknesses in the criminal justice system deny the masses of ordinary people of South Africa access to justice, as well. For this reason, we need to work together as a country to ensure that the whole justice system is revamped and improved to deliver justice to our people, especially those who have been denied justice for many decades. For this reason, we request you, Mr President, to ensure that your administration moves with speed to review the civil justice system, as this will remove blockages and improve efficiency and effectiveness, service delivery and public confidence our justice system. I thank you. [Applause.]



Mr M S SHILOWA: Hon Speaker and hon members, the input by hon members Dandala, Ndude, Kotsi and George of Cope all indicate that we have no confidence in the current government and we intend to move, in due course, for a debate of no confidence. Similarly with inputs of the rest of opposition parties they all agreed that the President is not aware of the true real state of the nation.

We hope that adequate time for meaningful and substantive debate will be made available by Parliament. I will not dwell much on the legacy of Madiba since this have been covered by many speakers.

The hosting of the world in a free South Africa for the Fifa World Cup tournament will be a historic tribute to the struggles and sacrifice of this great leader. Long may this icon live.

However, I was astounded at how suddenly P W Botha, someone who killed many of our people in raids across what were then frontline states, is now feted as a hero. Someone who sent countless young white South Africans against their will to Angola and Namibia is now a hero to the party of liberation. This is an affront not only to those who died, but also to those who were sent to jail for refusing to be conscripted to the army. No wonder the ruling party now wants to pardon prime evil Yanus and Derby-Lewis.

In May 2009, Mr President, you were ushered into office amidst a huge fanfare where even your opponents were forced by the overwhelming occasion and its subsequent reception to reluctantly give you the benefit of the doubt. We wished you success in the service of our people. You arrived like a well-oiled steam engine ready to take off with all on board. You pronounced the destination that the Zuma train was going to take with very little evidence that you could get there. You, nevertheless, seemed convincing to many.

Nine months down the line the Zuma train is still at the same station, the same platform with the same passengers, with exactly the same intentions. The only promise is that it will now be faster. How a train that is at a stand still can move faster, remains a mystery to me. The truth is that the train has ground to a halt.

Cope had warned at the time that there was an enormous difference between tough reality of the harsh economic conditions and a political party fantasy. It is this reality that forced you to shy away from any substantive input in addressing the real state of the nation. This absence in action has been the hallmark of the last nine months while this great nation is crying out for inspirational and decisive leaders.

A close examination of your understanding of the state of this nation gives an impression of a President who is not in touch with the realities of our people. We have previously warned that we must never play politics with the plight of our suffering people.

Whereas the ANC promised South Africans quality decent jobs they are now told to be content with part time jobs. I am not going to get into the discussions about these part time jobs. The truth though is that it is one thing to stand on an economic platform and shout until you are deaf. The reality is that South Africans were promised, in a manifesto, decent jobs. When we asked for accountability 900 000 jobs have been lost. South Africans are told to be content with these part time jobs of one day, one month, three months or six months that have been created. That is not what South Africans were promised.

In fact, listening to the Minister of Trade and Industry he said something which I agree with. He says that, "The problem with the problem of unemployment in South Africa is not cyclical but structural". Yet, where is the plan that shows that we are now intending to tackle this issue in that aspect? We are told that we must look for it somewhere. We were looking for it in the state of the nation address.

The workers of South Africa were told that we will safeguard your jobs. Cosatu correctly raises the issue of Zakumi. Zakumi contract has been given to an ANC Member of Parliament who has outsourced these needed jobs of South African workers to China. The ANC is quiet on this matter, why? Is there benefit that the ANC is getting from this issue? Why are they quiet? Cosatu raised it. It is your ally and you kept quiet. An ANC Member of Parliament export jobs and we keep quiet. We shall not keep quiet. We shall not be curbed

The wage subsidy idea which was raised is not new. Minister Manuel knows that it is not new and it has been raised from this podium before. It is neither a new idea nor a new rabbit.

In the issue of protests we all cannot rejoice when people protest. But there is one thing, getting to Balfour and say that we will sort out your problem and you go away. People wait and later nothing happens. Because a political solution was found to the problem in Khutsong when people burnt schools and said we are not going to school, the SACP and the ANC cheered and kept quiet. Now everywhere else they think that is the way in which to go.

I don't need to do so. The ANC in Gauteng has said these are instigated by the SA Communist Party. That is what ANC said. It is not me. Go and ask David Makhura. That is what he said.

In conclusion we don't have to visit the presidential hotline call centre to know that it is not functioning. We just have to call the hotline centre to receive the standard answer, "We are experiencing large volume of calls please call later".

Lastly, Mr President it is important to say that the message on ABC have been dealt a fatal blow. It is now very difficult for all of us to speak about abstain, be faithful and condomise. Thank you.



"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-40] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][slr].doc"

Ms M N OLIPHANT: Speaker, hon President of the Republic, Deputy President, Deputy Speaker and hon members.

The Freedom Charter says:

There shall be peace and friendship, South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and the settlement of all international disputes by negotiations – not war.

In the 52nd National Conference, the ANC resolved that through government, the ANC should ensure that intensification of economic diplomacy leads to changes of colonial patterns of economic relations, and create possibilities for equitable and balance North South relations, transformation and beneficiations of African National Resources, sustainable of Foreign Direct Investment, market access to products from the South to generate employment, and contribute to poverty eradication.

The conference further realized a need for the ANC to develop a clear policy guide for Parliament in their engagement with the international bodies to which they are affiliated and in the establishment of memorandums of understanding between these bodies.

Arising from the above clause of the Freedom Charter and the ANC Conference resolutions, as Parliament we have established a Parliamentary Group on International Relations. The role of the Parliamentary Group on International Relations is to implement the international policy agreed by Joint Rules Committee by providing policy and strategic direction on Parliament's international engagements, including its relations with other parliaments and international and international parliamentary organisations; co-ordinate Parliament's international engagements, including its relation with other parliaments and membership of and participation in international parliamentary organisations; receive reports from parliamentary delegations and submitting proposals on their tabling, referral and scheduling for debate to the Presiding Officers or relevant parliamentary structures; and meet with members appointed by the House to serve in international parliamentary bodies and members of all substructures of the group as well as the chairpersons of the parliamentary committees dealing with international relations and co-operation and trade and industry to determine strategy and evaluate international relations of Parliament.

As Parliament, we have established focus groups and strategic bilateral relations. The purpose of establishing the focus groups was:

To analyse the work of that particular body and guide Parliament's engagement with that body; to assess and evaluate reports of delegations to meetings of the body as well as identifying matters which require further follow-up by Parliament; and to embark on information sharing initiative for members on the work of affiliated multilateral bodies.

Thus far, the following Focus Groups have been established: The Focus Groups on South African Development Community Parliamentary Forum, SADC-PF, and the Focus Group on Pan-African Parliament. The following groups are still on an ad hoc status, but will soon be formalised, namely: The focus group on Inter-Parliamentary Union; Common Wealth Parliamentary Association; and Asseca. Parliament will further establish friendship groups. These friendship groups will be utilised to pursue non-strategic relations in a purposeful and focus manner in support of South Africa's foreign policy objectives.

As Parliament, we are in the process of finalising the signing of Friendship Memorandum of Understanding with the Parliament of the Republic of China. A number of networks and voluntary associations do exist. This is indicative of the multiplicity of actors in international affairs and the changes which are taking place in societies. Many of these networks and voluntary associations have members who participate in their activities. It is important that such interaction take place in a co-ordinated manner.

As Parliament, we have agreed that when a member receives a personal invitation in his or her capacity as a Member of Parliament, the member must have the approval of the Presiding Officers for such participation.

We, as Parliament, have also established specialised group such as the South African and European Union Relations, India, Brazil, South Africa, and African Caribbean Pacific-European Union. These specialised parliamentary groups act as a consultative forum to bring about regular exchange or lobbying by parliamentary delegations.

We have further agreed to establish focus group on conflict management, peace and reconciliation on the African Continent. During the SADC-PF held in Swakopmund where it was agreed that a delegation of Speakers led by our hon Speaker in SADC Region should go to Zimbabwe on a goodwill mission - this took place last year in October.

Hon members, let me briefly outline the concerns raised and resolutions taken during Parliament's participation in international forums. The IPU held the Parliamentary Conference on Democracy in Africa which aimed at promoting awareness of the International Day of Democracy; the fundamental principles of democracy; and major issues facing the democracy community, today.

The conference was held in Gaborone in September 2009. It was agreed that it will identify particular roles and responsibilities of Parliament; promote Parliament's engagement with the African Charter on Democracy elections and governance; and encourage action to ensure ratification and implementation.

The SADC-PF noted with concern the following:

Individual and collective challenges facing the Region in relation to depleting natural resource base, unfair trade practices, poverty and vulnerability, gender and development, Regional integration, and HIV and AIDS.

The delay by member states in signing and ratifying various protocols which are critical for achieving regional integration and accelerating national and regional development.

The continued hunger and the threat of worsening poverty levels and in the Region and an inability to meet the most of the millennium goals, particularly the first goal which seeks to eliminate extreme poverty and hunger.

The following were then recommended:

The member parliaments must expedite the ratification of various SADC protocols in order to realise their intended benefits and facilitate regional integration.

Parliamentarians are to engage with their respective executive arms of government and stakeholders in trade negotiations to appraise them as representatives of the people on the dangers and benefits of signing or not the Economic Partnership Agreements and their broader and profound implications to national and regional development efforts.

The SADC-PF committed itself to play a catalytic role in lobbying for negotiations with Europe from regional rather than the national perspective; and to ensure that SADC abundant natural resources be exploited in a sustainable manner for the benefit of the SADC citizens.

Hon members, hon President and hon Deputy President, I just want to appeal to the President that the relevant Minister should table the African Charter and Gender Protocol to Parliament for ratification. The reason for the appeal is that according to the report that was tabled et the SADC-PF, South Africa has implemented 95% of the African Charter and 80% of the Gender Protocol – but we have not yet ratified those two.

In both, SADC-PF and the African Caribbean European Union a recommendation was made that all HIV/Aids infected people must be given access to reasonable priced antiretroviral drugs. We want to thank His Excellency the President and His team for coming up with a comprehensive programme on HIV/Aids.

On World e-Parliament Conference which is an annual forum of the community of parliaments addressing, from both the policy and technical perspective, how the use of Information and Communication Technology can help in improving effectiveness in the complex parliamentary environment.

One of the critical resolutions taken was that those parliaments that are at an advanced stage must others confidentially and South Africa was given a responsibility to lead the African Continent.

One of the recommendations taken in World Food Summit held in Rome was that all parliaments must ensure that women are empowered by adopting laws that covers women to have access to land, credit and markets; and that agricultural development is given a priority it deserves.

In the African Caribbean and Pacific meeting it was resolved that: Firstly, the African Caribbean Pacific, ACP, government should promote a regional fund for the improvement and propagation of co-operation techniques amongst small-scale farmers for adaptation and mitigation programmes; and the need to reinforce education and information campaigns on the impact of climate change.

Secondly, the Climate Change Agreement should take into account the existing development processes both at international and national levels, further calls on to build the necessary links between climate change and the Millennium Development Goals by incorporating mitigation and adaptation to climate change into project and programmes aimed at achieving the Millennium Development Goals and poverty reduction strategies.

As the South African Parliament, we echoed the sentiment by the President by supporting Haiti and further request members of this House to donate whatever they can so as to reduce the pain and suffering they are experiencing as well as paying our solidarity.

Hon Speaker, allow me to assist hon member, Hildah Ndude, who posed a question about how the speech relates to the state of the nation address. The President mentioned the participation of South Africa in international programmes. He further said that we need to continue to participate in relation to India, Brazil and China. This is the role of Parliament as well to make sure that we monitor the implementation of those agreements. The hon member must go through the responsibilities of Parliament in terms of monitoring and oversight. Hopefully, she will understand.

I also want to say to hon Mangena that he was given an opportunity to lead as the Deputy Minister of Science and Technology. What did he do to assist the weather man during his time as the Deputy Minister?

I want to remind the hon Zondi on the issue of the Jozini Dam. We visited Umkhanyakude while we were Members of the NCOP before the elections, last year. In terms of their Integrated Development Plan, IDP, they prioritised in building the airport rather than prioritising connecting water for the communities. Maybe the hon member should go and assist that district to make its priorities according to the needs of the people.

Hon Speaker, allow me to respond to the hon Mbazima Shilowa. Hon Shilowa is the former Premier of Gauteng. During the apartheid government, hon Shilowa was not recognised to occupy any senior position. He was a security guard irrespective of his education. I think he must thank Cosatu by recognising his talent and elected him as the secretary-general of Cosatu – by then I was a South African Commercial, Catering and Workers' Union, SACCAWU, shop steward. I know that it's painful when your term of office ends. Firstly, the reason for hon Shilowa to be at the benches of Congress of the People, COPE, is that his term of office was about to end. And, secondly, COPE was formed based on hatred of being led by the hon President Jacob Zuma. I don't think that we have to take hatred and be bold when we are in this platform.


Ms M N OLIPHANT: Mhlonishwa Meluleki George isiZulu sithi, umenzi uyakhohlwa kodwa umenziwa akakhohlwa.


Ms M N OLIPHANT: When you arrived here in 1999, you were the whip responsible for the allocation of houses. The members who were coming from KwaZulu Natal with Zulu surnames, you were not allowing them to have houses. How is it possible for you to change, now, since your belief is based on ethical issues. Your reason to be against the President Jacob Zuma is based on his ethnicity.

I want to say to the hon Mazibuko, including COPE members that: Firstly, before the elections in April – hon Hildah Ndude you must learn to listen to other people – the slogan of the DA was, "Stop Zuma" and COPE with some leaders of the DA said they want to protect the Constitution. But, today, they stand in this platform without respecting that Constitution, particularly Chapter 2 of the Constitution which talks about the Bill of Rights. I think hon members must carefully study their Constitution, the traditions of this House and, thereafter, they can come and claim whatever they feel like saying here.

Hon members, in His state of the nation address in 2009, the President emphasised to Parliament to do oversight and monitoring. This will benefit our oversight work as Parliament if regular exchange of information and feedback take place regarding our country's commitment in the implementation of the International Agreement and Protocols.


Ms M N OLIPHANT: Ngaphambi kokuthi ngihlale phansi, ngiyafisa ukuthi amalunga aleNdlu ake azinike isikhathi ehlezi emizini yawo- ehlezi ethunzini, abuke emgwaqeni ukuthi uma imoto idlula kukhona imbuzi nenja - imbuzi yenzenjani - inja yenzenjani. Uma nginganihlebela nje imbuzi ibaleka ize ezephule, kodwa inja ikhonkotha imoto ize iyosithela.


Ms M N OLIPHANT: Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mr M J ELLIS / MS[Eng.]/ NPM [IsiZulu] / END OF TAKE


"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-41] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][slr].doc"

Mr M J ELLIS: Mr Speaker, I certainly do not intend becoming involved in the antics of the hon House Chairperson and her attack on Cope, but would rather address myself to what we regard as a pretty important matter within the DA.

We were told that the ANC wanted the state of the nation address to be in the evening at 7 o'clock, so that the entire nation could be involved as it was to be televised live. The President, we were told, wanted to speak to the entire nation; men, women and children. Afterall it was 20 years to the day that Nelson Mandela had been released from prison.

Opposition parties were asked to endorse this decision, which we did, but made it clear that we expected to be given an opportunity, like the President, to speak to the nation, not just to Parliament.

We expected that the SABC would at least cover today's debate live on one of its channels. Regrettably, this has not happened. In fact, to make matters worse, the first part of the debate this morning was not even televised live on the DSTV Parliamentary Channel and we were told that the feed from Parliament was not available when we asked why. A question has to be asked why it wasn't available, and who decided that it would not be available.

Instead of giving the nation a chance to listen to the whole debate they were not even given an opportunity to listen to the leaders of opposition parties. I want to say how grossly unfortunate for the nation; how massively convenient for the ANC.

We do not doubt that the only reason why this could have happened is because the ANC did not want the nation to listen to the leaders of opposition parties. The reason for this is quite clear, because Mr President, your speech on Thursday night was so inadequate in content and delivery that it had given an opportunity for opposition parties to have a field day in response and certainly, the opposition parties have done just that. [Applause.]

Let me say briefly to the hon Tsenoli who said earlier today that the ANC had taught opposition parties about democracy. I want to say to the hon member that if you call preventing opposition parties their share of television time, we are determined never ever to listen to that member.

But the truth is that the ANC, Mr President, has made no attempt to defend you today. They have abandoned you in this debate and it was obvious from the start when the list of speakers was drawn up for the first time and given to opposition parties. The ANC have done anything, but to put forward an A list of speakers today; no frontline Ministers; no senior ANC members - not even one. It is hardly even the B list of speakers that the ANC have put forward. It has been a parade of Deputy Ministers and relatively junior Ministers and members. There were one or two exceptions, but generally speaking that is a fact.

I have to say to these ANC members who have spoken today that they must realise that they are right down the pecking order when it comes to the seniority list in your own party. The heavyweights have sat back and done nothing, while the lightweight have been thrown in to defend their President. [Applause.]

The only thing of any real consequence in this debate has been the many and constant references to the icon, Nelson Mandela. ANC speaker, one after another, jumped on the bandwagon to spend a fair amount of their speaking time on eulogising the great man, as you did yourself, Mr President, last Thursday night. I'm sure that ANC speakers have been remarkably relieved today to have something positive to speak about because certainly there was nothing from the speech on Thursday night.

When the hon Anthol Trollip spoke earlier, the hon Trevor Manuel asked us what we have been smoking. Let me say to the hon Manuel and to members of the ANC in general, stop worrying about what the opposition parties smoke, but rather about what your President, your colleagues and Cabinet have smoked, because quite frankly what you and your colleagues are smoking is not at all healthy for this nation. Thank you. [Applause.]



The DEPUTY MINISTER OF POLICE: Hon Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, Members of Parliament, comrades and compatriots, what is the difference between the ANC and COPE? The difference is that it can't be about policies because they don't have any. The difference is that they hate President Gedleyihlekisa Jacob Zuma. That is the fundamental difference. With the DA, it's because it represents the past and backwardness and the ANC represents progressive ideas.

We are in the year of action-packed time of our lives...


... mo kgabo e jang kgajwana.[ Where it is the survival of the fittest].


We are steadily recovering from the global economic downturn that had a negative impact on the lives of our people; the economic phase that welcomed us to office in May 2009. The economic situation has seen petty crimes being committed during the first and second quarters of 2009, due to the global problem we found ourselves in as the new administration.

Serious crime itself also showed some ugly face; with malls in the Western Cape and Gauteng being primary targets, especially in the first quarter of 2009. Criminals became much more sophisticated. And to win the fight against crime, we needed to step up our game and be ahead of them – we needed to be even more sophisticated than them. If we don't nip their actions in the bud, we'll find these criminals passing us twice on the same job.

In response to these calculated actions by criminals, we introduced a Tactical Response Team in the efforts to combat crime. This cluster Tactical Response Team whose job is not to negotiate, but to fight, has trained officers who are and will always be visible in hostile situations and especially in our malls. These are officers who get advanced training on how to handle crisis situations where the hard-nut-to-crack criminals have taken over the lives of the innocent, through ATM bombings, business robberies and random shooting in crowded areas.

We are on track in the fight against crime. We are not going to claim easy victories. It is all systems go, with all the necessary ammunition in our hands to fight crime.

We understand that the fight against crime does not need a one answer fits all. It requires a comprehensive approach. We are proactively responding to these dynamisms and realizing the prescripts of the constitution and the bill of rights which guarantees rights to security, life and dignity. We are fundamentally turning around the police through long-term results-driven vision, coupled with efficient measures. We are repositioning the department through a fundamental paradigm shift, enhanced optimal excellence, and unlocking the productive value.

Part of our ammunition in the fight against crime, is the sharpening of our tools, to ensure that all our agencies are fully supported by the legislation. That is why we talked about the amendment of section 49 of the Criminal Procedure Act, and the relooking and reworking of the Forensic Bill. We would like to reiterate that we are not going to allow our detractors to blackmail us about their emphasis on shoot to kill as if this is a government policy or the amendment of section 49 as Alpha and Omega. We are not going to allow that.

We should reiterate that even before we talked about the amendment of section 49, in our quest to sharpen and strengthen the tools for fighting crime, the police, except in particular cases, have acted within the law and have taught criminals a good lesson. That is why we are saying we will deal with criminals with the agility of a cat and the ferocity of a cornered bull.


Basopa tsotsi! Lumka tsotsi! Washa tsotsi![Beware tsotsi!]


The 2010 FIFA World Cup is here. It is your civic duty and mine to ensure that the country's image is intact. It is our civic duty to ensure that all the visitors are welcome in South Africa. We owe this to those who fought for freedom and peace in our country. We owe this to the 20th Anniversary of the Release of President Mandela.

With Madiba's smile, the country is expecting 32 World Cup qualifying countries for this greatest showpiece in the world. For the first time on the African soil, we will be welcoming millions of people within our shores. We are hopeful that Bafana Bafana will do us all proud!

The task ahead is enormous. The constitution provides for us to safeguard the South African inhabitants and those within our shores. We have a constitutional obligation to ensure that all the guests, during this soccer showpiece, just as it has been the case with previous other major events, are safe and are able to enjoy the game of millions.

We have been in serious self-evaluation of our ability to arrest any unwanted threatening situations in our midst, especially during the World Cup. Among others, we have inspected the ports of entry in this country, and we say to all South Africans we are going forward and not turning back. All systems go! We are ready! South Africa is the destination for 2010 this year!

We are happy to announce that our airports have been inspected and all the concerns raised and noted during these inspections have been addressed. Together, working with Interpol and the Southern African Police chiefs, we believe and we are satisfied that it is all systems go.

Operation Washa Tsotsi has brought us successful results in reducing violent and serious crimes that have been evident in previous festive seasons. It is only those who don't have ears to listen and eyes to see who would not have seen the visibility of the police during the past festive season.

The night raids in troublesome spots like KwaMashu in KwaZulu-Natal, Alexandra and other areas, was through efforts to reduce a number of guns in circulation and those in wrong hands. We are happy with the outcomes of the operation. We won't rest until our country is free from criminality. Operation Washa Tsotsi, like we said before, is not an event, but a continued attack on the criminals in our streets.

The police are recording successes on a daily basis in the fight against crime. The Directorate for Specialised Crimes Unit, The Hawks, has identified and profiled 10 most wanted criminals. And we are happy to report that seven of those have been dealt a blow and three are still on the run, but we will find them.

Since the launch of the Festive Season Campaign, we have seen and witnessed the successful operations by our police. We uncovered the drug syndicate that is operating in South and North America, Africa, Europe and Asia. Security for our inhabitants and their properties is our priority through the commitment of the SAPS and other agencies.

We urge communities to stop buying stolen goods in the name of poverty. We urged everyone to understand that you are really criminals yourselves if you find yourself owning something that you don't know how it had gotten in the hands of those that sold it to you. That is why we are saying...


... tlohelang dintho tsa boshodu batho ba haeso!


Someone's house has been broken into and a television set got stolen and you willingly buy it. We need to unite against crime and criminals. We need positive role models in our society and within the environment where we live.

Everything you get should be through hard work. It can beimportant that for all of us that we understand that message. We need to embrace the values of hard work instead of short cuts to richness, disregarding the law in the name of materialism. Crime does not pay; this is an old saying that continues to live within us. In many of the crimes, especially serious crimes, like house robberies, there is a huge element of youth involvement. These are young people who have admired wrong role models within our societies.

The fight against crime should not and must not be relegated to the police alone, it is a civic duty. That is why we say, when you are in the comfort of your home with your families, remember the lives of the police, woman and men, in the streets protecting you. We ask you to pray for them every time you pray for our streets to be rid off bad elements.

We want everyone to join the fight against crime including "National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,15 Feb 2010,"[Take-43] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][slr].doc"

bomme ba seaparo. We urge them that whenever they pray for Pula they should also pray to reduce crime in our midst. In our mothers we are certain we will win.

The society should embrace and support the police. As we said before they carry a heavy load that needed our undivided support. But that does not mean that we must conceal those with evil intentions within the SAP. As it has been said and lamented, we are not lamenting and sitting on our laurels, we are on top of the situation. Every corner from now onward criminals know that they don't have any holiday in South Africa. We are very much encouraged by the fact that we are on top of them.

Police themselves have acted by example by arresting criminals elements who are perpetrating within the police and we need to applaud such actions.

Community Safety Forums is an important vehicle in the fight against crime.

In November last year, this parliament approved our request to declare, in line with the Firearms Control Act of 2000, the period between the 11 January – 11 April 2010 a Firearm Amnesty Period. We are happy to announce that so far, through the selfless service of our men and women in blue as well as active participation from our communities, more than 105 000 firearms and ammunitions have been destroyed in Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal and Western Cape. From a crime prevention point of view, the destruction of these firearms and ammunitions translates to a direct opportunity cost to the marauding criminals who could have laid their hands on them and directed their barrels and gunpowder to rob, maim and kill law abiding citizens of our country.

Through this campaign, we are encouraging also those gun owners with legal firearms but who feel that they no longer need the firearms to freely submit them at their nearest police stations. And further urge all those with information about where we can retrieve any firearm or ammunition and arms caches to report the matter at the police station.

It should be noted that even though this is an Amnesty Period it does not mean the job of Police Officers to hunt and retrieve stolen and illegal firearms and ammunition has stopped. We are confident that when the World Cup finals start in June the number of these weapons will be reduced drastically.

We would like to thank all those who have positively heeded our call to surrender their unwanted firearms and ammunition, be it Manufacturers, dealers, Gunsmiths, Gunowners, beneficiaries and tsotsis. Of course for tsotsis, this will mark the beginning of yet another chapter, because each submitted and surrendered guns will still undergo ballistic testing to ensure proper accountability and ramification in the event the gun was ever used in any criminal activities.

There is currently a process to incorporate some of the Reservists into the Police Force as fully-fledged Police Officers. Those incorporated will still undergo basic Police Training with no compromise on quality, because we have inherited the apartheid legacy of bloubaadjies and the ZPs within the police force, and we are training quality to ensure that going into the future, we are having a mean machine of the SAP force.

Effective contemporary crime prevention relies on partnership and multi agency approaches. We are building partnership with communities and government. People to join the war against crime. In this regard we have had engagements and processes identified in the fight against crime within our society. Young people, everyone within society and all the stakeholders including business have endorsed government plans in partnering with government in the fight against crime.

I want to turn to the point of ensuring that, there are a number of distortions that have been paraded in the name of political intervention, which some of the things that have been said, is nothing else but existing the figmentation of imagination of some individuals who have actually spoken before. We need to make a point and say that when Max the MEC of DA in the Western Cape, is doing something, we are told that his life must be understood to be private. The only life that must not be private is the life of the President. We need to understand that this is hypocrisy of the worst order and opportunism that reflect backwardness in the politics of our opposition in our country.

We need to also make a point that President De Klerk for everything that we have acknowledged that he has done, he did not wake up on the 2nd April and decided to be kind to our people and release President Nelson Mandela. It was the tireless efforts of our people in our streets to liberate themselves. [Applause.] There is nothing wrong, is neither the side-stepping of history what Julius has said, it is the correct interpretation of history. Our people have liberated themselves, led by their vanguard movement – the ANC. [Applause.] Nobody can claim its victories and tell lies as if our people did not have the intentions and when 2nd February arrived, they were not on the streets fighting to liberate themselves. The people have liberated themselves and the policies of the ANC, have not actually failed.

We need to also talk about the question of the cadre policy. When the cadre policy is not applicable to the DA because since you arrived in Cape Town you have expelled everybody who is black and replaced them with your own cadres. [Applause.] You've got a very skewed and racist cadre policy that you have implemented across the length and breadth of this particular province. You are patronising our people and you are entrenching politics of racism. You are implementing a policy of skewed development. Why are Khayelitsha and Gugulethu in tatters and you continued to patronise particular groups within the Western Cape? You have failed our people and in no time you will be seen for what you are.

Newspaper headlines do not represent the dominant view of the South African people which says President Zuma you are on track [Applause.] and that what you must understand. The dominant view of the newspaper headlines is factored by the ideological inclination of the right-wing politics of the DA because you write those headlines yourselves. [Applause.] So your hypocrisy by saying that the newspaper headlines dominate the South African populist view about how they feel about government, go to the slumber land because you are very late for what you stand for. [Laughter.] That is the reason why in the debate when you talk about morality because you cannot stand tall, among yourself you can't speak about it and you opted to send the youngest poor honourable Mazibuko. [Laughter.] You must understand that as a young person you are uncooked to basically to discuss the … that is the beginning of the rich African culture which we are not going to compromise.

Teach young people the correct history and proper culture; give them proper upbringing because this is about family socialisation. Do not throw them in the deep end and allow them to question things that they are not qualified to talk about. [Applause.]

To the hon Mfundisi wam, Bishop Dandala


Mfundisi, uyihambile indlela oyihambileyo, kodwa ke ikhona into yokuba kuthiwe umntu ukhe ahambe alahleke. Masikubuyise sithi...


… The State of the Nation was not about poems and philosophising about something in the distant horizon. It was about what we want to do today. If you were not filled with hope with what President Zuma had told you and not fed you poems …


Mfundisi uxolo, ulahlekile tata.


We must understand that the down turn we have found ourselves in, is not of our own making, it is an objective reality. Don't speak about the recession that is our own creation. The ANC government under the stewardship of President Zuma is committed to the creation of jobs and there is no shift and no retreat. Neither an apology about what we said about the creation of 500 000 jobs. We said what was feasible that we were going to do, but our plans is relation to that… you must understand this in a dialectical form … [interjection.] and understand things in their changing form. Nothing is static and if you live in the world where everything is static then you live in the land of the dead whilst walking.

We must not be afraid of debate of nationalisation. The debate about nationalisation is not the redefinition of any ANC policy. It is a debate that is raised by a youth organ of the African National Congress. We do understand your trauma because you don't have youth organisations like ours [Laughter.], so because you live in organisations were everything is alpha and omega and you have killed your own youth, that is why your youth have crossed to the ANC. [interjection.] Malema is the only jewel that we have and is the only thing that you don't have. [Interjection.] That is why you are crying foul because you are jealous. Jealousy is an enemy of success, [Laughter] so when the Youth League raises privatisation you think that is something new. In the ANC we have grown in the culture of vibrant debate in the organisation.

Once Hellen Zille has spoken all is said and done, baie dankie, goeie more ja ja [Laughter] everything is over. There is no vibrant voice and that is why you go right-wing without looking backwards because you don't have a vibrant voice within your own organisation. Thanks to the ANC for having created the Youth League, please continue to defend its autonomy. They are fighting among themselves and tearing one another asunder and yet they want to teach us about anything. The ANC has long been. Even those who wanted to kill the ANC by forming fashionable organisations, they have not actually succeeded.

Utata Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi, I just want to say that we are not making police to be trigger happy, all what we are saying is that we are not fraternising with crime and criminals. That is all that we are doing. We are empowering the police and all the system to ensure that we deal correctly and decisively with crime.

Honourable Hilda Ndude from the Congress of whatever, [Laughter] we talk about the issue of morality. Our President has owned up to everything that he has done. [Interjection] He could have chosen not to own up to everything and even apologise. The moral bankruptcy that you are talking about is the one of those just not far from your eyes who had not owned up to their actions. [Laughter] Please, you must learn to support your own children before you can throw stones everywhere. [Laughter] The State of the Nation was not about whether the President had this or not, it was about the future of our country and what we represent. It is not about the church that you are preaching that Reverend Meshoe will disagree with you. He was very short even on the question of morality today. You must basically own up to what you have done. The Constitution of South Africa provides for equal rights for all South Africans to practice their cultural beliefs and you reducing morality to certain cultural practises.

Moral values should be tested with the ability to build non racial, non sexist and prosperous society. [Applause.] It is what morality and moral values should be about. The fact of the matter is that nothing is concealed because like the Chinese say, you must extract the truth from the facts. Hon Mandla…

The SPEAKER: Hon member, your time has expired. [Applause.] Hon. members, you will be pleased to know that that concludes the debate. The President will reply to the debate tomorrow. The House is adjourned, enjoy the rest of the evening.

The House adjourned at 19:25.



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