Hansard: NA: Mini-plenary 1

House: National Assembly

Date of Meeting: 26 May 2022

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Minutes

UNREVISED HANSARD
MINI PLENARY 1 - NATIONAL ASSEMBLY (VIRTUAL)
THURSDAY, 26 MAY 2022
Watch: Mini-Plenary
PROCEEDINGS OF THE MINI-PLENARY SESSION OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

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Members of the mini-plenary session met on the virtual platform at 14:00.
House Chairperson Ms M G Boroto took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENT

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon members, before we proceed, I would like to remind you that the virtual mini-plenary is deemed to be in the precinct of Parliament and constitutes a meeting of the National Assembly for debating purposes only. In addition to the Rules of the virtual
sittings, the Rules of the National Assembly including the Rules of the debate apply. Members enjoy the same powers and privileges that apply in a sitting of the National Assembly.

Members should equally note that anything said in the virtual platform is deemed to have been said to the House and may be Ruled upon.
All members who have locked in shall be considered to be present and are requested to mute their microphones and only unmute when recognised to speak. This is because the microphones are very sensitive and will pick up noise which might disturb the attention of other members. When recognised to speak, please, unmute your microphone and connect your video. Members may make use of the icons on the bar at the bottom of their screens which has an option that allows the member to put up his or her hand to raise points of order. The secretariat will assist in alerting the Chairperson the
members requesting to speak. When using the virtual system, members are urged to refrain or desist from unnecessary points of order or interjections.
Lastly, I wish to remind you that we are meeting in this mini- plenary session, therefore, any decisions will be taken in a full plenary session of the Assembly. Hon members, the first item on the Order Paper is subject for discussion in the name of hon M Nyhontso on; Establishing shared values in a polarised diverse society that could cement a common nationhood and bring a sense of belonging to the most vulnerable. I now recognise hon Nyhontso.

DEBATE ON: ESTABLISHING SHARED VALUES IN A POLARIZED, DIVERSE SOCIETY THAT COULD CEMENT A COMMON NATIONHOOD AND BRING A SENSE OF BELONGING TO THE MOST VULNERABLE.

Mr M NYHONTSO: House Chairperson, South Africa as we know it is a polarised society in many respects. The gap between the super-rich and downtrodden masses is very high. The fragmentation of people on racial, ethnic and even tribal level continues to be a serious feature in day-to-day life of
the people. Even the idea of a rainbow nation is now termed out of night-time discussions. South Africa want to remain a skunk in the eyes of the international community.
In the past, when apartheid authorities called the shorts, appears to be difficult to shut off. It is two steps forward and three steps backwards. This is beyond stagnation. It is going back to the past. International crime syndicates are never broken down and stopped in their tracks by the cluster of security in the country. We have drug lords who are established in their territories of crime and the selling of nyaope is now a norm in the community of the poor. This breaks up families and destroying communities. The economy is on a downward spiral. It has been so far a long time already. The economy is a basis for the development of a people’s way of life.

The culture of respect is fast draining away. Opportunist rush to the courts for self-aggrandisement instead of self-defence in the court of law. This makes the rights offered by the constitutional democracy to be abused and rendered ...
[Inaudible.] ... for the rich who can pay their way out of the trouble, out of jail and out of suffering for the ills they have made in society. Crime and punishment is no longer a shared value. South Africa is perceived as a corrupt country. The former liberation movement in the corridors of power is
known for ... [Inaudible.] ... consumption.
Their corrupted values are seen by many as to put their snouts in the feeding trough. Redistribution of wealth from the hands of the few to uplift communities is not a shared value any longer. The thieves who rob people of their territories rights to land are going about scot-free without reparations and restoration of the birth right of the indigenous peoples of our beautiful land. Casual racism is coming up from time to time. In the institutions of higher learning this is intolerance of people of darker skin in the high schools. It is pure racism once again raising its ugly head.
The state President referred to tribalism as the cause and effect of July 2021 unrest in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal. If a higher office like that of President make such a complaint, it means we are in a situation that, Sobukwe, the founding president of the PAC said: “apartheid multiplied” Afrophobia
has come back to express itself in new guises. Vigilantism are doing as they want, because the officers of peace and government officials are out to take bribes and corrupt the system of administration. No country runs on an ad hoc basis and get itself right. The PAC is of the view that we must
discuss our nation once more in this House. Do we all citizens have intrinsic value to be seen to want a life of decency? Do we all pledge our loyalty to Africa, where our beautiful land is? Do we all belong? Why are others better in their development and way of life better than others? Why are we othering others? The African revolution to building sensible of society where justice prevails and peace reigns. Who will betray if Parliament fails to debate these issues? Thank you very much, hon House Chairperson.


 
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Mr T B MUNYAI: Hon Chairperson, we have load shedding here in
Gauteng. I would not be able to show my video. My apologies,
with your permission.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you. It is
accepted.
Mr T B MUNYAI: Esteemed hon Chairperson and the people of
South Africa, the ANC in its 5th National Conference, strategy
and tactics characterised the democratic transition having and
I open quote:
Brought an end to the abhorrent system of apartheid
colonialism and assured a new era of democracy, peace and
justice. The foundation has been laid for society to develop
into truly, united, nonracial and nonsexist nation.
Hon House Chairperson, any organisation that does not have a
strategy and tactics, will not understand this question under
the debate because, it will parish.
Esteemed hon Chairperson and the people of South Africa, we
locate this debate within the context of historical
colonialism of a special type. It must be understood and


 
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answered, so therefore, this question must be understood
through the national democratic revolution. And how our answer
to this question contribute to the revolution and the vision
for united, democratic and nonracial and non-sexist and more
equal South Africa.
It is very important that we use this platform to assess the
progress made and challenges that remain. The point is: What
then becomes the role of every citizen within society? Of
course, the role of the state in the current conjuncture.
There is an old Marxist saying and I quote:
We cannot only understand our efforts and liberation, if we
do not understand the enemy’s efforts a domination and
oppression.
Esteemed hon Chairperson, our understanding of shared values
in a polarised, diverse society and to build a common
nationhood must be understood in the context of our national
struggle for national liberation, against national oppression
and national dispossession. It should be determined by our
grasp of its antithesis.


 
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The mechanism of a national oppression, if the speakers, do
not understand or have a grasp of its antithesis, they are
likely to really be lost in the value of despair in the
content before this debate.
Failure to understand how and why we were oppressed could lead
to a strategic error in our efforts at national liberation. It
is only when, like other hon members have accurately
characterised the nature of the oppression, that we can adopt
strategy and tactics of not only resisting and struggling
against, but overcoming such oppression.
The ANC strategy and tactics asset that and I open quote:
We should build a developmental state, with strategic
political capacity and technical capacity.
To intervene to the question under this debate, it is in the
interest of the people to resolve the question under
consideration.
Ensuring peace and prosperity also requires a democratic
government to address the original sins of dispossession which
stripped up the dignity of Africans.


 
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As Sol Plaatje alluded in 1913 in “The African became the
pariah of his land,” this is the essence which means the
liberations of Africans in particular and black people in
general, from political and economic bondage and also social
power.
We should not only understand that we should be at the helm of
the state machinery to change the life of our people for the
better. However, also understand the issue of economic power
and other social powers. It means uplifting the quality of all
South Africans, especially the majority of the poor.
Hon House Chairperson, by the way, the ANC is unashamedly,
bias to the working class and the poor. The state has taken a
great stride to address inequality and section 25 of the
Constitution, through the constitutional amendment, which the
opposition parties did not support, for the purpose of
expediting the redistribution of land for the people of South
Africa so that they can work it as enshrined in the Freedom
Charter.
Our democratic Constitution through the breakthrough of the
1994 National Elections and also as the Constitution as
adopted in 1996, reaffirms the ANC commitment of building a


 
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nonracial, nonsexist, inclusive and democratic society. That
means more equal society.
In this essence, it means the liberation for our people,
Africans in particular black people in general, from political
and economic asserted this issue earlier.
Hon House Chairperson, this are the values that our own
government had sought to uphold in all its programmes. If you
are not in government, you will not understand this
development or progress made by this ANC-led government.
The impact of colonialism on our values is one of the critical
issues that we need to follow-through at all times. As we
continue as the nation to build an inclusive society founded
on the democratic values as enshrined in our Constitution, we
must however, strengthen our fight against the values
entrenched on our people by colonialism, imperialism and
apartheid.
One of the glaring detrimental issues of colonialism and
apartheid was to entrench itself on the deep-seated
understanding of the personal wealth constituted on truly
measures of success.


 
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Hon House Chairperson, I need to bring this element where the
forces opposed to progressive change such as the AfriForum,
who want to bring the old apartheid flag in the midst of a
progressive government. That should be fought side-by-side the
same way, we fought the symbol of apartheid, imperialism and
colonialism.
These elements of trying to reverse the gains of a democratic
government, should be fought side-by-side by all South
Africans together, regardless your political party line.
Today, our people have the right to adequate shelter. Let me
just put it this way, for the past 28-years, the ANC-led
government has built many houses. Going forward, we are
concerned about the quality of those houses. For the past 28-
years, the ANC-led government has built more clinics and
hospitals. Going forward we need to build the quality of
health care through the introduction of the National
Insurance.
The ANC-led government electrified many houses across the
spectra of the whole country. So, the critical issues, is the
restoration of the dignity of the vulnerable people in our
country and through the provision of the basic services and


 
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the social safety net. Thank you very much, hon House
Chairperson.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon members, let me
indicate to hon members that as you will be speaking, when I
show my face, it is the indication that you are left with one
minute. It is an indication of the speaker to wrap up. Thank
you very much.
Ms N K SHARIF: Thank you very much, House Chairperson. Living
in South Africa sometimes feels like the worst decision people
can make, we find ourselves in a downward spiral of despair
for what tomorrow brings. As a country, we are faced with
countless struggles that test our resilience on a daily basis.
Our resilience remains constant but weary. There is a massive
lack of humanity, there is no equality, we face the worst
imaginable violence and struggle through each day without a
care by those leading us.
The lack of accountability for those who are shamelessly
eating money that is meant to improve people’s lives are signs
that we are losing our humanity. If we continue on a
trajectory that shows no empathy for our fellow woman, we will
create a society that will ruin future generations, a future


 
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with no humanity, is no future at all. The Notorious B.I.G aka
Biggy Smalls once said: “We can’t change the world, unless we
change ourselves.” If anybody has forgotten or stopped
believing in the power of the people of this land, I am here
to remind you that its real, and it is powerful. You have the
power to bring change within yourself, and in turn, will have
the power to change the world.
I want you to remember that not all heroes wear capes. The
potential of the people in this country outweighs and
supersedes everything else. I want you to remember that
leadership is not about a title or a rank, leadership is about
people. Leadership is about putting others before you, making
sacrifices for the betterment of others and building safe
environments where we can trust that we have everyone’s
interest at heart, and not only a select few. We must lead
with empathy, we must lead selflessly and we must hold
ourselves accountable.
We have seen South Africans come together on so many
occasions, giving each other a hand up and standing together.
I am, because you are. This concept transcends all cultures,
religions, race, class and everything else that seek to divide
us. I am, because, you are, is a value that we must hold dear


 
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to us and protect. The power of a united people can never be
underestimated. Human nature has a tendency to only look out
for oneself, survival of the fittest, as they said, but it
doesn’t have to like that. We always have a choice. This is
what makes us human, our ability to choose between right and
wrong, the ability to feel emotions and have and, use logic
and reason. We can and we must, do better. We all deserve to
live in a country where we feel safe.
We deserve to live in a country that cares for our wellbeing
and provides opportunities so we can use our talent, passion
and determination to improve our lives and others, all of us
deserve to be happy and live peaceful and content lives where
we can meet our own needs but also the needs of those around
us.
In the words of Hip Hop Artist, Joey Bada$$:
This for my people, tryna stay alive and just stay peaceful.
So hard to survive a world so lethal. Who will take a stand
and be our hero, of my people, yeah?
I thank you.


 
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you, hon Sharif.
I don’t have a name from the EFF, but I realise that the
members are here.
Ms N CHIRWA: I will be debating it, Chairperson.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you, hon chirwa.
You may proceed.
Ms N CHIRWA: Thank you very much, Chairperson. This is a very
strange topic for debate, particularly, coming from the PAC of
Azania, the party claiming to be of African people, and which
ought to be inspired by the ideological clarity of Mangaliso
Sobukwe, Ashby Peter Mda, Peter Nkotseu Raboroko and many
others. The 1959 Pan Africanist Manifesto characterises
European imperialism and colonialism as a chain of reaction
whose genesis is the quest for expansion of capitalist
production, which led to the land robbery and political
subjugation of African people here, and other people elsewhere
in the world.
This robbery and subjugation was established by the barrel of
the gun, and its architecture is still solid to this day. The
Pan Africanist Manifesto argues that the only way through


 
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which there can be a sense of common nationhood, that Mr
Nyhontso speaks of, is through the liquidation of the forces
of oppression, and the assertion of African people’s rights to
shape their own destiny. It goes further and says that, it
would be impossible to liquidate the forces of oppression and
for African people to shape their own destiny if we have
amongst ourselves leaders who have been captured by the white
ruling class to do its bidding and sanitize the aspirations
for true liberty amongst African people.
The foremost Pan-Africanist theoretician at the time, Peter
Raboroko, asserted that the attainment of true liberation must
be as a result of the actions of African people themselves. In
his criticism of the ANC at the time, Raboroko argued:
The gravamen of the Africanist charge against the
Charterists, therefore, is that they have betrayed the
material interests of the African people. They have
sacrificed these interests upon the political altar of an
ungodly alliance, an alliance of slave owner, slave driver
and slave.
He went on to argue that:


 
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To them, master and slave, the exploiter and the exploited,
the oppressor and the oppressed, the degrader and the
degraded, are all equals. To them, indigenous African
nationals and immigrant European foreign nationals, the
dispossessed and their dispossessors, the victims and their
robbers, are all countrymen. For them the progressive and
the reactionary, the African subject and his foreign
overlord, are all brothers.
Mr Nyhontsho, the history of your own party is littered with
rich literature providing a succinct disposition of why we are
where we are as a society, and it provides solutions as well.
The polarisation you speak of, is rooted in imperialism and
colonialism that your chain of reaction theory speaks of.
There can be no unity while the material conditions of African
people are still as they were at the height of colonialism and
apartheid. When your own leaders were part of the ANC Youth
League, they wrote the African Creed at the end of the Youth
League Manifesto. That creed proclaimed that “Africa’s Cause
Must Truimph”, and at the centre of that triumph, is the
return of the land and of the country’s riches back to African
people.


 
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Without the return of that which was robbed from us, our
society will continue to be divided and polarised. Today, it
is black people who stay in rat infested and flea ridden
shacks because they have no homes of their own. It is black
people who snake through the queues in public hospitals, only
to be told there is no medication for their illnesses. It is
black people who are evicted from farms they had been calling
home for generations. It is black children who attend
dysfunctional schools, only because the party in government
employs unqualified teachers, and fails to deliver textbooks.
It is black women who are raped and murdered in the townships
of this country, only to see their tormentors walking the
streets, because policing for poor black people is not a
priority in this country. That is the root of the
polarisation, and without addressing that root cause, there is
no solution to the problems that this country faces. The
President of the PAC must go back to read PAC basic documents,
and not betray the cause which his predecessors died fighting
for. After he has done so, he will realise that there is no
common nationhood between the oppressor and the oppressed,
between the colonizer and the colonized, until all that
belongs to African people has been returned to them, and until


 
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all African people are free to determine their own destiny.
Thank you, Chairperson.
Mr M HLENGWA: Hon House Chairperson, the mood in the country
right now is indeed sombre. At the outset, the IFP thanks hon
Nyhontso for tabling this very important debate. The South
Africans still in healing from our past. We have swept the
most uncomfortable topics under our carpets. Leaving millions
to suffer and millions without gainful employment.
If we ask ourselves what we want for our country and what this
should look like, the simple answer, is that we all want the
South Africa that works. And we all want to build a prosperous
and united nation, that we can all be proud of.
House Chairperson, it is for obvious reasons that the
construction of the gigantic flag, the Department of Sport,
Arts and Culture was never going to sit well with the public.
We wanted share scale and despite its grand ambition of
uniting all us of behind our flag. South Africans across the
board rightful protested this costly cost cosmetic monument,
because the daily living reality of our people, is
joblessness, growing in inequality and poverty.


 
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South Africans no longer feel safe. South Africans no longer
feel their hard taxes are funding the items that should be
improving their lives, such as better transport, quality
healthcare, education and infrastructure. South Africans are
tired of shutting down their businesses due to Electricity
Commission, Eskom’s inability to generate enough power to keep
the lights on.
South Africans are not feeling particularly patriotic, because
the problems of illegal immigration, porous borders have not
been adequately addressed. South Africans no longer feel that
they can trust the current administration, to steer us in the
right direction.
House Chairperson, we can be sure that our country is not
short of ideas and solutions to the above mentioned challenges
and in pursued of togetherness, social cohesion and patriotism
and broader upliftment of poor most vulnerable.
South African can stand united where all the people are at
work, creating enough jobs and growing the economy, while
rooting out corruption and ensuring the safety and wellbeing
of all South Africans will certainly build the sense of
patriotism.


 
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Therefore, House Chairperson we can unite behind the
legislation that will reserve the allocation job placement and
the law to the No Skill Center for South Africans. We can
choose to unite behind the IFP’s Private Members Bill which
will put South Africans first and get our country back to
work. We can also get behind the clear and decisive plan for
my national, provincial and local government and how the
mostly basic ... [Inaudible.] ... of our people.
In building upon our country’s spirit of resilience, hard work
and patriotism, the IFP’s Employment Services Amendment Bill
should be adopted by this House, will place millions of our
unemployed young people in jobs.
House Chairperson, in closing the IFP firmly believes that we
meet and cement common nationhood, by putting South Africans
first. If every citizen of the illegible working ages secure
the job, we will have a South African, the country and the
economy of South Africans that we can all be proud of. It’s
about going back to the basics and putting our people first.
Thank you House Chairperson.
Afrikaans:


 
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Mnr P A VAN STADEN: Agb Voorsitter, ek wil graag twee kort
gedeeltes vanuit President Mandela se toespraak aanhaal, wat
hy met sy inhuldiging as President op 10 Mei 1994 gelewer het:
English:
Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster
that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all
humanity will be proud. Never, never and never again
shall it be that this beautiful land will again
experience the oppression of one by another, and suffer
the indignity of being the skunk of the world.
The ANC-led government has after 28 years failed the hon
President Mandela on all aspects of life. This government has
over the past 28 years left the elderly, defenceless and
orphans lying on the cold and in the rain to get by with
within their own with what they have.
We see this, every day in the media by promises, they do not
pay the grants on time or that’s all this to these
institutions. Per year in this country our struggle on the
daily basis to get the education they deserve in mother tongue
language.


 
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The oppression of the ANC-led government against minority,
Indian coloured and white students that struggling from
becoming doctors and nurses because of a colour of their skin,
is an outrage and it will be a disappointment in the eyes of
old President. Our current shortages of doctors and nurses and
the current state of our public hospitals and clinics are
proof of this ANC’s oppression which plays out on a daily
basis in all communities.
Afrikaans:
Ja, Suid-Afrika is ’n wêreld in een land en ons gemeenskappe
hoef nie gepolariseer te wees nie, maar die ANC-regering en
partye soos die EFF bou daardie mure tussen gemeenskappe met
rasse skrede op en is besig om ’n nuwe apartheid in Suid-
Afrika tot stand te bring.
Dit is maklik vir die ANC en die EFF om ander vir elke
probleem en mislukking te blameer wat in hierdie land opduik.
Die vraag is egter: Waarom het jy as die ANC-regering
toegelaat dat jy jou eie onbevoegdheid, ’n vastrapplek gegee
het vir korrupsie, wanbestuur en wanadministrasie wat daagliks
lei ...


 
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Van Staden, I am
sorry, there is a hand, hon Munyai.
Mr T B MUNYAI: House Chairperson, on a point of order: I want
to check ...
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Munyai, don’t just
order before you raise your hand. Now, I recognise you
...[Inaudible.] ...don’t do that.
Mr T B MUNYAI: Sorry, hon House Chairperson, I want to
understand, if really the hon Van Staden, meant when he says
the ANC government is bringing a new apartheid or not.
Mr P A VAN STADEN: Hon House Chair, I don’t have time for
[Interjection.] ... after that.
Afrikaans:
Dit is maklik vir ...
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon... okay proceed, I
want to respond and say let’s not ... that’s not a point of
order please. Please proceed.


 
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Afrikaans:
Mnr P A VAN STADEN: Dit is maklik vir die ANC en die EFF om
ander vir elke probleem en mislukking te blameer wat in
hierdie land opduik. Die vraag is egter: Waarom het jy as die
ANC-regering toegelaat dat jy jou eie onbevoegdheid ’n
vastrapplek vir korrupsie, wanbestuur en wanadministrasie
gegee het, wat daagliks lei tot die ineenstorting van kritieke
infrastrukture. Moenie ’n vinger na ander wys, as jou eie
onbevoegdheid soos ’n helder lig skyn nie. Julle speel ’n baie
gevaarlike speletjie.
Alle Suid-Afrikaners het die reg tot hul kultuurerfenis en
daarom moet die erfenisterrein uitgebrei word en alle kulture
en erfenisse van alle groepe moet bygevoeg en uitgebrei word
en nie weggevat word nie.
Moenie gaan karring met die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in Paarl
nie. Dis ’n monument, wat volgens my inligting, in die vorige
termyn deur ANC-LPs van die Kuns en Kultuurkomitee as die mees
eerlike monument in Suid-Afrika bestempel is. Waarom wil
hierdie regering nou daardie monument se naam gaan verander?


 
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Hierdie regering moet die diversiteit van hierdie land as ’n
bate erken en aan elke groep in hierdie land sy plek in die
son gun.
English:
We want to build the nation, we want to build South Africa,
yes. That is why we are in Parliament but to build a nation
and to strife for social cohesion, this government must stop
with its cheap politics. You must recognise with the problems.
Causes of problems must be acknowledged and identified instead
of blaming the minority groups for your failures. I saying it
again, yes we want to build South Africa, not this ...
[Inaudible.] ... that politics of this government must come to
an end.
Spend with little group of taxpayers that still lived in South
Africa, money wise and getting the country’s infrastructure
back on track. Prioritize the spending of money in a correct
and lawful manner, but if you are going to spend R22 million
on a 100 flag pole then you are leaving not only the elderly,
defenceless, orphans all alone in the cold and the rain but
every single South African in this country.


 
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It is time to get rid of racial driven and new apartheid
policies and laws and get the economy back on track. Let’s get
the economy growing but you will not succeed if you continue
with this type of black economic empowerment, BEE. Wealth
cannot be distributed but it must be accumulated for all South
Africans but that can be done when these laws are scraped and
stop that politics of being chased out the door.
House Chair, I want to leave you with these inspirational
words of Martin Luther King Jr:
If you can't fly then run, if you can't run then walk, if
you can't walk then crawl, but whatever you do you have
to keep moving forward.
Thank you, hon Chairperson.
Ms C M PHIRI: You must start moving forward yourself.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Phiri, don’t do
that. You repeat, you know that’s a warning. You know what
should happen. Hon ... [Inaudible.] ... confirm before we
proceed, if there ‘somebody ... ... [Inaudible.] ... okay we
now move to the UDM an invite the hon Kwankwa. Is hon Kwankwa


 
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here? Let me check. Okay we will come back. Again the ATM...
who’s that, who is opening the video now? Okay nobody
speaking, GOOD, hon Herron.
Mr B N HERRON: House Chair, it is difficult to create a sense
of collective belonging in the society as unequal as ours,
that is not founded on social economic environmental or
special justice. We are a country of diverse cultures,
languages and colours, with a right spaced Constitution. But
we are also still a country in which the relationships between
race and class, and race and space are to a very large extent
determined by apartheid classifications and privileges. The
... [Inaudible.] ... living standards between suburbs,
townships and informal settlements in our towns and cities are
so wide that it feels are inhabiting different universes. We
must ask hard questions to ourselves as lawmakers.
Over the past 28 years, to what extent have we succeeded in
building bridges between formerly divided communities.
08:54Where has nation-building poetically trotted up by
successive governments since the 1990s had an effect? Why are
we continuing to build houses for black people in the same
kind of places that the apartheid government built them, far
away from the action in our towns and cities? Why have we


 
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allowed our land reform processes to proceed in such a snail’s
pace that has barely had any impact on landownership patterns
today? Why former Model C schools generally so much better
than those attended by the majority of our children?
The recent report of violence, tolerance and hatred at
Stellenbosch University highlights the long road we still have
to forge before get to a fair, just and united nation we’d
like to be. Last year, a research indicated that 21% of women
that experienced physical violence by a partner. South Africa
is one of the world’s most unsafe places for women where
statistics tell us that a woman is murdered every three hours
in South Africa.
We can’t talk of common nationhood, while our men predate on
women, mothers, wives and girl children. As parliamentarians
we must contribute immeasurably to reduce inequality. When we
are more equal, we will have laid the foundation for a common
sense of belonging and pride. I thank you.
Ms A L A ABRAHAMS: House Chair, postapartheid South Africa
emerged on the world stage as one of the most multicultural
nations and an example for peaceful reconciliation. As a
society, where races and cultures like Khoisan, Afrikaans,


 
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Indian, Zulu, Xhosa, Pedi, Tswana and Moslem, to name but a
few, will all intergrow in fortune and new union, showcasing
enviable leadership to a once oppressed country. In 1994, our
nation celebrated the death of a previous South African
identity of being an apartheid state and was reborn as the
rainbow nation. An opportunity to embody Ubuntu living, we
understood and embraced the concept that to have a beautiful
garden, we need more than one type of flower.
We lost sight of this opportunity due to the failed leadership
which followed. We still tarnish our rainbow nation identity
today with an ANC-imposed identity of a corrupt failing state
– a state without electricity, crisis level unemployment and
sickening gender-based violence statistics, a state going
depression and anxiety. The choice is ours, whether we accept
this new ANC identity or challenge it and find our way back to
the euphoria once felt using our resistance to propagate
growth and change. As young South Africans, we want to move
forward; we want a prosperous future, not burdened by the
nostalgia of the past or the sins of our fathers. As young
people, our identity is one of hope, as we hold the key to our
nation’s future.


 
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We need to re-evaluate ourselves as this rainbow nation,
starting in this very Chamber as Members of Parliament and
leaders. Before the Parliament fire, I would look around the
NA Chamber, and feel immense pride when I could see with my
own eyes that the DA is the only party with a truly diverse
group of MPs. This diversity extends to all provinces and
cities where we have representation, showing leadership
without corruption and improving the security of all people
where we govern through innovative solution-driven ideas while
other political parties build trenches of resistance that
hinder progress.
The DA-led Western Cape government mix social housing
development. Conradie Park is an example of an integrated
start of what society can be. A community that will see a
diverse group of South Africans living in unity, with a law of
averages have been applied to bridge the inequality gap. The
DA-led Western Cape government’s COVID-19 “Hospital of Hope”
in the CBD as well as other field hospitals in Khayelitsha and
across the prince are shining examples of what is possible=le
without looting and corruption, a selfless government
committed to the wellbeing of its residents.


 
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We do not need to wait until conditions become ideal. We can
simplify our lives and live in ways that affirm human values
and principles. There is light at the end of this dark tunnel
because a South African identity is the rainbow nation –
Ubuntu living, driven by our common purpose to see our country
prosper, recommitting ourselves anew to save South Africa from
the corrupt, greedy and selfish few. We should not be seized
with power, imposing hardships and instilling despair, instead
overcome the breaking down of each other, understanding that
the relationship between the privileged and the
underprivileged is symbiotic.
We need to look at each other from the simplistic point of
humanity and create new positive common stories that make us
one people. I conclude with a verse from Maya Angelou: “Lift
up your faces, you have a piercing need, for this bright
morning dawning for you. History, despite its wrenching pain,
cannot be unlived and if faced with courage, need not be lived
again. [Time expired.] Thank you, House Chair.
Ms N T MKHATSHWA: House Chairperson, hon members, citizens of
South Africa ...
IsiNdebele:


 
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... lotjhani. Angithome ngokuthokoza kumhlonitjhwa we-PAC,
umhlonitjhwa Nyhontso ngokusilethela ikulumiswano le
eqakathekileko. Sithokoza khulu mhlonitjhwa. Kubayini ngithi
ikulumiswano le iqakathekile? Bahlonitjhwa ...
English:
... this motion looks into a number of issues, the first
being that of shared values. While some of us may have a
common understanding on what is wrong or right, there are
still some in our country that want to deviate from that
common understanding. A common understanding that is clearly
articulated in the Constitution that governs all of us. The
founding provisions of our Constitution, by virtue of the
Constitution being the supreme law of the land superseding all
other law and government action, should be a foundation for
the building of shared values amongst citizens. Yet, the case
of Theuns in Stellenbosch and the abuse of Namhla in Umtata
undermine the founding provisions of our Constitution that
advance non-racialism and non-sexism. They undermine the
founding provisions of our Constitution that speak to human
dignity, their treatment of equality and the advancement of
human rights and freedom.


 
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So, hon Nyhontso, you are correct to suggest that we discuss
this matter of shared values, considering how years of
colonialism and apartheid would have polarised our people. I
want to caution us from using the words polarised and diverse
synonymously. When we speak of social polarisation, hon Van
Staden, it is a negative term; it considers a segregation of a
society as a result of discrimination along the constructs of
class, race and gender, to mention but a few. Thus placing the
people at different ends of the spectrum. So, we do need
certain reforms, hon from the FF Plus, to ensure that we are
able to redress the inequities of colonialism and apartheid. I
am concerned that when we are discussion a matter on building
nationhood, on having shared values, clearly when you listen
to the FF Plus, there is a disjuncture amongst us as social
partners as Members of Parliament in this Parliament, and that
is where we must begin if we want to champion an understanding
of national identity, of nationhood within our country.
When we speak of diversity, I think of us speaking about
different races, religions, gender, age, sexual orientations
and physical abilities coming together to form a community
where we recognise and value the cultural differences of our
people. Diversity acknowledges that the people in a community
can be heterogeneous retaining unique characteristics of their


 
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traditions and cultures, yet appreciating the importance to
coexist. In fact, a diverse society welcomes the celebration
and sharing of people’s unique cultural ways of life,
languages, art etc. Diversity is built on acceptance and
respect.
So, I guess the next question is then: Considering that we are
polarised as a consequence of colonialism and apartheid,
appreciating our diversity, can we build shared values that
will cement a nationhood that can bring a sense of belonging
to the most vulnerable and in fact all South Africans? And the
answer is yes, and we must commit ourselves to that. When I
say ourselves I mean all of us. All of us as South Africans,
through what the President Cyril Ramaphosa always refers to as
a social compact. All of us need to be hands on deck;
government, private sector, social institutions — all of us.
President Thabo Mbeki says something very positive happened in
our country in the aftermath of the emergency of the COVID-19
pandemic. He says for the very first time since 1994 we had
all social partners, more or less, saying the same thing about
what needs to happen; government, business, labour, civil
society, communities and constituencies all saying that the
pandemic needs us to join hands and work together to change


 
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the situation and address the consequences of the pandemic.
President Mbeki further challenges us by reminding us that
this need for us to join hands and work together existed
before COVID-19, and we have been braving through the place of
unemployment, poverty and inequality.
The proposal from the private sector to invest R1 trillion
whilst the public sector invest R2,4 trillion to support the
Economic Reconstruction and Recovery Plan, ERRP, to build an
inclusive economy in response COVID-19 and the widening
inequalities is evidence of our ability to come together
joined by a common view, common approach and a common
commitment. Hon members, COVID has shown us that we can
indeed, as South Africans, social compact. Now, the question
is, dearest South Africans: It is now more than ever, where we
must ask ourselves and introspect whether it took a moment
when the lives of the poor and the rich were threatened for us
to appreciate the importance of a common plan in achieving the
country’s fundamental need for socioeconomic transformation in
ensuring the self-liberation of all South Africans.
We have to go into this social contract, hon members. It has
to be done. The manifesto of the governing party, going into
local government elections, outline that we must urgently


 
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finalise the social compact between social partners to achieve
our country’s fundamental social transformation to reduce and
eradicate the plague of unemployment, poverty and inequality.
You find this national call in the manifesto for local
government elections because it is only through a broader
social compact that we can pull together the resources needed
to bring government’s plans into implementation.
We want to commend the work of the President, through the
National Economic Development and Labour Council, NEDLAC,
consensus, on the ERRP, in trying to foster this social
compact. This plan, through which all of us as South Africans
should work together to build a new economy, we must commit
ourselves as hon members to ensuring that all our departments
contribute to this important plan.
It is imperative that we build an ethical and capable
developmental state with a capability to translate policy and
plans into realities. A developmental state should first and
foremost have the capability and legitimacy to intervene in
the economy to ensure that it really distributes access and
income in an equitable manner to address the class, gender and
race contradictions in our society.


 
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Hon Nyhontso, we need a social compact with business in order
for us to eradicate the polarisation we are concerned about.
In building nationhood, you work towards building a socially
cohesive society. The National Development Plan, NDP, says to
build a socially cohesive society, South Africa needs to
reduce poverty and inequality by broadening opportunity and
employment through economic inclusion, education and skills
and specific redress measures.
Allow me, hon members, to expand a bit on education.
Institutions of higher learning are quite essential public
goods as they provide citizens with skills and knowledge to be
active participants of the economy addressing class, gender
and race polarisations rooted in years of colonialism and
apartheid. But also institutions of higher learning are spaces
where value systems can be harnessed and shaped as ...
[Inaudible.] ... argues where diversity can be embraced as
mutual respect and inclusiveness is promoted.
At the University of Stellenbosch about 30 000 black students
applied out of 55 000 applications, and only 1 000 black first
year students enrolled out 5 700 first years. I am not a
mathematician, hon members, but something does not add-up for
me. My suspicion is that there is a deliberate attempt in the


 
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selection process to approve certain applications ... [Time
expired.] ... Thank you very much, hon House Chairperson.
Mr A M SHAIK-EMAM: House Chairperson, I think the first
question we should ask is: What happened to pre 1994 when
there was a cry and a call for people of diverse backgrounds,
irrespective of their colour or their religion, to come
together to fight apartheid with a united cause to liberate
our people? What happened to that after 1994?
I see that we talk about a very diverse society, common
nation, and bringing a sense of belonging, suddenly we are
fine. But it is not about belonging it is about entitlement.
What we find currently today is that racism is more a problem
today, created by politicians in this country, than it ever
was pre-1994. And politicians today divide you on race,
religion, tribe, economic strength and now they divide you
even on gender as well. Where are those cultural, religious
norms and standards that we once upon a time applied in our
lives? Where is that struggle that we fought together to
liberate each other so that we can be united in our fight for
a better quality of life?


 
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Who are the real enemies and the root cause of why our people
— almost 11 million people are hungry in this country or
jobless? Who? Is it not our very same people that fought for
liberation and today are marginalising and oppressing their
own people? Why? It is because of greed and selfishness, and
one of the root causes of this is that we are responsible for
that because of the vulnerable state we are in. we are
manipulated by politicians and political parties to come out
there and support them, and the moment that is done and then
the government gets the votes, we never ever see them again.
Now, the question that we need to ask is: What do we need to
unite again? Should we not be putting our differences aside?
Should we not be leaving alone the issue of colour, religion
and race that you belong to, but as one united nation with a
common interest of creating a better life for everybody in
this country? That is what we should be fighting and striving
for. Let us forget about the colour. Let’s forget where we
come from, how much we have and how much we don’t have. Let us
work together in the interest of this beautiful country. That
is my plea to our people here and all political parties. Don’t
divide us anymore on religion, race and colour. It is not what
we want; we want to be united.


 
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Millions of people are suffering in this country while a few
are benefiting and becoming millionaires ... [Time expired.]
Thank you, House Chairperson.
Mr N L S KWANKWA: Chairperson, we would also like to take this
opportunity to thank hon Nyhontso for raising this very
important debate and it occurs at a time where the current
context facing South Africa at the moment is one where is
characterized by inequality, extraordinarily high levels of
poverty as well as unemployment.
Previous speakers already cited the high levels of
unemployment in South Africa, because we know that South
Africa suffers from a chronic unemployment problem.
We are saying, as a party, for as long as issues of
inequality, for as long as ...
IsiXhosa:
... intlupheko mama iyeyomntu ontsundu eMzantsi Afrika ...
English:
... for as long as ...


 
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IsiXhosa:
... abona bantu batyebileyo, abanemali eMzantsi Afrika
ingabantu abamhlophe. Thina bantu kufuneka samkele ukuba
ngoomantshingilane, sibengabantu abacoca izindlu zabantu
abanemali nabamhlophe.
English:
For as long as there’s no clear transformative agenda ...
IsiXhosa:
... ebambekayo encedisana nokuba intlupheko ingabiyeyomntu
ontsundu, bakwazi abantu bakuthi ukuba bazibone benyukela
ngasentla siza kohluleka ukuba sibe yimbumba yamanyama
eMzantsi Afrika.
English:
The problem in South Africa is the minute you talk about
transformation ...
IsiXhosa:
... babanengxaki abantu ...
English:
... but the minute you talk about reconciliation ...


 
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IsiXhosa:
... kufuneka sangane sigonane, zibe izisu zethu zilambile.
Kubalulekile ukuba sivumelane ngomgomo esiza kuza nawo oza
kusihlangula entluphekweni uze uphucule imeko yomzi ontsundu.
Le ntlungu yokuba abantu bakuthi bayalamba ...
English:
... access to resources, they occupy the margins of the South
African economy ...
IsiXhosa:
... ibangela ukuba aba bantu bebesicinezele iminyaka le yonke,
bangafuni ukusuka kwiindawo abakuzo, ukuncedisana nokuphuhlisa
umzi ontsundu. Kaloku thina siza kuphinda sihambe
English:
... with a begging bowl ...
IsiXhosa:
... sisiya kucela ingqesho kubo. Yile nto ibangela ukuba
ucalu-calulo lusithi mbende kwiindawo zonke. Luye luqinise
ngakumbi kumaziko emfundo nakwiindawo zokuhlala. Bayazi
mhlophe ukuba babambe kwaye balawula kanye ezo ndawo
zoqoqosho.


 
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English:
We need to make sure that those fundamentals are addressed and
are in place for the benefit of our own people ...
IsiXhosa:
... ukuze sikwazi ukulungelalanisa ...
English:
... playing fields. Up until we are able to do ...
IsiXhosa:
... ezonto asinakuze sikwazi ukuzenza kwaye asinakuze sikwazi
ukuqubisana neminye imingeni esivelelayo ...
English:
... even the resources that people are supposed to be paying
in the form of tax for monies that they make out of the
country ...
IsiXhosa:
... bazama ukuqiniseka ukuba benza ...
English:
... tax avoidance and evasion as much as possible ...


 
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IsiXhosa:
... banciphise imali eya kwingxowa yeenkonzo zikarhulumente
eza kusincedisa ukuba kwenziwe ...
English:
... income redistributive policies, so ...
IsiXhosa:
... kufuneka siyiqale ekuqaleni siyilungise ime ngendlela
ukuze sithi xa simanyana, singamanyani ngezisu ezilambileyo.
English:
Thank you, Chair.
Mr M G E HENDRICKS: Hon House Chair, since transforming our
country form an apartheid system to a democratic dispensation,
it is necessary that we all identify with its shared
democratic values.
The Constitution was, in fact, crafted to assist in achieving
these. Backed by a Constitution that contains a pro-people’s
Bill of Rights meant that everyone’s rights within the border
of our country is and remains secured.


 
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But despite having a wonderfully constructed Constitution, our
nation seems not to have overcome its apartheid past and
because of that, continues to be racially divided. That’s why
we would like to thank the PAC for putting this on the agenda.
The DA and FF-Plus must rein in AfriForum. They must say, as
elected representative Afrikaners, not in our name. I hope I
will hear that today.
When the nation feels cared and protected by its government,
it will naturally have a proud sense of belonging. The people
on the Cape Flats don’t have that sense of belonging.
Al Jama’Ah feels that while it’s only the ANC, with Al
Jama’Ah, not as praise singer, but the party that oversight,
like we agreed in the trenches, that van give the nation a
feeling of care and protection. The PAC and other parties that
were also in the trenches should add to this oversight.
As for the social divisions in terms of income, etc. our
education reveals the extreme poverty the vast majority of
African children are still living under. It’s no wonder that
white students feel free to display the authority by urinating


 
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on the belongings of black students. Some white students still
believe that they have a right to display an oppressive flag.
The racist incidents at Stellenbosch University and others we
do not know of, is a manifestation that whites have a sense
that they have a right to do as they please.
Al Jama-Ah is of the view that to cement nation and then to
bring about a sense of belonging among all a few steps must be
followed to achieve this goal. It is possible to do so in the
concept reflected in the practice that all levels horizontally
and vertically.
On the horizontal play, the government should show that they
identify with these values in the daily dealings with
communities. For example, [Inaudible.] that they are against
all forms of corruption, and that we don’t really see enough
of.
On the vertical play, civil society also play its role. Not
the role that is played by AfriForum, that is not helpful in
bringing about transformation.
South Africa does not have uhuru [peace] but negotiate ...


 
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If AfriForum denies transformation, going to court, then uhuru
must be on the radar. Thank you very much, hon House Chair.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Langa, what you
have been doing on the platform is not allowed by the Rules of
the National Assembly. You cannot be on the platform and
answer a phone like that. That happened with hon Matiase but I
realized he was not aware because after the call he
immediately switched off. So, please, let’s respect this
House.
Mr T M LANGA: Apologies, Chairperson.
Afrikaans:
Dr L A SCHREIBER: Voorsitter, die aanhef tot Suid-Afrika se
Grondwet skets die visie van ’n land verenig in ons
diversiteit. Op dieselfde wyse is die leuse van ons land se
wapenskild ook eenheid in diversiteit, eerder as eenheid in
eenvormigheid.
Nou, daar is ’n baie goeie rede waarom ons Grondwet soveel
klem op diversiteit lê. Dit is omdat Suid-Afrika een van die
mees taalkundig en kultureel uiteenlopende lande ter wêreld
is. Die skrywers van ons Grondwet het goed verstaan dat ’n


 
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land so uiteenlopend soos ons s’n slegs vorentoe kan beweeg
wanneer ons ons inherente diversiteit vier, koester en
respekteer, eerder as om daardie diversiteit te probeer
versmoor met gedwonge eendersheid.
Die idee dat Suid-Afrika se diversiteit as ’n bate eerder as
’n las beskou moes word was revolusionêr. Volgens hierdie
visie sou alle Suid-Afrikaners verenig rondom basiese
grondwetlike waardes soos vryheid, die oppergesag van die
gereg en menswaardigheid, terwyl elkeen steeds die reg sou hê
om hul taal te praat of deel te neem aan die kulturele lewe
van hul eie keuse. Dat hierdie insig, op papier ten minste,
die hoeksteen vorm van ’n groot deel van ons grondwetlike
bestel was een van die mees merkwaardige deurbrake ooit vir
Afrika liberalisme.
Maar minder as drie dekades later ondermyn die ANC hierdie
visie van eenheid en diversiteit. Oor die afgelope 18 maande
het die nasionale regering die grootste aanslag sedert 1994
teen ons land se ryke diversiteit van stapel gestuur en in
byna elke geval het hulle veral een spesifieke groep in hul
visier gehad – Suid-Afrika se uiteenlopende Afrikaanssprekende
gemeenskap. Eers het Minister Blade Nzimande die sewe miljoen
sprekers van Afrikaans beledig deur aan te voer dat Afrikaans


 
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kamstig ’n uitheemse taal is. Dit was slegs danksy die DA se
verset dat hy uiteindelik gedwing was om ’n regsmening aan te
vra wat in duidelike terme bevestig het dat Afrikaans wel ’n
inheemse Afrika taal is.
Maar minder as ’n week later en kort nadat sy vlagpaal
ordentlik geval het, loods Minister Nathi Mthethwa toe die
volgende aanslag deur eensydig daarop aan te dring dat
Afrikaans uit die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl
verwyder word.
Net soos Minister Nzimande, gaan Minister Mthethwa hom in die
DA vasloop. In samewerking met van ons land se voorste
kunstenaars, bied die DA hierdie Saterdag ’n protes-konsert in
die Paarl aan waar ons boodskap duidelik is. Ons sal nie
toelaat dat Minister Mthethwa se aanval op ons diversiteit
slaag nie.
Ek doen vandag ook twee direkte beroepe op Minister Mthethwa.
Eerstens, skrap onmiddelik die waansinnige voorstel om die
Afrikaanse Taalmonument se naam te verander en daardeur die
monument van sy identiteit en simboliek te stroop. Tweedens,
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versoek ek dat die Minister dadelik ... [Onhoorbaar.]
[Tussenwerpsels.]
English:
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Schreiber, I’m
sorry for that, I see a hand of hon Letsie on the platform.
Mr W T LETSIE: Chair, I was just saying we can’t hear hon
Schreiber here. We have tried to get the English
interpretation, it’s not here. So, it’s very difficult to
follow what he’s saying. We know he might not be saying
anything but we do want to hear.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Okay. But, Mr Chato,
the interpreter? It’s there, I don’t know. Let them fix it.
Thank you very much.
Hon Annette Steyn, your hand is up also?
Ms A STEYN: Chair, I just want to ask the member to retract
what he said to say he might not say anything. I think it is
not needed, Chair. Sometimes we listen to other speakers and
we can’t understand because the interpretation is not there.
But it’s not a good thing to say that. Thank you, Chair.


 
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Okay. I missed that
one. The hon member I didn’t see you but please let’s refrain
from doing that.
I will allow Dr Schreiber to proceed now.
And please let me be assisted with the interpretation.
Afrikaans:
Dr L A SCHREIBER: Voorsitter, die eerste beroep is dus dat die
Minister onmiddelik die waansinnige idee om die Afrikaanse
Taalmonument se naam te verander skrap en die tweede beroep is
dat aangesien Minister Mthethwa duidelik niks vir die
taalmonument voel nie, versoek ek dat die Minister dadelik
beheer oor die Afrikaanse Taalmonument aan die DA-beheerde
Wes-Kaap afwentel sodat ons ordentlik na hierdie kosbare deel
van ons land se erfenis kan kyk. Baie dankie.
The MINISTER OF SPORT, ARTS AND CULTURE: Thank you very much,
House Chair. To Ministers and the Deputy Ministers here
present, hon members, members of the media, ladies and
gentlemen, the approach here, we are focusing on as the
contextualising of the polarisation of South Africa and the
genesis of shared values. The polarisation of our society has


 
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deep roots in the colonial history and the generations of
liberation struggle of our people often assume the racial
economic and epistemic nature of the oppression of indigenous
community of our people, also an unforgettable legacy of land
dispossession with its attended colonial education and
cultural religious practices that supplanted indigenous
epistemologists. Such epistemic violence dismembered families
and the philosophical fibre of knowledge systems of the
African in his or her land of birth.
The reconstruction of South Africa from a racially conceived
and relentlessly engineered social construct of systemic
inequality exclusion and division into an inclusive society
has been on the agenda since the earliest days of resistance
to colonialism. It took a definite form and purpose with the
emergence of early African nationalist movements in the late
19th and early 20th centuries. The 31st of May 1910, was the
launch of the union of South Africa after the South African
war ended with the treaty of Vereeniging. A negotiated
settlement between the Afrikaners and the English had one
common point of convergence that is the exclusion of the
indigenous people of our country. This exclusion negated all
the possibilities of social cohesion in South Africa from the
very early stage of the evolution of our society. Colonial


 
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conquest therefore had two contradictory consequences. On the
one hand it brought together different communities into one
state in a single territory. On the other hand, this very
conquest was used by colonisers to prevent the unifications of
these communities into a nation.
Essentially, the colonisers actively ensured that they
obstruct any inclination to building a nation. There was,
therefore, no nation or nation-building effort to talk about
before the 1994 democratic break through. The liberation
movement responded and it replied. It replied through the
Freedom Charter. The liberation movement’s mission of
existence was to unite the oppressed majority primarily and in
turn use that milestone to unite all the people of our land.
This is a bedrock upon which the Parliament of the people, the
African National Congress, was formed. The settlers ganged up
to exclude indigenous people from political social and
economic life on the land of their birth. The liberation
movement on the other hand forged ahead in building and
consolidating unity for all.
The first blueprint of social cohesion against the imperial
exclusion as political agenda was the adoption of the Freedom
Charter. The Freedom Charter clearly states that, and I quote:


 
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We, the people of South Africa, declare for all our
country and the world to know that one, South Africa
belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that
no government can justly claim authority unless it is
based on the will of all the people.
Our people have been robbed of their birth right to learn
liberty and peace by a former government founded on injustice
and inequality, that our country will never be prosperous or
free until our people live in brotherhood enjoying equal
rights and opportunities, that only a democratic state based
on the will of the people can secure to all their birth right
without distinction of colour, race, sex or belief. And
therefore, we, the people of South Africa, black and white,
together equals, country many brothers adopt this Freedom
Charter and we pledge ourselves to strive together sparing
neither strength nor courage until the democratic changes here
set out have been one.
The inclusive nature and character of the Freedom Charter is
the cornerstone of social cohesion that ... [Inaudible.] ...
onto our 1996 democratic Constitution of the Republic. Talking
to social cohesion and nation-building, the two concepts are
in most cases used interchangeably that’s conflating the


 
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complementary meaning of one to the other. What is positive
though, is the embracing of the two undergirding a need to
build a nation. Nation-building is defined as, and I quote:
“Diverse origins, history’s languages, cultures and religions
come together within the boundaries of a sovereign state with
a unified constitutional and legal dispensation and national
public education, and integrated national economy and shared
symbols and values as equals to work towards eradicating the
divisions of injustices of the past to foster unity and to
promote a countrywide conscious sense of being proudly South
African and committed to the country and open to the country
and the world. The national strategy for developing an
inclusive ... [Inaudible.] if South African society defines
social cohesion as, and I quote:
The degree of social interaction and inclusion in
communities and society at large and the extent to which
mutual solidarity finds expression amongst individuals
and communities.
We seek, House Chair, to build a national democratic society.
The strategic objective of such is a creation of a united
nonracial, nonsexist democratic and prosperous nation. The
attainment of this society we are striving for will depend


 
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largely on the success in the prosecution of the national
democratic revolution. Our strategic perspective informs us
that the main content of the national democratic revolution is
a liberation of Africans, in particular blacks in general, for
political and socioeconomic bondage, especially the poor,
majority of whom are African and female. At the same time, it
has the effect of liberating the white community from the
false ideology of racial superiority and the insecurity
attached to oppressing others.
The national democratic societies’ vision is for grounded by
building a democracy with the social content, a capable
developmental and ethical state informed by our own realities.
This will in some respects reflect elements of the best
tradition of social democracy which include a system which
places the need of the poor and social issues such as health
care, education and social safety nets at the top of the
national agenda. Intense role of the state in the economy life
of the whole societies imperative and this is the
interventionist nature and stance of the democratic
government. This is what the ANC government has been and
continues to be ceased with since the dawn of democracy. It is
accompanied by critical element of value system based on human


 
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solidarity striving for active citizenry, pride on the
nation’s identity, patriotism, etcetera.
It is against this bedrock that we took on the task to
establish shared values in the polarised diverse society that
could cement a common nationhood and bring a sense of
belonging to the most vulnerable. To this extent different
sectors of society become key in nation-building and social
cohesion agenda. Precisely because patriarchal operation was
embedded in the economic social religious cultural families
and other relations on all communities, its eradication cannot
be an assumed consequence of democracy. All manifestation and
consequences of patriarchy from the feminisation of poverty,
physical and psychological abuse undermining and self-
confidence to open and hidden forms of exclusion from
positions of authority and power need to be eliminated in our
society. Critically in this regard is the creation of material
and cultural conditions that would allow the abilities of
women to flourish and enrich the lives of the entire nation.
Social cohesion in a national democratic society will also
depend on the extent to which the rights of those in the lower
rungs of socioeconomic ladder are protected. Such a society
should proceed from the obvious premise that workers’ rights


 
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are human rights and these rights should ... [Inaudible.]
expression in law government measures to ensure decent jobs
security and a living wage. A nation’s success depends also on
its ability to encourage harness and incorporate into its
endeavours the creativity daring and energy of use. This
relates to such issues as access to social and economic
opportunities engendering activism around issues of
development and values of community solidarity and creating
the space for youth creativity to flourish.
On national symbols, House Chair, national symbols are
significant, especially in public spaces as a way of
communicating a particular message with citizenry. The symbol
such as statues, coats of arms, badges monuments, and so on,
are sum of many ways in which history moss, norms, values can
be educational and or inculcated into the conscience of the
nation. One scholar Pål Kolstø. captures this better
succinctly when he says, and I quote:
If state symbols can be linked to events and situations
that a citizen psychologically associate with pride, joy
and high spirit, these good feelings may rub off on the
flag and other national symbols and enhance their
emotional value.


 
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One of the most obvious ways through which this is done is
participation in international sports event even though few if
any may feel anything special about a new design flag, many
will come to feel a lump in the throat and tears in their eyes
when as the national flag is slowly raised and the national
anthem played, the top athletes of the nation ascend to the
winners block at international sport tournaments. Whatever
that happens few people will ask about ethnic ideological or
social membership of the athletes. In such situations the
athletes do not represent any particular section of society,
but the nation and its state.
I want to state categorically that we are steadfast and
committed to ensure that we decolonise and transform the
heritage landscape in our country. It cannot be that the
formerly oppressed South African majority continue to be a
cultural minority in the public spaces. We will without
apology ensure that we fast track and accelerate this problem
so that in the final analysis those who are represented are
the people who have to be. In conclusion, in the quest to
building a new society ... thank you, House Chair. [Time
expired.]


 
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Nyhontso, you have
saved five minutes from your previous slot, so you have eight
minutes to conclude.
IsiXhosa:
Mnu M NYHONTSO: Sihlalo weNdlu, mandithabathe eli thuba
ndibulele kuwe, ndibulele kubo bonke abantu ...
English:
... who understand this topic. The idea behind this debate
hon Chairperson, is for this House to debate the National
Question. The idea to bring this debate is to bring to the
attention of the nation ...
IsiXhosa:
... indlela esihlala ngayo singama-Afrika apha e-Afrika.
English:
The idea is to debate this topic where we must all know that,
as Sobukwe would say:
Africa is for Africans and Africans is for humanity and
humanity is for God.


 
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The idea was ...
IsiXhosa:
... ibukukwenza ukuba silazi ...
English:
... the colour of our skin, the shape of our nose and the
texture of our hair does not count in a free Africa. This what
the founders of the PAC, Sobukwe, Peter Raboroko, Mothopeng
taught us that, for us to have a united nation we must first
understand that we are human beings and we belong to the human
race, irrespective of colour or creed.
IsiXhosa
Ngoko ke, ndiyabulela kakhulu ngale ...
English
... topic and thank you very much. [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon members, let’s
check how we behave around our gadgets. We do not want to hear
what you are doing there, we are in the House here and you are
having conversations. Make sure that we don’t hear those
conversations. Why do you fiddle with your gadgets if you know


 
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that you are not speaking? Please, hon members, let’s respect
one another and let the decorum of the House be upheld even
though we are on a virtual platform.
Debate Concluded.
CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HIGHER
EDUCATION,
SCIENCE AND INNOVATION - ON OVERSIGHT VISIT TO STELLENBOSCH
UNIVERSITY
Ms N T MKHATSHWA: Thank you very much, House Chair, we must
indicate that we would have appreciated more time to present
this report to the House considering its relevance and
generally not only because of what’s currently happening at
Stellenbosch University but because of the need for us to play
continuous oversight over the institution’s transformation
journey.
On 16 February 2022, the committee visited Stellenbosch
University where we engaged with council management, student
leaders, the institutional forum and workers to gain an
understanding of the institution’s transformation journey.


 
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In the previous debate, there was an analysis which we made
during this oversight. At Stellenbosch University, 30 000
black students applied out of 55 000 applicants. Only 1 000
black first-year students were enrolled out 5 700 first-year
students. For me, there is a bit of suspicion to this because
it almost seems as though that there is an attempt to be
selective in the approval of applications.
Now, if we do not allow for the natural makeup of these
institutions as per the demographics of the country they are
microcosms of, then we will have incidents like where Theuns
thought it was okay to urinate over his fellow black student’s
belongings because perhaps Theuns thought that the University
of Stellenbosch exists in isolation to the rest of democratic
South Africa; where his racism would perhaps be accommodated.
Through the oversight that we do in higher education
institutions, institutional autonomy at times becomes a
hindrance when it is incorrectly used as a defence mechanism,
yet it must be a collective interest to communities to be
assured that these institutions are serving the public
interests of harnessing young people who when they enter our
communities as graduates, would be able to contribute to the
strengthening the continuous journey of social change, where


 
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together we seek to create a South Africa that truly belongs
to all who live in it as articulated in the Freedom Charter.
We, as the Portfolio Committee on Higher Education, Science
and Innovation, acknowledge the fact that we need to see
transformation and equality in the higher education sector
between historically disadvantaged institutions and
historically privileged institutions. That means that, we need
to eradicate a culture of historical whiteness in historically
privileged institutions in ensuring that these institutions
are safe and inclusive spaces for all young people to thrive
in harnessing their skills and knowledge to be active
participants of our economy.
There are number of matters that were addressed on this
oversight visit. We looked into the issues of language in
higher education and there was an agreement that we don’t seek
to eradicate Afrikaans. In fact, in the ANC we speak about
inclusivity, but we need to make sure that in the higher
education space, we are diverse and inclusive enough in terms
of languages used for teaching and learning to accommodate the
different representation of students in the space. We received
a briefing as well from the department on that.


 
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What stuck out from what the student representative council,
SRC, said was that, we need to ensure that these policies and
frameworks that are printed and conceptualized become a
learned reality for all students and workers in the
institution. That is something that we, as a committee, are
committed to by ensuring we support the sector in achieving.
Down with sexism and down with racialism. We present this
report for the House to consider. Thank you so much, House
Chair.
Ms C V KING: Thank you, House Chair, transformation normally
implies deep change in knowledge and curriculum. It mostly
entails questions about inclusion, identity, diversity, power,
intellectual tradition and intellectual justice.
In the higher education context in South Africa,
transformation has a different meaning. Its definition is
rooted in our country’s apartheid history. Multifaceted and
complex is how transformation at higher education can be
described. It involves integrated processes of continuous
institutional change in all aspects of university functioning.
Transformation is therefore the driving force that moves
universities from the current state to a desired state based


 
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on the inclusive process of spaces of democratisation and
restitution.
The oversight was to establish Stellenbosch University’s 2022
academic readiness, its financial sustainability, and
transformational progress. Stellenbosch University’s vision to
be Africa’s leading research-intensive university, globally
recognised as excellent, inclusive and innovative to advance
knowledge in service to society, has no doubt to ensure its
academic programme and finances are geared towards achieving
their vision.
At a university such as Stellenbosch, which its separatist
history of more than a decade, they endeavored to place
transformation at the centre of their operations. Based on its
Vision 2024, Strategic Framework 2019-24, 2022-27
Institutional Plan, the university has centred its
transformational agenda on eight themes, which are:
Transforming institution, talent in the institution,
internationalisation, teaching and learning, student
experience, social impact, research for impact, and
leadership.


 
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To ensure achievements for its transformational agenda,
Stellenbosch University increases transformational key
performance indicator, KPI, for all employees from 20% to 25%,
employment equity plans included for the appointments
committee of the senate, the rector’ strategic fund used for
the advancement of the new generation of academics, conducting
research on transformation and various staff publishing on
transformation, visual redress such as having the preamble of
their constitution in three languages in front of the Old Main
building, welcoming benches in 15 languages on the Rooiplein,
renaming HB Thorn Theatre to Adam Small Theatre, renaming RW
Wilcocks building to Krotoa building and making its emblem
inclusive showcasing the three official languages of the
Western Cape.
Well, with all of the concerted effort to ensure
transformation, what led to this oversight? Could it be the
DA’s fight against the institution on its intentional
transformational agenda to suppress Afrikaans and the Nama
Khoi languages in its language policy? That certainly was the
real reason for it. However, with enough exerted pressure, the
university had this to say in its report to the portfolio
committee:


 
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Stellenbosch University is committed to multilingualism
by using the three official languages of the Western
Cape. Stellenbosch University supports the view that
Afrikaans and Nama, Khoi and San languages are indigenous
languages and was confirmed by the Stellenbosch co-
ordinating council.
On the increase in application of its black student comprising
of African, Coloured and Indian students from 22 000 in 2021
to 55 000 in 2022, progressive initiative are embarked on such
as offering under and postgraduate degrees in IsiXhosa,
IsiXhosa interpretation and translation services and
introducing Mobilex, which provides online trilingual glossary
of terminology.
Now, let’s get to the real reason why this oversight was
brought to the fore. Recent event of a rape incident at one of
the university’s hostels and the peeing incident of a white
student on the study material of a black student are the
reasons why this report was pushed forward. The incident of
gender-based violence falling under the radar to the more
popular incident of race. We await the report on the incident
which marred the institution and advocate for restorative
justice.


 
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Transformation should be felt in one’s being, a transitional
intertwining of university and community, a move away from
just a black and white issue to the bigger picture of
inclusive innovative progress.
On a lighter note, and the committee will know, Candice King
has spoken. Thank you, Chair.
Ms N CHIRWA: Thank you, House Chair. It would not across our
our imagination that between two months since this committee
conducted an oversite visit to the Stellenbosch University we
will be faced by a despicable incident of empty black racism
even after receiving a firm caution and guidance on the racist
Boeremark Afrikaner culture that characterise an institution
that sit at the heart of the disposition of land of African
people.
One Theuns du Toit resolved to urinate on the belongings of an
African child. He did this because he is the ultimate
representative of the racist culture of Stellenbosch. His act
was a conformation of what his institution thinks of black
people - as being is not worthy of respect, humanity or
dignity. The committee and this report reflect truth,
Chairperson, of Stellenbosch being a centre for Afrikaner


 
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volkdom, which failed to attract black professionals and as a
management structure riddles by white Afrikaner men. Women
only occupied 40% of senior management positions while the
representation of black African senior staff sit at a lousy
4%.
The university could not and to date has not been able to
provide a gender and racial breakdown of their dropout rate,
which are likely to disproportionately affect black male and
black female students who are subjected to the indecency of
racism.
In terms of all the metrics of equal representation of staff
being and governance of institution, Stellenbosch University
failed. This was an institution of predominantly black
students. As is the case of frequently across the country,
Stellenbosch University would have been long put under
administration. There is clearly no intention by this
institution to be African even while it exist in Africa and it
exist as an exclaim of white priority complexes and it
disrespect for black people.
The decline in a need for indigenous languages reveals that
black people have given up on Stellenbosch as a side to get


 
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education and in defence therefore, of all the African people
who were urinated on by Theuns du Toit and its unnamed racism
compatriot and there are many victims. The EFF reject this
report, Chairperson. Thank you.
Mr S L NGCOBO: Thank you, hon Chairperson. The report of the
Committee of Higher Education on a recent oversight to
Stellenbosch University has not come at a more relevant time
in South Africa’s social political space. The intent of this
committee’s oversight was to access the university’s readiness
for 2022 academic year. Yet, what they found there are issues
of inadequate and slow transformation within the university.
The committee had various presentation from senior professors
regarding the issues of diversity, inclusion and
transformation. In fact, in support of the university view
that there has been progress, Mr A Moos, Chairperson of the
University Council, stated that the University of Stellenbosch
is committed to unity in diversity by inculcating tolerance of
and respect for different perspectives and believes.
Unfortunately, he is ... I am sorry, Chairperson. Something is
just disturbing me. Unfortunately, he is and various other
presenters were vaulted into the stack reality that a culture


 
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of racism, intolerance, diversity and superiority in the
university, amongst some. This was brought to light when a
white student Theuns du Toit felt it necessary to urinate on a
black’s learner desk.
The criminality of his actions show the proud display amongst
fellow students that indeed there is a well-established base
of racism within institution. And this cannot be tolerated.
The actions by du Toit showed a hatred and undervaluing for
black education and supported the sentiment made by the
university’s the Student Representative Council, SRC, in
arguing that transformation was indeed superficial.
Only seven days ago, it was also reported that a student at
the same university had been allegedly arrested on charges of
rape. Now hon Chairperson, this brings into question the
effectiveness and the commitment by the university that
supposedly support out constitutional values in addressing
transformation, unity, tolerance and respect as alluded by Mr
Moos. More must be done and in fact imposed on the university
under the prescripts of our Constitution.
This university has been known ... Well, Chairperson, the ANC
support the report. [Time expired.]


 
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Afrikaans:
Dr W J BOSHOFF: Dit is Wynand Boshoff van die VF Plus, agb
Voorsitter. Om in die badkamer te urineer en nie op iemand se
boeke of rekenaar nie, gaan oor maniere. Iemand wat dit doen
verteenwoordig niemand nie. Hy wangedra hom en moet die
gevolge dra. Verkragting is net so, maar erger.
English:
An oversight visit is always something to look forward to.
Colleagues in the committee are attentive, eager to learn,
critical in a well-natured way, and always witty. It is a pity
we hardly ever agree.
The oversight visit to the University of Stellenbosch is a
case in point. Although we were terribly late, the chair
apologised profusely and the university accepted it with
dignity. Then they started with their presentations.
All dignitaries did their best to project a highly transformed
institution of high academic value. The university has a good
idea of what the committee would like to hear and really
wanted to say it.


 
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The numbers in the room did not quite reflect the numbers on
the white board. The room looked quite transformed, the
numbers less. And for my agile minded colleagues that was not
difficult to detect.
Now, we all know that Stellenbosch is the alma mater of
several prime ministers and other key members of the pre-1994
establishment.
The present management would rather that we see the university
is a top performing research institution which is well
governed and creates a third income stream. Also as the
university of choice for all population groups which does not
give preferential treatment to Afrikaans students
The university’s nickname is not even Maties anymore, but the
more “inclusive” word “Stellies”. Which made me chuckle as I
thought of Simon van der Stel as a key figure in early
colonial settlement – not so very inclusive. A perception
developed in my mind that the people in Stellenbosch said:
We want to remain an excellent academic institution. Make a
list of everything we have to change to stay the same. Names
of buildings? Check. Language policy? Check.


 
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The committee noted. The problem is that once one follows that
route, one has accepted its premises. The most important one
is that transformation demands that each institution should
reflect the whole country’s population.
The FF Plus insists that an Afrikaans higher education
institution in the south and one in the north is justifiable –
as recommended by Prof Jakes Gerwel about 20 years ago. But
universities agreed that it need not be the case and ascended
a treadmill of which the government has the speed control.
My conclusion is that if this committee has to choose between
quality and transformation, they will choose transformation
every day. The FF Plus does not share that view and will not
vote for the report. I thank you.
Mr W M THRING: House Chairperson, the ACDP notes that the
committee, as part of its oversight mandate over the Post
School Education and Training system, conducted an oversight
visit to Stellenbosch University. The purpose of the oversight
visit was to engage with the university’s management, council
and stakeholders on the progress made with the university’s
transformation journey.


 
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The ACDP positions that our tertiary institutions play an
important role in moulding the minds and hearts of our young
people and in so doing, are able to contribute meaningfully
and positively to the many social ills and economic challenges
facing South Africa. It is in this light that the ACDP has
condemned the urinating incident at Stellenbosch, as a
violation of the dignity and privacy of our student, Babalo,
by a fellow student, Theuns du Toit. This must never be
allowed to happen again, ever.
The ACDP is aware that learning and culture is our largest
national budget item of some R441,5 billion. Our unemployment
rate however at 35,3% is one of the highest, with
approximately 3,4 million or 35% out of 10,2 million young
people aged between 15 and 24 not in education, employment or
training. In the transformation space, the ACDP asserts that
this presents a ticking time bomb, a crises of education,
employment and training of young people in South Africa, which
if not arrested, can only result in an escalation of social
and economic ills in our country.
The ACDP agrees with the committee’s recommendation for the
development of a national plan for the implementation of the
Language Policy Framework to secure dedicated funding to


 
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assist with the development of indigenous languages as
languages for teaching and learning.
We further welcome the recommendation that Higher Education
institutions should refrain from introducing mandatory
vaccination policies without reasonable consultation with all
students and staff. The ACDP is not anti-vaccine, but pro-
choice and as a result will continue to oppose any and all
mandatory vaccine policies on campuses. The logic is simple:
If both vaccinated and unvaccinated, are able to contract and
transmit COVID-19, why discriminate against the unvaccinated
who choose to exercise their constitutional right to bodily
and psychological integrity.
Finally, the ACDP asserts that we cannot have transformation
for the sake of transformation. Transformation must be applied
equitably, in that when applied, it must benefit all in South
Africa - black and white. I thank you.
Mr B N HERRON: House Chair, the portfolio committee’s
oversight report on the progress of the University of
Stellenbosch’s transformation journey must obviously be
considered in the context of the recent dehumanising and
racist case of a white student breaking into a black student’s


 
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dorm room to urinate all over his things. While the university
council and the management presented a firm commitment to the
university’s transformation, it is the SRC’s leadership input
that we should pay attention to; because the latest experience
of the students’ community must be the measure ...
[Inaudible.] ... claim progress of the transformation journey
as credible.
The report makes it clear that despite the transformation
plans, the latest experience of the students’ community, is
that there is lack of transformation and dated around the
university and that the transformation ethics seems to be
largely superficial. The lesson for all of us is that
transformation plans are worthless if they are not translated
into fundamental change.
The progress of the transformation journey was exposed by the
most recent racist incident, has not fully embedded in the
university’s community. University community being the
leadership, staff and the students had not achieved the
tolerant and safe space for learning regardless of race or
culture.


 
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What happened on the university’s campus is also a reflection
of our South African society, where racism and intolerance
still permeate. A duty to build a non-racial South Africa
where we can all thrive rests with all of us. But, there is a
duty on white South Africans to examine our place and our
conduct to this beautiful and complex land of ours. And to
reject those who seek to divide our fellow South Africans.
As the Stellenbosch SRC leadership said: It’s about our
mindset. We have somehow liked us to retreat to a ...
[Inaudible.] ... that separate us from the project to
rebuilding our country after centuries of oppression. They
would like to see the project of building a thriving nation
with common values and diminishing inequality as belonging to
others who are ... [Inaudible.] ... on courage to complain and
point fingers.
The racist event at the university, despite our noble plans,
their noble plans for transformation is a call to action. We
all have to be part of the solution and building a country for
all to prosper is not the work of others. Thank you.
Mr M NYHONTSO: House Chairperson, we support the report. Thank
you.


 
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Sesotho:
Mong W T LETSIE: Ke a leboha Modulasetulo.
English:
The ANC is dismayed by the perpetual emergence of the ugly
head of racism at the University of Stellenbosch. The inhumane
treatment by the white student, Du Toit, who urinated on
another student’s belongings who is black, with resistance and
no shame, demonstrate that our path at national reconciliation
and social cohesion will continuously be diverted by
institutional cultures, which embrace discriminate practices.
We wish the student who experienced this act strength; and
calls on the university to ensure that the student and all
others affected are provided with various support to enable
them to transcend this experience and continue their studies
without no impairment. We welcome the suspension of Theuns du
Toit, but far reaching consequences should be taken to
communicate non tolerance to racism and it not belonging to
any of our Higher Education institutions.
The response of the University of Stellenbosch should be a
thorough transformational process which acknowledges ...
[Inaudible.] ... institutional racism which is embedded in


 
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various institutional cultural practices in the residents,
sports, academia and its staff relations. They must expel him
with others who continue to practice such despicable
behaviour.
Our oversight visit to Stellenbosch University was a stark
reminder that 28 years into our democracy, we still have
institutions which systematically maintained white dominance.
Despite the university transformational key performance area
constituting 20 to 25% of the total key performance areas,
African academic staff is a below par 7% coloured staff and
14% and Indian staff at 3%. The university is a classically
expression of the west characteristics of racial dominance and
patriarchal state of our institutions.
The university continues to pride itself as an enclave of
African dominance rooted in the philosophy of ... [Inaudible.]
... university, which the idea of the establishment of the
South African university to consolidate the social economic
and cultural capital through Afrikaner nationalism. The
university has 685 personnel and in terms of demographics, 486
of those are white, followed by 79 coloureds, 64 foreigners,
28 Africans and Indian staff. In terms of the distribution by
gender since 2021, the university has 411 male senior


 
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personnel and only 274 female senior personnel. The university
continues to reproduce its ... [Inaudible.] ... democratic
structure through its enrolment which enrolled only 39% first
years from historically disadvantaged South Africans, as the
Chair would have alluded earlier.
While 65% ... [Inaudible.] ... enrollers are white students.
This happens despite black applicants being more than double
the number of white applicants. Reflecting the systematic
reproduction of dominance. When we raise this, Members of
Parliament like hon Schreiber accuses us or attacking
Afrikaans as a language and Afrikaner as people - how
pedestrian.
In this report we have made a recommendation for the
development of indigenous language to strengthen them as
languages of meaningful academic discourse and source of
knowledge for various academic discipline in higher education.
I hope that our hon members are listening. Just to correct hon
King, we didn’t go to Stellenbosch because the DA has pushed
us to. We went there because we go to all institutions and I’m
worried that hon King has failed to call Stellenbosch, at
least once, on their clear agenda of racism, I wonder why. The
University of Stellenbosch should undertake a paradigm shift


 
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... [Inaudible.] ... position itself as a South African
institution. We support the oversight report. Thank you very
much. [Time expired.]
Debate concluded.
REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HIGHER EDUCATION, SCIENCE AND
INNOVATION ON COMMISSION FOR GENDER EQUALITY (CGE) REPORT ON
FOLLOW-UP HEARINGS ON GENDER TRANSFORMATION AT TERTIARY
INSTITUTIONS 2019/20
Ms D P SIBIYA: Hon Chairperson, allow me to switch off the
video. As the portfolio committee we committed ourselves to
strengthening oversight over our post-school education and
training sector, in ensuring that they do their part in
implementing the priorities as contained in the National
Strategic Plan On Gender-Based Violence and Femicide, GBVF.
We also committed to ensuring that there is a gender
transformation in the different section sectors of the Post-
school education and training, PSET, system. I present the
committee report on consideration of the Commission for Gender
Equality, CGE, on its report on follow up hearings on gender


 
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transformation at tertiary institutions 2019-20, for adoption
by the house.
The CGE has conducted follow hearings at the University of
Johannesburg, University of Free State, Stellenbosch
University, University of Zululand, University of Mpumalanga
and Nelson Mandela University, and Sol Plaatjie University.
The CGE is doing a commendable work to bring the
transformation challenges that are still existing in tertiary
institutions.
As a committee, we have observed the slow pace of
transformation at Stellenbosch University and challenges
explained by students regarding accommodation and water
challenges at the University of Free State. We are gravely
concerned about the safety and security of students in some of
the university campuses due to poor infrastructure facilities
and the inability of universities in providing safe spaces for
victims of GBVF incidents.
Hon Chair, The CGE through its hearings has revealed the low
levels of compliance with legislation that specifically
challenges gated gender transformation by universities. Women
representation in the faculties of science was 32% and


 
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engineering 27%. At Stellenbosch University there was still a
greater representation of men in many of the senior positions
as opposed to women. The University of Stellenbosch had a
limited budget in relation to gender transformation and their
GBVF policy.
We recommend that the CGE in its work should work closely with
the institution to assist them with the development of
policies aimed at improving gender transformation. We commit
to continue the monitoring of the implementation of mitigation
by the institution to address areas of concern by the CGE. I
recommend that the report be adopted. Thanks a lot,
Chairperson.
Ms C V KING: Thank you Chairperson. At the time of ...
[Inaudible.] ... for the quality investigations were
discussed University of Fort Hare, UFH, the students Nosicelo
Mtebeni’s dismembered body was stuffed in in a suitcase by a
boyfriend who is also a student Aluta Pasile.
Yesterday political parties joined hands in Mthata to march
for justice for Namhla Mtwa. How is it then that a rape
incident at Stellenbosch University, SU, that occurred care
the same time as the urinating incident could not even evoke


 
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enough emotion for picket at the court where the alleged
perpetrator was released on bail?
The Constitution of South Africa as a supreme law prohibits
GBVF with all its manifestations. Chapter Two of the
Constitution the Bill of Rights ensures “the quality and
dignity of humans in all citizens in South Africa, section
9,10,12 (1) and (2) of the Constitution prohibits violence.
However, we live in a country where violence, especially GBVF
is prevalent. On this background, a Chapter 9 Institution
commission for gender equality was established in terms of
section 187 of our Constitution, to promote respectful and
protection development and the attainment of gender equality
in South Africa. This mean they had to see to it to monitor
and evaluate policies and practices of organs of state at any
level, statutory bodies and functionaries, public bodies, and
authorities and private enterprises as well as research and
makes recommendations to Parliament.
The Commission for Gender Equality, CGE, receive investigates
of complaints of gender discrimination, and as the power to
subpoena and institute litigation. During the 2019-2020
financial year, the CGE embarked on follow up investigations,
specifically targeted at gender transformation within various


 
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institutions of higher learning to understand the gender
dynamics linked to the slow pace of transformation within
institutions of higher learning, taking into consideration the
labour legislation aimed at transformation. Of which, the
following institutions were subjected to the University of
Johannesburg, UJ, University of Free State, UFS, Stellenbosch
University, SU, University of Zululand, UZ, University of
Mpumalanga, UMP, Nelson Mandela University, NMU, and Sol
Plaatjie University, SPU, and the Department of Higher
Education.
Media reports of sex for marks scandals, allegations of sexual
harassment in the institutions of higher learning, the slow
transformation around LGBTQ+, and the placement of women and
persons with disability in senior management and the slow
uptake on the adoption of gender policies, ... [Inaudible.]
... the commission to investigate.
You chaired an accelerated academic mentoring programme to
provide career development opportunities with a goal of giving
stimulus to transformation of academic staff, profile in terms
of race and gender to develop the next cohort of academic
leaders, but at a 1,1% uptake of people with disabilities.


 
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Concerns were raised about the University of Free State
accommodation in QwaQwa Campus, especially with access to
water and long distances to walk buy water in high crime
areas. The commission found that although transformation is
taking place ... [Inaudible.] ... it is taking place at a
slow pace with the prevalence of more men in senior positions
as opposed to woman and its student placement policy makes no
mention of accommodating persons with disability.
The UZ developed a policy and procedure on talent management,
which targets women and people with disability for training
programmes at developing leadership and readiness. The
commission recommended that UZ must reflect on work of the
commission of 2018-19 report. The UMP was applauded for the
allocation of funds to address GBVF and the implementation of
the Ministerial Task Team, MTT, initiative. The NMU lingered
behind in gender parity in respect of its staff members, in
faculties of scientists engineering and law. The SPU shows ...
[Inaudible.] ... and more progress of woman representation in
senior management and in the ... [Inaudible.] ...
There is quite slight improvement, gender transformation
remains a challenge. No amount of grandstanding will remedy
these situations without implementable multifaceted gender


 
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transformation policies in place. As we are waiting on the
overdue Ministerial Task-Team report on gender transformation
at institutions of higher learning.
As I conclude, I end off by echoing the words of Dr Thandi
Mgwebi, a member of the Ministerial Task Team, MTT, who said
that and I quote:
The university sector should consider selling the
benefits of transformation rather than force or impose
change.
I thank you, hon Chairperson.
Ms N N CHIRWA: Hon House Chairperson, greetings to the
commander in chief of the EFF, Julius Sello Malema, all the
officials of the EFF, commissars, fighters and ground forces
of the EFF. Sadly, what brings us here is much more than what
meets the eye. The true matter of today is that this
Commission for Gender Equality, CGE, a Chapter 9 institution
meant to protect and usher equity and justice for the women of
this country and in the higher education sector, has chosen to
protect Minister Blade Nzimande over the thousands of students
whose lives remain vulnerable either as victims of sexual


 
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violence or future victims of sexual violence in our
universities and Technical and Vocational Education and
Training, TVETs.
The facts are that the current crop of leaders and executives
in the CGE will keep flocking us with reports that do nothing
for us but burden us with what should be done and should be
their responsibility. Like hundreds others of their reports by
the CGE, this is another meaningless one that only serves to
make the CGE commissioners feel like they are doing something
when they are doing nothing. Technical and Vocational
Education and Training colleges and universities will continue
being led by primarily men — white men. Technical and
Vocational Education and Training college students across the
country will continue facing the danger of being sexually
harassed and violated by lecturers and fellow students, and
having no tangible recourse because institutions like South
West Gauteng College in Soweto continue hoarding sexual
harassment policies that fail to even define what sexual
harassment and violation is, and the department, as per usual,
does absolutely nothing to resolve this crisis.
It is no surprise at all that institutions like Rhodes had the
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against sexual violence and demanding justice for the rage
they experience in their institution. There is no Blade
Nzimande or Buti Manamela that will fight rape culture and
usher in a wave of justice for victims of sexual violence in
institutions of higher learning. Every person sitting in this
room knows this, and so does the CGE. The CGE ...
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Chirwa, please
hold. Hon Papo, your hand is up.
Mr A H M PAPO: Chair of the session, member Chirwa called
inister Blade Nzimande and Deputy Minister with their first
names which is a violation of the Rules of the National
Assembly.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Chirwa, the order
is sustained. We know what Rule 82 says to us. Please, let us
adhere to the Rules of this House, as you proceed.
Ms N N CHIRWA: Noted, Chairperson. I’ll repeat it: There is no
Minister Blade Nzimande or Deputy Minister Buti Manamela that
will fight rape culture in our institutions of higher learning
and usher in a wave of justice for victims of sexual violence
in institutions of higher learning. Every person sitting in


 
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this room knows this, and so does the CGE. The CGE should
actually learn a thing or two from the Public Protector, Adv
Mkhwebane, on what a Chapter 9 institution does when
recommendations are being ignored by institutions and by
Ministers. There is a legal recourse where the EFF has been
begging the CGE to take their ignored reports to the courts,
and they have not done this because they owe their allegiance
to the ANC-led government that has never prioritised justice
for women in this country. We reject this report as much as we
reject the rape apologist and rape enabling government of the
ANC. Thank you, House Chairperson.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you. We will
proceed. The FF Plus, you are on the Speaker’s List but I
don’t have a name.
Dr W J BOSHOFF: Hon Chair, it will be Wynand Boshoff. Can I
proceed?
Afrikaans:
Die HUISVOORSITTER (Me M G Boroto): Gaan voort, agb lid.
Dr W J BOSHOFF: [Onhoorbaar.] ... Agb Voorsitter, ek is die pa
van drie dogters. Een is in die beroepswêreld in ’n professie


 
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wat tradisioneel deur mans oorheers word. Die tweede studeer
in ’n rigting wat eweneens tradisioneel ’n mannewêreld is en
die derde is nog op skool.
Toe die oudste een begin groot word het ek vir haar gesê sy
moet maar ’n feminis wees, want ek sien baie jong mans maar
nie baie ridders op mooi perde nie. Dit raak nou tyd om
dieselfde raad die derde keer te gee, net meer so want
intussen het ek baie geleer wat ek toe nog nie geweet het nie
en nou ook gewens het dat dit nie so was nie.
’n Sentrale probleem is dat daar ’n reuse waarde-vakuum in
byna alle gemeenskappe in Suid-Afrika bestaan. As een boodskap
duidelik uitgedra word, dan is dit dat die tradisionele
waardestelsels uitgedien is. Dit is jammer, want in die
skepping van ’n nuwe waardestelsel is dit noodsaaklik om
liewer aansluiting by vorige stelsels te vind, as om ’n totale
breuk te veroorsaak.
My elementêre kennis van tradisionele Afrika-waardestelsels is
dat die belange van ’n vrou lewenslank deur haar familie op
die hart gedra word. As ’n man sy vrou sleg behandel, is dit
haar manlike familielede se plig om in te gryp. In Afrikaans,


 
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waarvan ek ’n bietjie meer weet, is daar min beledigings so
groot soos om iemand ’n vroueslaner te noem.
Dit beteken nie dat ’n mens na die verlede wil teruggryp nie.
Tradisionele waardestelsels het ook aanvaar dat die vrou se
rol in die huis is en dat mans alleenlik die beroepswêreld
betree. Dat ’n vrou haar studieloopbaan van Graad 1 tot
nagraads na die beste van haar vermoë deurvoer, lei natuurlik
daartoe dat sy ook professionele ambisies van haar eie wil
nastreef.
’n Skadukant van die moderne samelewing is dat gesinne
verbrokkel. Vir baie seuns is die vaders wat hulle moet leer
van respek vir vroue en hoe ’n gentleman hom gedra nie daar
nie. Kerke het nie meer die gesag wat dit eens gehad het nie,
wat beteken dat al meer jong mans net eenvoudig doen wat hulle
wil, en wat hulle wil is nie goeie maniere nie.
Basiese respek en dat nee, nee is, is iets waarvoor jy nie ’n
kursus in geslagsake in die 21ste eeu nodig het nie, ook dat
seks ’n goddelike geskenk vir geliefdes is en nie iets
waarvoor jy betaal met gunsies of geld nie. ’n Basiese
opvoeding behoort dit duidelik te maak.


 
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Nog ’n saak wat vir die Commission for Gender Equality,CGE,
[Kommissie vir Geslagsgelykheid] belangrik is, is die
ontplooiing van vroue in senior poste. Ons vrouens is slim.
Ons moet ophou om hulle groot te maak asof hulle sekere
beroepe nie kan beklee nie. En dan moet ons hulle aanstel
omdat hulle die werk kan doen, nie omdat die kwota vir mans al
vol is nie.
Dan het ons die groeiende lys van geslagte buiten die
tweedeeling van man en vrou, waarvoor daar kleedkamers
voorsiening gemaak moet word. Dit skep probleme en dit is
amper as om te sê, ons bou maar karre wat nie meer slotte het
nie want dit is net ’n skelm wat ’n kar sal steel. Die
probleme wat deur so iets voor die deur gelê word is oneindig.
Agb Voorsitter, die VF Plus aanvaar wel hierdie verslag,
alhoewel daar baie punte is waarop ons wesenlik kan verskil.
Ek dank u.
Ms M D HLENGWA: Hon Chairperson, the report regarding gender
equality in higher education is important, as it provides us
with a view of how transformation is taking place at the
various institutions in South Africa. In keeping with the
theme of previous reports considered by this House, the report


 
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speaks to many challenges of transformation in tertiary
institutions. We must emphasize the importance of
transformation as a vehicle that brings about the mixture of
culture and tolerance between previous ...[Inaudible]
...communities.
Transformation must bring about hopeful opportunities for
every South African, an agenda that promotes unity, direct
prosperity for our nation. With that in mind, the report goes
on to highlight certain shortcomings by university
institutions in a bid to address inequality,
underrepresentation and lack of transformation. The
representation by various groups of people help to bring about
the availability of this institutions to a wider range of
people.
We all are in agreement that; education is the single most
important tool for the uplifting of many communities, and this
accessibility must remain a key objective of the Department of
Higher Education. The IFP supports the recommendation by the
committee that the Commission for Gender Equality, CGE must
improve its visibility and advocacy programmes, especially
among the Stellenbosch and Free State universities. The


 
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encouraged gender-based violence must be met with resistance.
The IFP supports this report. Thank you.
Ms J S MANANISO: Let me thank you Chairperson and as well
greet the hon members on the platform. Hon members, let me
borrow the words of one of our own Deputy Chair of the NCOP,
hon Sylvia Lucas, when she was addressing the Women Chatter
Report Back on Saturday. She said I quote:
Implementing commitments towards gender equality requires
intentional measures to incorporate a gender perspective,
in planning and budgeting frameworks and concrete
investment in addressing gender gaps.
The agenda of equity equality and affirmative action is not
for compliance, but a constitutional imperative in addressing
the imbalances of the past and the current. Chairperson, the
Commission for Gender Equality has highlighted serious concern
with regards to institutions of higher learning, with regards
to issues of slow pace in terms of transformation, as well as
issues of gender-based violence and femicide in this
particular ... [Inaudible] ...sector, and the inability to
have some institutions to provide safe spaces for victims of
the gender-based violence, GBV incidents.


 
UNREVISED HANSARD
MINI PLENARY 1 - NATIONAL ASSEMBLY (VIRTUAL)
THURSDAY, 26 MAY 2022
Page: 99
We condemn the entitlement by some lecturers, who force
students into sleeping with them, just for sex for marks. To
our colleagues who are assigned to govern, manage and lead
institutions of higher learning, the Gender Agenda must be
part of all your policies, plans, operations, target
performance, budget, and monitoring and evaluation. As we have
alluded and indicated during the engagement with CGE, it is
important that as CGE and Chapter 9 institutions, they make
sure they go to this institution and ensure that they engage
them with regards to these issues. If they see gaps, they must
as well capacitate those who are leading these particular
institutions.
Social transformation is urgent and eminent for all races,
sex, class, religion, culture and beliefs and not for the few.
Our institutions must be free from all forms of oppression,
discrimination, apathy, and exclusion. Hon Boshoff, I
understand that, you won’t understand this one because you
still believe that you must maintain Orania as the island. So
we are speaking about inclusion. We are speaking about dealing
about oppression and discrimination.
IsiXhosa:
Mazijike izinto ...


 
UNREVISED HANSARD
MINI PLENARY 1 - NATIONAL ASSEMBLY (VIRTUAL)
THURSDAY, 26 MAY 2022
Page: 100
English:
... in all the recommendations that were set by CGE. We want
people to implement and if not, there should be consequence
management. Gender Agenda cannot be postponed. Let all South
Africans test all the systems in place to break the demons of
social oppression, that seeks to perpetuate poverty,
inequality and unemployment.
Hon Chair, I would like to address honourable King. On her
statement, she spoke about green standing. It is very worrying
because of she’s been doing that in all her statements in
terms of the debates. When you speak issues of transformation,
we don’t speak about “I” or about “us”, we speak about “we”.
So, we still believe that, as a nation we must work together
in ensuring that we transform all the spaces. As usual, some
of us are not surprised, hon Chirwa today you did the usual
thing of playing the man not the ball. Gender Agenda is for
all of us to make sure that we address it. As the ANC we
support this particular report. I thank you.
Debate concluded
The Mini Plenary rose at 16:25

 


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