Hansard: NA: Unrevised hansard

House: National Assembly

Date of Meeting: 29 Jul 2014

Summary

No summary available.

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Minutes

UNREVISED HANSARD

 

TUESDAY, 29 JULY 2014

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PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

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The House met at 14:02.

 

The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

 

FILLING OF VACANCIES

 

(Announcement)

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, I wish to announce that the vacancy that occurred in the National Assembly due to the passing away of Ms N D Ntwanambi had been filled by the nomination of Ms N T November with effect from 21 July 2014.

 

The vacancy that had occurred due to the unavailability of Mr J R Tau to take up his seat had been filled by the nomination of Ms Y R Botha with effect from 7 May 2014.

 

The members had made and subscribed the oath or solemn affirmation in the Speaker’s office. We welcome you, members. [Applause.]

 

NOTICES OF MOTION

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

 

That the House -

 

(1) supports the international call for the immediate release of the Cuban Five;

 

(2) notes that the Cuban Five are the five Cuban men who were falsely accused by the United States government of committing espionage and conspiracy against the United States of America; and

 

(3) states that as such they have been unjustly imprisoned since 12 September 1998.

 

I would read the whole thing, but I do not want to hold up the House. The motion is here.

 

Ms Z JONGBLOED: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:

 

That the House debates the poor implementation of the small-scale fishing sector and the influence thereof on coastal fishing communities.

 

Mr K J MILEHAM: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:

 

That the House debates the collapsing state of municipal infrastructure, with particular emphasis on the provision of potable water.

 

Ms A T LOVEMORE: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:

 

That the House debates the impact of the activities and demands of teacher unions on the education sector, and the possible mechanisms to restrict the potential for negative consequences of such activities and demands, including the possible limitation of the rights of such unions.

 

Ms S J NKOMO: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:

 

That the House debates the manner in which continuing porosity of our borders lends itself to human, drug and rhino horn trafficking and the immediate measures that should be taken to restore our border integrity.

 

Thank you, Chair.

 

Ms A D N QIKANI: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

 

That the House debates the improvement of disaster management in rural areas in order to address the vulnerability of the rural poor.

 

Mr M S F DE FREITAS: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:

That the House debates the illegal actions of the SA National Roads Agency Ltd, Sanral, in stopping motorists at roadblocks in Gauteng and demanding that they sign up for e-tolls.

 

Ms D Z RANTHO: Hon Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

 

That the House debates the transformation of the structure of our economy to increase women’s participation in and access to economic opportunities.

 

I thank you.

 

Ms L MABIJA: Hon Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

 

That the House debates measures to address the callous attacking of police officers in the line of duty.

 

Thank you.

 

Ms T STANDER: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DA:

 

That the House debates the measures that can be employed to stop the ongoing poaching of South Africa’s rhino as part of the greater issue of wildlife crime, and the stance that the government should be adopting at the 2016 Cites conference.

 

Thank you.

 

Ms P E ADAMS: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

 

That the House debates mobilising society behind a common identity, heritage and social transformation programme.

 

I thank you.

 

Ms N K BILANKULU: Deputy Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

 

That the House debates multilingualism in classrooms in the postapartheid era.

I thank you.

 

APPOINTMENT OF AD HOC COMMITTEE TO CONSIDER PUBLIC PROTECTOR’S REPORT AND OTHER ISSUES

 

(Draft Resolution)

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, I hereby move:

 

That the House –

 

(1) appoints an ad hoc committee to consider the following:

 

(a) the Public Protector’s report number 25 of 2013-14 and the report to the Special Investigating Unit, SIU, established in terms of Proclamation R59 of 2013;

 

(b) the submission of the President thereto to consider all other relevant information or submissions and to exercise those powers asset out in Rule 138 that are necessary to carry out its task; and

 

(2) that this committee consists of 11 members as follows: ANC six, DA two, EFF one and other parties two.

 

[Applause.]

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: The hon Chief Whip of the Opposition knows that the procedure is that we do not do that. He knows that. No consultation, no process whatsoever, was followed. They decided to spring this surprise on us here. We will oppose that motion. That is what they want anyway.

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, there is the problem of non-consultation. This will merely be a motion and therefore cannot be agreed to. We encourage consultation, members. No matter how sensitive you may think the subject is, it is an important part of the process. Let us do that.

 

I am advised that it will now become notice of a motion.

 

PASSING AWAY OF CAMERON DALZIEL

 

(Draft Resolution)

 

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

 

    That the House –

   

(1) notes with great sadness the passing on of Cameron Dalziel, a South African pilot, who was amongst 298 passengers killed in the Malaysian passenger plane that was shot down over the Ukraine on Thursday, 17 July 2014;

 

(2) further notes that six HIV/AIDS delegates who were supposed to attend the 20th International Aids Conference in Melbourne also died in that tragic plane crash;

 

(3) believes that this atrocity warrants international condemnation, as the evidence suggests that the plane was blown from the sky by a surface-to-air missile;

 

(4) further believes that life is precious and therefore cannot support causes that are destroying human lives, no matter how noble the cause is;

 

(5) supports the call for an investigation to determine the cause of this tragedy; and

(6) conveys its condolences to the Dalziel family and all other families who have lost loved ones in this tragedy.

 

Agreed to.

 

EPHRAIM MASHABA APPOINTED AS HEAD COACH OF BAFANA BAFANA

 

(Draft Resolution)

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

 

That the House -

 

(1) notes that on Saturday, 26 July 2014, the SA Football Association officially announced that Ephraim “Shakes” Mashaba has been appointed head coach of Bafana Bafana;

 

(2) further notes that coach Mashaba's extensive experience in local football and success with South Africa's national youth team is exactly what Bafana Bafana needs to reclaim their spot amongst the continent's football giants;

 

(3) calls on all South Africans to support their national team and coaching staff as they prepare to enter an exciting new chapter;

 

(4) congratulates coach Mashaba on his appointment and wishes him well in his new job; and

 

(5) trusts that coach Mashaba's tenure will herald a new era of success for Bafana Bafana.

 

Agreed to.

 

PASSING AWAY OF PROF RUSSEL BOTMAN

 

(Draft Resolution)

 

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

 

That the House –

 

(1) notes with great sadness the passing away of the Vice Chancellor of the University of Stellenbosch, Professor Russel Botman;

(2) further notes that Professor Russel Botman obtained his bachelors, masters, and doctoral degrees at the University of the Western Cape, and was a religious activist during the turbulent 1980s;

 

(3) remembers that Professor Botman was an anti-apartheid activist, a grounded and authentic theologian, who was detained without trial in Victor Verster Prison during the 1985 state of emergency;

 

(4) acknowledges that Professor Botman joined Stellenbosch University as Professor of Theology in 2000, was appointed as the Vice Rector in 2002, and as the Vice Chancellor in 2006 until his passing away;

 

(5) recalls that Professor Botman was one of the pioneers of transformation in higher education in South Africa; and

 

(6) conveys its heartfelt condolences to his family, religious community, the higher education sector and the community at large.

 

I thank you.

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: We certainly convey those condolences to the families.

 

Agreed to.

 

SA NATIONAL CRICKET TEAM’S FINAL TEST MATCH AGAINST SRI LANKA

 

(Draft Resolution)

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

 

That the House –

 

(1) notes that yesterday, 28 July 2014, the SA national cricket team drew their second and final test match against Sri Lanka in Colombo;

 

(2) further notes that this draw gave the Proteas a 1-0 series win over the Sri Lankans, and has also moved South Africa into the number one spot on the International Cricket Council’s test rankings;

 

(3) congratulates captain Hashim Amla, coach Russel Domingo and the rest of the team on a successful Sri Lankan tour;

 

(4) further congratulates the team on once again being the number one test side in the world and for consistently flying our nation’s flag high; and

 

(5) wishes the team the very best of luck as they continue their march towards World Cup glory in 2015.

 

[Applause.]

 

Agreed to.

 

SOUTH AFRICAN PLAYWRIGHT ATHOL FUGARD HONOURED BY JAPAN

 

(Draft Resolution)

 

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

 

That the House –

 

(1) notes with great enthusiasm the award of a major international arts prize, the Praemium Imperiale Arts Award, Japan’s highest honour in the arts for theatre or film, to a celebrated South African playwright, Athol Fugard, on Wednesday, 16 July 2014;

 

(2) further notes that the Praemium Imperiale is a global arts prize awarded annually by the Japan Art Association, where recipients receive an honorarium of ¥15 million - R1,5 million - a diploma and a medal;

 

(3) recalls that the award of this great prize coincided with Athol’s return to the stage as an actor in his play, The Shadow of the Hummingbird, which is currently being premiered in the United States;

 

(4) remembers Athol as an outstanding playwright, whose art dealt with issues of racism, freedom and equality, and who has received six Tony nominations, including four for Best Play for Sizwe Banzi is Dead and The Island in 1975, A Lesson from Aloes, 1982, Master Harold and The Boys, 1982, and Blood Knot, 1986; and

 

(5) thanks him for flying the South African flag high in the international arena, and wishes him more success in his future endeavours.

 

I thank you. [Applause.]

 

Agreed to.

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, the first item on the Order Paper is a motion in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party.

 

MOTION OF CONDOLENCE

 

(The late Ms N D Ntwanambi)

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Speaker, I move without notice:

 

That the House -

 

(1) notes with great sadness the passing of ANC Member of Parliament in the National Assembly, Ms Nosipho Ntwanambi, on Tuesday, 8 July 2014, after a long illness;

(2) further notes that at the time of her passing she was a member of the ANC National Executive Committee and Deputy President of the ANC Women’s League;

 

(3) recalls that she was born on 25 September 1959 in Gugulethu in the Western Cape province and was the eldest daughter of five children;

 

(4) further recalls that before she joined the National Assembly at the beginning of this term, she was in the NCOP, where she served in different portfolios, including in the position of Chief Whip of the NCOP;

 

(5) realises that Nosipho was a political activist whose unparalleled dedication to the struggle against apartheid and the gender stereotyping of women saw her rise from the dusty streets of Gugulethu to serving in various leadership structures of the political formation;

 

(6) further realises that her illustrious political involvement in the struggle against apartheid is the true epitome of a community leader, who rose above and surmounted the travesties of growing up in a repressive apartheid society that was characterised by the deep-rooted racial, cultural and gender discrimination that faced many women of her time;

 

(7) acknowledges that her death has robbed the people of South Africa, the ANC and the Women’s League of a formidable source of inspiration, a mentor, leader and loving mother, whose kind-hearted spirit and commitment to serving South Africa and love for the ANC will forever remain a living inspiration; and

 

(8) conveys its deepest condolences to her mother, two daughters, two sisters, a brother and two grandchildren whom she leaves behind.

 

Ms S V KALYAN: Deputy Speaker, it is a privilege and an honour, on behalf of the DA, to support the motion of condolence on the passing of the hon Ntwanambi. It is also very sad for me personally to pay tribute to someone younger than me, who was literally a mother figure to many MPs who are sitting both in this House and the NCOP.

 

I read the motion on the Order Paper and all I can say is that it is but a brief synopsis of her incredible struggle credentials. When I attended her memorial service last week and heard the glowing tributes by the speakers, a new sense of admiration formed. I am so sorry that I cannot congratulate her personally on her role in the struggle for human rights and, more especially, gender rights.

 

I had the opportunity to work with the hon Ntwanambi in several joint NA and NCOP committees, such as the Joint Chief Whips’ Forum and the Joint Rules Committee, amongst others. We also served together on the executive of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and the steering committee on the establishment of the Fifth Parliament. Her interaction with MPs from all political parties was at all times inclusive, courteous and cordial, yet decisive.

 

Those colleagues of mine who worked with her in the NCOP said that she was very much a disciplinarian. I think all of us who were teachers once upon a time have that streak in us.

 

Outside committees, she and I were friends and we spoke often. I can tell you that her husband was one of her main support structures. He was the wind beneath her wings and he held the house together while she went on to do her political work. His passing two years ago left a deep void in her life, and while she had had health issues for a while, I think it took a turn for the worse after his death.

 

Last year in April we travelled to Quito as a parliamentary delegation to attend the Inter-Parliamentary Union. We laughed and talked a lot on that trip, especially about her grandchildren. She fell quite ill at the end of the trip and landed up in hospital on her return for dialysis. At this stage, I want to make special mention of her personal assistant, Roslyn, who went far beyond the call of duty on that particular trip to care for the hon Ntwanambi.

 

Nonetheless, she was optimistic and keen to come to the NA and, in fact, was sworn in in the Judge’s Chambers. She believed that she would make a full recovery. She handled her illness with dignity and, while we are deeply saddened by her passing away, on another level she is at peace and pain free. It was indeed heartbreaking to watch her decline.

 

We all know that death is an inevitable end for us, but when it comes no one is really prepared. To her family we say: Take strength and courage during this sad time from the legacy that she left this country, her party, the ANC, the freedom in South Africa, and you as a family. Rejoice in her achievements in your time of sorrow. It is my humble prayer that her soul attains moksha [release] and liberation from rebirth, and I wish the family well during this time. Om shanti shanti shanti.

 

Ms H O MAXON: Deputy Speaker, as the EFF we are really deeply saddened by the passing away of our colleague the hon N D Ntwanambi. Our heartfelt condolences go to the entire Ntwanambi family. She was a member of the National Assembly family, and therefore the loss of one member is the loss of one of us.

 

Death knows no political boundaries or affiliation. Death can happen to any one of us, and therefore, as the EFF, we believe there is a strong need to support each other during these trying times. This is the time to put politics aside and look at ubuntu, an old principle of benevolence.

 

As members of the National Assembly and the NCOP, we need to rally behind the hon Ntwanambi’s family. They need us especially during this trying time in their life. We pray that God will give them courage, especially during this difficult time.

 

A woman has passed on, leaving behind her children and a multiple number of loved ones. We hope that that vacuum will be filled at this trying time. When a woman passes, the impact is felt by all, especially by those who have sacrificed their families and lives to represent the Republic. It is during this time that they should run to God for strength and courage.

 

As the EFF, we are fully behind the family in prayer and in thought. We know that times like these are very difficult and stressful. Our belief is that we are one big family. That is why we say as the EFF:

 

Akwehlanga lungehlanga emndenini wakwaNtwanambi. [To the Ntwanambi family: This journey has been travelled by many.]

 

I thank you.

 

Ms S J NKOMO: Deputy Speaker, on behalf of the IFP, I offer our sincere condolences and support to the family of the late Ms Nosipho Dorothy Ntwanambi, whom we remember in this motion of condolence today, after her battle with a long and protracted illness.

 

She will be remembered for her skills and her love of the Whippery in the National Council of Provinces. She was a committed politician and activist, a founding member of Sadtu, the SA Democratic Teachers’ Union, and the United Women’s Organisation. She played an important role in advocating women’s rights in South Africa, and was a tireless servant of the people.

 

In memory of Ms Ntwanambi, we call on this Parliament, on the people of South Africa and on the young women, in particular, to continue the fight to build a truly nonracial, nonsexist society. May she always be remembered when we recount the heroines of our democratic Parliament and our democratic South Africa.

 

Hamba kahle, dadewethu. [Go well, my sister.] We will miss you. Thank you.

 

Ms C N MAJEKE: Deputy Speaker and hon members, the UDM extends its heartfelt condolences to the family, the ANC, the ANC Women’s League, and friends of the late member of the National Council of Provinces, Nosipho Dorothy Ntwanambi.

 

The late hon Ntwanambi dedicated her life to fighting in the cause of justice. The fact that she was the deputy president of the ANC Women’s League, amongst other portfolios that she held, is a clear demonstration of her unwavering dedication to the cause of women’s struggles, something that we continue to be confronted with to this day.

 

We have no idea of what her family must be going through in losing what we regard as the single most important compass in their lives. Without a doubt the loss comes with many layers of heartache, but we hope the family will find solace in the knowledge that heaven has just received one of its most special angels. No pain is more far-reaching than losing a mother, a colleague, a comrade, and a friend.

 

Please take comfort in knowing that our thoughts and prayers are with you during this difficult period. May the peace that comes from the memories of love shared now comfort you in the days ahead. May God give her family, the organisation, and her friends sufficient strength to bear this loss and give the departed soul a place in heaven. May her soul rest in eternal peace. I thank you.

 

Mr S N SWART: Deputy Speaker, on behalf of the ACDP we wish to extend our sincere condolences to the family, colleagues, and friends of our former NCOP Chief Whip, Ms Ntwanambi, who passed away on Tuesday, 8 July, after a long illness.

 

She will be remembered for her commitment to building the community and as a strong and outspoken advocate for equality, particularly for women’s rights. She was also a founding member of the United Women’s Organisation and the Democratic Teachers’ Union, which later became known as the South African Democratic Teachers’ Union, Sadtu. She also served as an ANC executive committee member and was the deputy president of the ANC Women’s League.

 

Other speakers have said – I think it was the EFF spokesperson – that we are a family, and as we are all new Members of Parliament, we are getting to know each other. When one person passes away, we all feel it. She had just started her term here in the National Assembly, and it is very sad that she has now passed away at such an early stage of her career here.

 

Her name will be added to those Members of Parliament who passed away. There is a roll of honour that is kept in the garden next to the library. If you go out there – we would urge you to go there and say a prayer – you will see the names of other Members of Parliament who had passed away.

 

We learn that for everything there is a season: a time to be born, a time to die, a time to weep, a time to laugh, a time to mourn, and a time to dance. Today, indeed, it is a time to mourn. Our thoughts and prayers are with her mother, daughters, her sisters and brother, her two grandchildren, as well as with the ANC. We pray that they will be comforted by our heavenly Father during this time of grieving. I thank you.

 

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Ms N C Mfeketo): Deputy Speaker, Ministers and Deputy Ministers present, hon members, comrades and friends, today this esteemed House has been convened, amongst other things, to mourn the untimely passing of the former Chief Whip of the NCOP and former deputy president of the ANC Women’s League, Comrade Nosipho Dorothy Ntwanambi, who passed away peacefully on 8 July 2014.

 

She still remains in my eyes that young 22-year-old woman whom I first met more than 30 years ago; very shy, very strong, with a beautiful soul. It is still difficult to talk about her as the late Comrade Nosipho Ntwanambi.

 

The ANC conveys it deepest condolences to the family, friends, and all those whose lives were touched by Mamncosho. We dip our revolutionary banners in recognition of a dedicated, principled and unwavering advocate of the cause of women’s emancipation and gender equality, and an extraordinary educator and a tireless campaigner for justice and the freedom of her own people and humanity throughout the continent and the world.

 

Painful moments like these force us to reach down to our memories as the only means of remaining associated with the departed. So, in this case, we ask ourselves what it is that we should celebrate about the life of the late Comrade Nosipho. What is it that she left us as her legacy for this current fifth democratic Parliament and beyond?

 

As a teacher she understood that her education must be put to the service of her people. She used her education to contribute to the struggle for freedom against apartheid. Nosipho associated herself with the struggles of the people for a national democratic society at a time when it was not fashionable for teachers to undermine and challenge the apartheid hand that fed them.

 

She was a dedicated teacher and never one to desert her students, because she understood her role in moulding leaders for a liberated South Africa.

 

As a well-rounded and complete activist, Comrade Nosipho was a founding member of the United Women’s Organisation as well as the SA Democratic Teachers’ Union, Sadtu.

 

A truly principled and disciplined leader who was not one to fall for adventurism and political opportunism, Comrade Nosipho belonged to a very proud generation of ANC leaders who never allowed the bitterness of their suffering under apartheid to shape their vision for the future generations of South Africa.

 

Comrade Nosipho’s involvement in the struggle was driven by her shared vision for bringing about a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic South Africa. She was at the forefront of destroying apartheid and yet, when the opportunity presented itself to build democratic institutions, she was at the forefront of the movement to implement the Freedom Charter’s vision, which proclaims that “the people shall govern”.

 

As the Chief Whip of the NCOP, she brought the vision of a government by the people to fruition. Like some among us today, she could have chosen the route of vengeance, driven by personal vendettas and raw emotional outbursts. She could have done this and some of us would have understood, because she, like many of us, faced the cruel and merciless iron fist of apartheid.

Nosipho never chose that route, choosing rather to proclaim that South Africa belongs to all those who live in it, black and white. She remained firm on this course, even when some in society showed no remorse and, instead, stoked the fires of hatred.

 

A true community worker and a people’s teacher, Comrade Nosipho was always among the people, suffering with them, consoling them and giving them hope even during the dark days of apartheid. She was in the streets during the height of P W Botha’s total onslaught, which saw inhumane attacks on unarmed women, children and the elderly. She was among the people, exercising leadership in those days in the struggles against our own Gaza experience in places like occupied Crossroads, Modderdam and KTC.

 

She learned from the fearless generation of women who included Mama Dora Tamane, Mama Zihlangu, Mama Jibiliza, Mama Sisulu, Mama Helen Joseph, Mama Ray Alexander and the principled warrior, Mama Silinga, who, until she passed on, never took a “dompass”. Comrade Nosipho never turned the other way during the days of apartheid-sponsored so-called black-on-black violence. Mamncosho stood her ground and fought against the infamous murders – sponsored by we-know-who – that were happening at KTC at the time.

In all those circumstances she gave us hope when she proclaimed that “there shall be security, peace and comfort for all”.

 

Comrade Nosipho was once a young black woman in the native yards of apartheid known as Gugulethu. Like many among us, Comrade Nosipho was once a student at an ordinary township school – in her case, Fezeka High School. Today she is celebrated as, and I quote:

 

... a true epitome of a community leader who rose and overcame the injustices of growing up in a repressive apartheid society that was characterised by deep-rooted racial, cultural and gender discrimination that faced many of the women of her time.

 

Let this be a lesson to the youth of South Africa, that one’s present conditions do not always determine who one will become.

 

Comrade Ntwanambi was always at the forefront of women’s struggles for freedom, women’s empowerment and gender equality. She understood that none of us could claim to be free as long as women were not free. It was a fitting tribute to her role as an advocate of women’s emancipation when she was appointed as the first woman Chief Whip of the NCOP in 2008.

Having witnessed her own Gaza in South Africa before 1994, she expressed disappointment at what she saw as a failure of multilateral global institutions to resolve the historical and long drawn out conflict between Palestine and Israel. She would have urged us to continue expressing solidarity with the struggles of the Palestinian people for self-determination.

 

As the ANC government, we have indeed responded to this call. We have been very vocal on the subject. We issued various media statements and a démarche to the Israeli Ambassador to express our nation’s disapproval of the actions of the Israeli government. We have also used all available multilateral forums to mobilise the world community behind the call for peace and dialogue.

 

In paying tribute to Mamncosho, let us spare neither strength nor energy to support ending the hostilities between Israel and Palestine.

 

In conclusion – and I am sure Nosipho would have wanted me to say this – we call upon the younger generation to follow the example of Comrade Ntwanambi by not looking the other way when women are abused and their rights are trampled. Carrying this baton means continuing the struggle for women’s emancipation. Carrying this baton means not looking the other way when children and the elderly are abused.

 

Let the world be a better place because of your dedication and commitment to fight for the cause, not only for yourself and your family, but also for others, particularly women and children. Thank you. [Applause.]

 

Agreed to, members standing.

 

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: We as the Presiding Officers associate ourselves with the motion. The condolences of the House will be conveyed to the Ntwanambi family.

 

MOTION OF CONDOLENCE

 

(The late Ms G Dube)

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Speaker, I move:

 

    That the House -

 

(1) notes with great sadness the passing on of ANC Member of Parliament in the National Assembly Ms Grace Dube on 8 July 2014 after a long illness;

 

(2) further notes that Grace Dube joined Parliament in May 2009 until May 2014, and made a significant contribution in Parliament and in the Portfolio Committees on Health and on Sport and Recreation;

 

(3) recalls that Grace also served the people of Mamelodi and Atteridgeville with distinction when she was deployed in those constituencies;

 

(4) further acknowledges her resolute quest for gender equality as she believed that freedom without women’s emancipation was not liberation;

 

(5) believes that her sacrifice in and contribution to the struggle has moved South Africa forward and made South Africa a better place to live in than before 1994; and

 

(6) conveys its condolences to her family and the ANC.

 

Agreed to, members standing.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: As Presiding Officers, we associate ourselves with the motion. The condolences of the House will be conveyed to the Dube family.

 

BRICS LAUNCHES NEW DEVELOPMENT BANK

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Dr Z LUYENGE (ANC): The ANC welcomes the decision by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa to launch the R534 billion Development Bank along the lines of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The leaders of the Brics countries also formalised the creation of a 100 billion dollar currency exchange reserve, which member states can tap into in case of balance of payment crises.

 

Although South Africa wanted to have the headquarters in our country, but lost to China, we are satisfied that each member country will get something out of this deal. As part of the agreement South Africa will establish an African regional centre, while the headquarters will be in Shanghai in China.

 

South Africa’s hosting of the first regional centre of the bank is a significant development, not just for our country, but for the continent as a whole.

 

The new Development Bank will mobilise resources for infrastructure and sustainable development projects in Brics nations and other emerging and developing economies that continue to face significant financing constraints.

 

It is important that this bank is established by the developing countries that understand development challenges and have demonstrated their ability to tackle such challenges. As the ANC, we agree with the President of South Africa when he hails the establishment of the bloc’s new Development Bank as an everlasting legacy that will change the face of global economics and the face of the entire developing world for the better. I thank you. [Applause.]

 

DA CALLS FOR PUBLICATION OF NICD FINDINGS

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Dr W G JAMES (DA): Deputy Speaker, yesterday I again approached the department of health of the North West Provincial Government to release the findings of an investigation undertaken by the National Institute for Communicable Diseases, NICD, into the cause of death of three infants towards the end of May in the Bloemhof Municipality’s Boitumelong Township.

 

I called the head of the department on his cell phone and on his land line, but there was no answer. I called the media liaison officer on his cell phone and land line, but there was no answer. I finally resorted to writing an e-mail in the hope of an answer that may yet arrive. About this I am not at all hopeful.

 

It is of course extraordinary in the extreme that a report produced by the NICD about a threat to public health, that may easily recur and that we know is in the possession of the health authority, is kept under wraps. This is like most scandals, because we are led to believe that the test confirms that the deaths were caused by a pathogenic version of the bacteria escherichia coli or E.coli.

 

Infants infected with pathogenic E.coli die as a result of organ failure because of severe dehydration caused by extreme diarrhea or dysentery. It is utterly preventable. Diarrheal deaths are the fifth most significant killer in our country.

The Western Cape has the highest cure rate because the DA runs the health department efficiently and applies effective treatment. We call on Minister Motsoaledi to ensure that the Bloemhof report is made public. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

 

EFF CELEBRATES FIRST ANNIVERSARY

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Ms M MOONSAMY (EFF): On 26 July 2014 the EFF celebrated its first anniversary. Many people underestimated the emergence of the EFF and ruled out the struggle for economic freedom. Ordinary people across South Africa gathered to say that enough is enough and declared that we needed to take the struggle forward - now on a different platform.

 

When we started, all political parties imitated everything we did because the EFF is elevated - a leader of creativity, ideologically sound, principled, unapologetic about advancing the interests of the masses. These political parties will continue to learn from us and imitate many things we do as a movement, and we are really inspired by this most sincere form of flattery. The EFF is committed to the radical and militant economic transformation that must be pursued in the absence of the liberation movement’s ability to economically liberate the people of South Africa.

 

The EFF will be the government of South Africa. [Interjections.] South Africans know this. Those who find themselves losing their marbles over archaic obsessions are subsequently losing touch with ordinary men and women, the poor and down-trodden. These are the people we love. These are the people who vote EFF.

 

We said on 26 July that the EFF is a government-in-waiting. If there are any doubts whether there is a need for thorough internalisation of the meaning of respect - for the EFF is a political giant ... [Time expired.] [Applause.]

 

CALL FOR LIBERATION OF CUBAN FIVE

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Mr M P SIBANDE (ANC): Deputy Speaker, the ANC calls for the unconditional liberation of the Cuban Five from United States’ prisons. Their imprisonment is a miscarriage of justice and the case against the five men has not delivered justice. The guilty verdicts against them were a complete scandal. The first judge said there was no proof whatsoever that the group was conspiring. A second judge said all evidence was solely circumstantial. A third judge said it’s a very close question whether they did anything illegal at all.

 

The Cuban Five were sentenced to maximum prison terms. Gerardo Hernandez received a double life sentence and Antonio Guerrero and Ramon Labanino received life sentences. The remaining two, Fernando Gonzalez and Rene Gonzalez, received 19 and 15 years, respectively. The five spent more than a year in solitary confinement, a condition the United Nations calls “inhumane”.

 

Cuba has a long history of assisting with the liberation struggle and it was the first country Mr Mandela visited outside Africa after his release from prison. Cuba was also the first country that was recognised diplomatically by the ANC government, elected in 1994. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

 

INTERVENTION IN CASH-FOR-POSTS SCANDAL COMMENDED

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Mr A M MPONTSHANE (IFP): Deputy Speaker, the IFP commends the Minister for Basic Education for her intervention in the so-called posts-for-cash by establishing the commission which is led by Professor Volmink. The claims are that posts for teachers and principals are sold for amounts between R20 000 and R30 000.

 

In this regard the IFP wishes to pass its condolences to the family of Nkosinathi Zondi, the principal of Nyonemhlophe High School, who was murdered for having exposed corruption in the ranks of a certain teacher union in the cash-for-posts scam.

 

The IFP is concerned about the latest utterances by the SA Democratic Teachers’ Union, Sadtu, that it wishes all posts in the KwaZulu-Natal provincial department of education to be occupied by its members. There is ordinarily nothing wrong with this, but everything is wrong when membership and not merit becomes the only criterion for promotion. The mere membership of a teacher union will never achieve the quality education that we all so desire. I thank you. [Applause.]

 

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND CHILDREN RAMPANT

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Mr M L SHELEMBE (NFP): Hon Deputy Speaker and hon members, the abuse of women and children in our country is rampant. The continuous abuse of women and children cannot be tolerated. The recent brutal killing and mutilation of a child at uPhongolo in KwaZulu-Natal and the senseless killing of a child in Gauteng have left fear, a feeling of not being safe, prevailing in our communities.

 

It is our duty as government to protect the people. We wish to state categorically that it does not augur well when families and communities are visited by leaders of government who use memorial services and funerals for political pointscoring and to divide communities.

 

Lokhu esikubone laphaya oPhongolo ngenkathi abantu behlukana phakathi ngenxa yezinkulumo kwagcinwa sekuhhahhanyezwa oNgqongqoshe asihambisani nakho. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)

 

[We do not appreciate what we had seen in uPhongolo, where people were divided because of political speeches that led to people howling at Ministers.]

 

We appeal to the SA Police Service and the Justice department to ensure that the culprits are brought to book and that they rot in jail. I thank you.

 

UNDERSPENDING BY CITY OF CAPE TOWN

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Ms T MAHAMBEHLALA (ANC): Deputy Speaker, I hereby state on behalf of the ANC that the paragon of perfection, the City of Cape Town, has underspent 20% of its capital budget in the 2013-14 financial year. This is really unacceptable and shows poor planning and management of finances by the City of Cape Town.

 

Three crucial directorates, with the biggest capital budgets, collectively underspent more than R200 million, which amounts to over R1,4 billion. One of these departments, Human Settlements, spent only R573 million of its R772 million capital budget. These are critical departments that are meant to provide crucial services to poor communities such as the people of Lwandle, next to the N2 highway near Somerset West, who were evicted recently because of an interim court order and only received assistance through the intervention of the national Ministers of Transport and of Human Settlements.

It was through the intervention of the national government that the people of Lwandle started moving out of the cold community halls as emergency housing was provided on the land they were evicted from and will be integrated into the housing programmes of the City of Cape Town.

 

The reasons put forward by the City of Cape Town mayor why this money was underspent, such as the economic slowdown, the liquidation of contractors and underperformance by service providers, do not hold water. I thank you. [Applause.]

 

DEPARTMENT FAILS TO ADDRESS STUDENTS’ QUALIFICATIONS HOLD-UP

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Mr M G P LEKOTA (Cope): Deputy Speaker, in spite of the President highlighting the critical importance of dealing with the situation of the youth in our country in his state of the nation address, the Department of Higher Education and Training continues not to respond as it should.

 

Thousands of students are being blocked from furthering their studies or getting jobs because they have not received their certificates confirming the successful completion of their further education and training college qualifications.

 

This despicable situation has in some instances been festering for more than five years. It is incumbent upon the Minister of Higher Education and Training to report and account to Parliament in this regard and to provide a clear statement as to when this inexcusable situation will finally be resolved.

 

MVEZO CELEBRATES INTERNATIONAL MANDELA DAY

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Ms T E KENYE (ANC): Deputy Speaker, on Friday, 18 July 2014, the late former President Nelson Mandela’s birthplace in Mvezo in the Eastern Cape became a hive of activity as South Africa and the rest of the world celebrated International Mandela Day. At Mvezo the 67 minutes kicked off at the Mandela School of Technology, headed by President Jacob Zuma, who later officiated at the opening and handing-over ceremony of the Mvezo Museum.

 

A tour through the museum was organised for more than 200 invited guests, followed by an address in the amphitheatre by the President of the Republic of South Africa and the chief executive officer of the Lottery Board, which had funded the building of the museum. The Mandela royal family was represented by Nkosi Zwelivelile and his mother, Mama Nolusapho Mandela. I thank you. [Applause.]

 

SOUTH AFRICA PLAGUED BY ENERGY BLACKOUTS

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Ms N W A MICHAEL (DA): Deputy Speaker, a secure and sufficient energy supply is an absolute essential for the South African economic growth. The country has been plagued by rolling blackouts and our country’s businesses as well as potential foreign investors now hold their breath as we wait to see what capacity will see us through the rest of the year.

 

Our reserve margins have been eroded year after year, and our new build programme has been delayed and poorly implemented. Our great hope has been both the Medupi and Kusile power plants, both of whom have suffered delay after delay and have had their deadline dates moved more times than one cares to mention.

 

Therefore, it is most pleasing and most encouraging that in a joint portfolio committee meeting of Public Enterprises and of Energy held in Parliament this very morning, Public Enterprises Minister, Lynne Brown, gave her assurance to the joint portfolio committee meeting that Medupi Power Station would reach its December 2014 deadline for its first-phase switch-on.

 

This is a courageous undertaking by the Minister, but it also shows that she means business. It is quite simple; the country cannot afford to have this deadline shifted again. It is absolutely imperative that the first-phase switch-on happens in December 2014.

 

We call on Minister Brown to present to Parliament her department’s plan to ensure that this deadline is met and what penalties will be enforced against those responsible at Eskom should this deadline be missed yet again. [Applause.]

 

VISUALLY IMPAIRED CITIZENS RECEIVE AUDIOBOOK PLAYERS

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Ms S MCHUNU (ANC): Deputy Speaker, the ANC-led government in KwaZulu-Natal has distributed audiobook players to 29 visually impaired citizens in Pietermaritzburg in order to allow them easy access to information.

This move is part of ongoing efforts by the government of this province to assist the province’s visually impaired community. As a result, R1 million has been set aside for the mini- libraries project, which aims to promote a culture of reading amongst the visually impaired. Thus far seven mini-libraries have been opened in various districts across KwaZulu-Natal last year and another seven more will be opened in 2014.

 

The ANC believes that this project will go a long way towards ensuring that the visually impaired people living in KwaZulu-Natal have access to sufficient information to enable them to make informed decisions about their lives. Furthermore, it affords them the opportunity to better themselves by furthering their education and being informed about current events taking place in the province, the country and the world at large.

 

Uhulumeni kaKhongolose awunamona, awunanzondo futhi uyabasebenzela abantu baseNingizimu Afrika. Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.] [The ANC-led government is not jealous, neither hateful, and it works for the people of South Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]]

 

AIC RECOGNISES INTERNATIONAL MANDELA DAY

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Mr J S MAHLUBANZIMA (AIC): Chairperson, the AIC recognises 18 July in honour of the late former and first democratic President of the Republic of South Africa. His leadership is envied by all and leaves a serious challenge for the present leadership.

 

It is not every leader who is honoured nationally or internationally as Tata Mandela is. This is acquired through hard work, patience, honesty, trustworthiness and love for the people whom the leader is serving. One of the most important things I liked about Madiba was his courage and selfless leadership style, something that also describes his character.

 

When celebrating Mandela Day, we must do so while doing self-introspection as leaders of our families, communities, constituencies and the Republic of South Africa. We must dedicate and commit ourselves to serving the poor communities that we represent in this House. Thank you. [Applause.]

 

ENHANCING THE STANDARD OF LEARNING IN RURAL SCHOOLS

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Ms M V MAFOLO (ANC): Hon House Chairperson, one of the ANC government’s strategies is to invest money in equipping disadvantaged schools in rural communities that are still lagging behind with regard to modern technology and information and communication technology in order to enhance the standard of learning in rural schools to equal that of schools in urban areas.

 

With that in mind, the Department of Communications has rolled out the project by handing out television sets and satellite dishes to be used for learning at the J S Skenjana Senior Secondary School, situated in Idutywa near Mthatha in the Eastern Cape. This follows earlier initiatives, where over 30 tablets were handed over to learners at the St Patricks and Sandi Senior Secondary schools in rural Libode, also in the Eastern Cape.

 

The ANC believes that expanding access to appropriate technology to rural communities in South Africa is vital in order to ensure equitable socioeconomic development as envisaged in the National Development Plan, as well as bridging the rural and urban divide.

 

Therefore, the ANC calls upon its government to continue rolling out such programmes to other deserving rural communities. This is a good story to tell. Together, let’s move South Africa forward. Ke a leboga. [I thank you.] [Applause.]

 

INQUIRY INTO APPOINTMENT OF NATIONAL DIRECTOR OF PUBLIC PROSECUTIONS

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Adv G BREYTENBACH (DA): House Chairperson, the DA has welcomed the announcement of an inquiry into the appointment procedure followed in the case of the National Director of Public Prosecutions, Mxolisi Nxasana, particularly because it is suggested that the procedure itself may not have been properly followed. The Richard Mdluli saga has compromised the integrity of a number of state institutions and has left the reputation of the National Prosecuting Authority in tatters.

 

The DA commends Nxasana’s efforts to rebuild the integrity of our Prosecuting Authority. Nearly one month later there has been no progress in publishing the terms of reference. It remains unclear whether or not the National Director of Public Prosecutions has been suspended. The delay is both unacceptable and inexplicable and cements the perception that the inquiry is designed to rid the President of the National Director of Public Prosecutions, who, through the reinstatement of the Mdluli charges, has proven to be too independent.

 

Despite calls to do so, the President has failed to publish the terms of reference or to provide a full explanation as to the delay in making this important announcement. He should do so now or abandon this rather transparent exercise.

 

ANC WELCOMES INVESTMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA BY CHINESE COMPANY

 

(Member’s Statement)

 

Ms P T MANTASHE (ANC): Hon House Chairperson, the ANC welcomes one of the largest investments made by a Chinese company in South Africa. The R600 million truck assembly plant, called First Automotive Works, which was launched on Thursday, 10 July 2014, by President Jacob Zuma will operate in the Coega industrial development zone in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metro in the Eastern Cape.

 

This investment will immensely benefit the Nelson Mandela Bay and the greater Eastern Cape region as it will generate foreign direct investment, which will in turn create sustainable jobs and provide opportunities for skills development and training.

 

Moreover, phase one of this operation is expected to produce up to 5 000 trucks and create 400 jobs, with the second phase expected to manufacture about 30 000 passenger vehicles and create thousands of jobs.

 

The ANC believes that the plant will contribute significantly to the national goals of socioeconomic development, as envisioned in the National Development Plan, the New Growth Path and the Industrial Policy Action Plan. This initiative is part of government’s intervention to make manufacturing an important pillar of the economy and to assist to further shore up foreign investor confidence in South Africa. Siyabulela. [I thank you.] [Applause.]

 

MVEZO CELEBRATES INTERNATIONAL MANDELA DAY

 

(Minister’s Response)

 

The MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE: House Chairperson, the opening of the Mvezo Komkhulu Museum, which happened on 18 July 2014, underlines the point of our having a government that is at work to ensure that the values, principles and the life story of Madiba continue to be etched on the lives of the people he lived with in his birthplace, from the ordinary masses to all the other people of our country.

 

This was a clear demonstration of a government that does not forget where Madiba came from, but also understands that the people of Mvezo should be part and parcel of the story of Madiba as we recount his life. Thank you. [Applause.]

 

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND CHILDREN RAMPANT

 

(Minister’s Response)

 

The MINISTER OF WOMEN IN THE PRESIDENCY: House Chairperson, in response to the member of the NFP on the Pongola matter, I think issues of women and children need all of us as a society in order to make sure that we address them adequately.

 

As we all know, the provincial government intervened in the matter up to the point where they have even gone out on campaign and launched awareness programmes in the province of KwaZulu-Natal as a whole. But, I must say that parents also need to take responsibility when it comes to their children.

When government intervenes, I do not think it is a party issue. It is a matter that touches parents and it is an issue that affects us as a society and communities. If a provincial government performs its responsibilities, as happened with the liaison between Social Development and the Safety MECs in KwaZulu-Natal, it cannot be said that those are party-political issues.

 

I must bring to your attention that, where we are today, we must also welcome the action of the police, because those perpetrators have been arrested. I agree with you, they have to rot in jail, because we cannot have such people in our society, people who continue to undermine women and children. Thank you.

 

INTERVENTION IN CASH-FOR-POSTS SCANDAL COMMENDED

EFF CELEBRATES FIRST ANNIVERSARY

DA CALLS FOR PUBLICATION OF NICD FINDINGS

UNDERSPENDING BY CITY OF CAPE TOWN

SOUTH AFRICA PLAGUED BY ENERGY BLACKOUTS

 

(Minister’s Response)

 

The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: House Chairperson, we welcome the comments of the IFP with regard to the speedy action of the Ministry of Basic Education in creating a commission to investigate the allegations made against one of our teacher unions and the matter of jobs. We believe that Minister Motshekga has taken the right steps. We look forward to the report that I am sure she will provide to Parliament.

 

I am not quite sure what the self-congratulatory message of the EFF requires us, as members of the executive, to respond to. I suppose that all we might say is that they, perhaps, should look to the left to imagine the future that is looming before them. Perhaps that would be sufficient.

 

We, of course, would have thought that, given hon James’ concern about governments and the role they play in service delivery, would have made reference to the failure of the City of Cape Town to spend the funding for development which it should have spent, given his concern about the absence of service delivery in the provinces and municipalities that are not governed by the DA. We would have thought that he would be even-handed and also address the failures of the City of Cape Town.

 

Finally, we are very excited about the initiative being taken in partnership by Minister Brown and Minister Patel in order to ensure that we do provide energy security to our country, and we look forward to progress in that regard. Thank you very much, House Chairperson.

 

BRICS LAUNCHES NEW DEVELOPMENT BANK

ENHANCING THE STANDARD OF LEARNING IN RURAL SCHOOLS

 

(Minister’s Response)

 

The MINISTER OF FINANCE: Hon House Chair, I want to welcome the statement by hon Luyenge regarding the establishment of Brics and the signing of the Contingent Reserve Arrangement, CRA, between the Brics countries.

 

Indeed, the establishment of this bank, as we have said time and again, will contribute tremendously to addressing our issue of infrastructure, particularly in the sub-Saharan region. The establishment of the regional office in South Africa will go a long way in establishing a platform for us to be able to deal with the issue of creating bankable projects. Business in South Africa is already working towards making sure that we are able to take advantage of that, as it will be launched concurrently with the headquarters, which will be in Shanghai. Indeed, it is a major step in addressing our infrastructure problems in the region.

 

The Chinese investment in the Eastern Cape is also welcome. It is a sign of confidence in the economy of South Africa. We look forward to ensuring that the jobs that are supposed to come from this investment do come; but also that we benefit tremendously from exporting our country’s products and contributing to manufacturing in the country. Thank you very much.

 

DEPARTMENT FAILS TO ADDRESS STUDENTS’ QUALIFICATIONS HOLD-UP

 

(Minister’s Response)

 

The MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: Hon House Chair, in response to hon Lekota, I wish to state that unfortunately the hon member is very behind and has not been following up on this matter.

 

I reported, last year already, that I have set up a certification backlog project which, as I am speaking to you, has already printed 299 505 National Certificate Vocational, NCV, certificates for the period 2007-12 after having submitted 422 000 records of students. We have an outstanding number of 28 512. We know what the problem is and part of it has been data anomalies recorded by colleges. I am determined that by the end of this year there will be no outstanding certificates.

 

Also, it will be important in future that such statements should be formally made either as written questions or oral questions so that we do not get ambushed. But, I am providing the exact numbers because we are an efficient government, hon Lekota.

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: House Chairperson, I rise on a point of order: Rule 105(9) says a maximum of five Ministers may be given an opportunity to respond. My reading is that we have had hon Mthethwa, hon Shabangu, hon Pandor, hon Nene, and we’ve just had hon Nzimande.

 

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Bayoyika. [They are afraid.]

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member, just hold on. Let me reply to the point that the hon Chief Whip has raised. I don’t know which addition you are referring to, hon Chief Whip. Is it the eighth edition of the Rules of the National Assembly? All right. According to the copy that I have in front of me, on page 34, under Rule 105 (9), as amended on 24 May 2012, a maximum of six Ministers may be given an opportunity to respond to members’ statements. That is the Rule according to which we are conducting the session.

 

UNDERSPENDING BY CITY OF CAPE TOWN

 

(Minister’s Response)

 

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: House Chairperson, I wish to thank hon member Tandi Mahambehlala for the statement that clearly indicates that the City of Cape Town is underspending.

 

I am happy that the member raised this because we know, as Human Settlements, that there is underspending even on the urban settlements development grant. This vindicates us as the Ministers in the department. That is why we are not going to go ahead with accreditation relating to the City of Cape Town building houses. It is because we know that they don’t have the capacity to spend. In fact, this clearly exposes the lies of the DA when it says the City of Cape Town is well-managed. They are exposed day by day. I thank you, House Chairperson. [Applause.]

 

FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT OF PARLIAMENT AMENDMENT BILL

 

(Consideration of Bill and of Report thereon)

 

Mr Y I CARRIM: Hon Chairperson, this declaration, as I understood it five minutes ago, is a declaration called for by the DA. For the life of us collectively in the committee, we do not understand why.

 

It is quite simple. There was a Bill before the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces before the elections. One very minor technical amendment was made by the NCOP and was referred back to the NA, as happens by the norms of Parliament. We merely consider that specific technical amendment. According to the chair of the select committee, Charel de Beer, it was a technical amendment. According to Adv Jenkins, the lawyer of Parliament, not the lawyer of the ANC, it was a technical amendment. According to the researchers and the advisers, it was a technical amendment. So that is what was before us – we treated it two weeks ago as indeed we should. At that stage, needless to say, the DA representatives decided to open up for debate yet again all the issues that were dealt with in the fourth term of Parliament.

 

We said that this was not the way to go. They pointed out that they had some difficulties with some aspects of the Bill, to which we said, fine, in that case let us go through the correct procedure, where we consider reviewing the provisions you are concerned with, but it would mean reopening the entire Bill. It would mean submitting it yet again for public comment when, in fact, it was dealt with only a few moments ago.

 

I noticed something interesting when Minister Naledi Pandor was shaking her head because she was partly responsible for these Rules being shaped many years ago and she is an expert, certainly more than I am, on these Rules. So, I am not sure what the value of this report is. We have said in our report to Parliament that we should implement this Bill – let us make it an Act; let us implement it - and we might find, all of us, not least the ANC, that there are aspects of the Bill which are not doable, which are not implementable, or could indeed be improved before its implementation.

 

So why don’t we have that? Instead, here we have this tiresome thing, for the DA’s sake, notwithstanding the fact ... [Interjections.] No, the democratic Rules were sanctioned by you; I am talking about the DA. These Rules were shaped collectively, therefore we should not set a precedent, where every time we bring a Bill back – we revive a Bill at the end of a term – instead of dealing with the specific amendments that the NCOP has made to a Bill, we open up the whole Bill for discussion yet again. [Interjections.]

 

In short, we have said yes, let us review the Bill, and if it is necessary, as we implement it and find mistakes, we will attend to those mistakes. That offer remains open to the DA instead of our having this debate, which has extremely limited value. The general elections are some four and a half years away and as regards the local government elections, I do not know anybody out there who is concerned about this particular technical amendment of the Bill. It has no value to the electorate out there, but there you are, we are doing this to please the DA. Thank you very much.

 

There was no debate.

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Chair, I move:

 

That the Bill be passed.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): I now put the question. Those in favour will say “Aye” and those against will say “No”.

 

HON MEMBERS: Aye!

HON MEMBERS: No!

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): I think the “Ayes” have it.

 

Declarations of vote:

 

Mr D C ROSS (DA): Hon Chairperson, may I say at the outset that I am quite disappointed that the Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Finance was once again not prepared to take this chance to give some information to the members so that we could make a well-informed decision with regard to the Bill.

 

The Bill is fundamentally flawed and that is why we are also opposing the technical amendment. Let me tell you why it is flawed. The Financial Management of Parliament Act legislates the financial management of Parliament’s financial assets and the procurement of goods and services, and the aim of this is to integrate the various processes, for example, budgeting, procurement and the financial system.

 

It is important to note that the review of the Financial Management of Parliament Act must result in providing a regulatory framework for the financial management of provincial legislatures as well. This is important, because it brings the financial management of the provincial legislatures into the Act as well. The Act will therefore also have a profound implication on the prudent financial management of legislatures.

 

The minor amendment now to be considered with regard to the definition of an audit opinion once again affords us the opportunity to set an example in terms of accountability and ensuring efficiency in the use of public financers by addressing the fundamental issue of an independent oversight mechanism.

 

The procedure that I would like us to consider is that Parliament’s budget is drafted by the Secretary to Parliament and approved by the Speaker and the Chairperson of the NCOP as Parliament’s executive authority. This is our principle position. Our proposal is that the functions of planning, drafting and budgeting by the executive authority must be separated from the oversight function. Our proposal is therefore also applicable to legislatures.

 

The original Bill proposes that the executive authority, viz the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, as well as the Deputy Speaker and the Deputy Chairperson, may not be members of the oversight mechanism. The enabling legislation was drafted in 2008. The aim of that was to give the oversight mechanism considerable powers to oversee the Secretary to Parliament and the presiding officers in promoting accountability.

 

The amended Bill proposes that the executive authority may be a member of the oversight mechanism and this undermines the intent of the Bill. The effect of our proposal will be to retain the position against the mentioned office bearers from being members of the oversight mechanism. This is the basis for a Private Member’s Bill that we will also bring to Parliament.

 

Parliament has received R2 billion in this financial year, with an increase of 5%. It will spend R47 million on the Parliamentary Communication Service and R25 million on the SABC’s radio programme. The question is, is this good value for money? We really don’t know, because we do not have an independent oversight mechanism. An amount of R140 million on the retained funds is committed to priority projects. What are those projects and what was the oversight on these projects? Let me give you a good example of accountability. The Western Cape Provincial Legislature will receive R108 million in their budget allocation for this year.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr C T Frolick): Hon member, your time has expired.

 

Mr D C ROSS: In conclusion, the Western Cape will establish its own oversight mechanism, excluding the general oversight mechanism. I thank you for the opportunity. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

 

Ms Z S DLAMINI-DUBAZANA (ANC): Hon Chairperson, Deputy President, hon members, the ANC strongly supports the consideration of this report. The reason is that, if we follow the game that the DA is playing, we are not going to govern this country.

 

They are talking about the legislative framework. The very same reason why the ANC said that we needed to look at this amending Bill is because of the Limpopo incident. We did consider that and the tool – today they are talking about the assets and the purchase power, which are new. I don’t know why.

 

However, the most critical point is that they are saying that the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of Parliament must not be included in the oversight committee. It is wrong. The ANC delegates power with trust. They cannot at the end of the day hold the Speaker accountable and then remove him or her from the committee. How can you hold him accountable? That is playing a game which is not good. It is so wrong.

 

We cannot remove the Speaker or the Deputy Speaker from that clause. They will remain accountable. That is what the ANC is saying. The ANC has to consider the report. I thank you.

 

Motion agreed to.

 

Bill accordingly passed (Democratic Alliance dissenting).

 

CONSIDERATION OF CODE OF ETHICAL CONDUCT AND DISCLOSURE OF MEMBERS’ INTERESTS FOR ASSEMBLY AND PERMANENT COUNCIL MEMBERS

 

Mr N A MASONDO: Deputy Speaker, hon members, fellow South Africans, let me take this opportunity to remind members that the National Council of Provinces adopted a report on the code in the Fourth Parliament. We note that the National Assembly could not consider the report at the time. Currently, this National Assembly has revived the report for the purpose of adopting it. This matter is of critical importance, and all the members here and now should support this important intervention. We are of the view that all those in the House who truly regard the fight against corruption as important, as a matter of significance, can ill afford to have this matter postponed to a different date or time.

 

We also wish to emphasise that the public and communities out there expect us to lead by example, particularly on matters of ethics. The public expect from us a greater sense of integrity, objectivity, openness and honesty.

 

As I move towards concluding, the new Code of Ethical Conduct and disclosure of financial interests of members mark an important milestone in carrying forward this Parliament’s commitment to higher levels of accountability and transparency. We dare not fail. Let me, as a last word, just implore and urge all members in the House to adopt this code. [Applause.]

There was no debate.

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon House Chair, noting the need for members to familiarise themselves with the Code of Ethical Conduct and the Disclosure of Members’ Interests, as printed in the Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 17 March 2014, p 1388, I move:

 

That the code be adopted with the implementation date of 1 November 2014, subject to the concurrence of the National Council of Provinces.

 

Declaration of vote:

 

Mev A M DREYER (DA): Mevrou die Voorsitter, die DA stem vandag ten gunste van die skerper etiese kode omdat dit ‘n kompas sal voorsien wat Lede van die Parlement kan help om koers te hou.

 

Ons almal weet LP’s vind dit soms moeilik om die talle versoekings te weerstaan wat hulle pad kruis, veral as hulle geldelik daarby kan baat. Ons het ook gesien hoeveel LP’s in die verlede reeds langs die pad gestruikel en geval het.

 

Verskeie van u sal onthou dat hierdie Huis in November 2011 ‘n verslag aanvaar hetwaarin ‘n destydse lid skuldig bevind is omdat die lid persoonlik voordeel getrek het uit ‘n firma waarvan regeringskontrakte toegeken is. Die lid het finansieel gebaat by aandele in Trifecta Investment Holdings en het daardie aandele boonop nie verklaar nie. Voorts het die lid onder eed gelieg, vals dokumente voorgelê en geen berou getoon nie.

 

Weens beperkings op die mag van die Etiekkomitee om straf op te lê, kon die Speaker die lid slegs hier in die Nasionale Vergadering roskam en moes sy ‘n maand se salaris verbeur. Daarna het ekself ‘n omvattende klagstaat teen die agb lid Yolande Botha by die Polisiekantoor Kaapstad Sentraal ingedien. Hierdie is een van verskeie gevalle wat die Parlement van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika onwaardig is.

 

Daarom is dit gepas dat hierdie nuwe, verskerpte etiese kode aan die Etiekkomitee sterker spierkrag gee om korrupsie te straf. Ons vertrou dat hierdie kode parlementslede, insluitend kabinetslede, tot groter eerlikheid, integriteit en selfdissipline sal aanspoor. Daarom steun die DA dit met oortuiging. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

 

[Mrs A M DREYER (DA): Madam Chairperson, today the DA will vote in favour of this clearer ethical code, because it will provide a compass that can assist Members of Parliament to stay on course.

 

We all know that at times MPs find it difficult to withstand the many temptations that come their way, especially when they can stand to gain financially. We have also seen in the past how many MPs have stumbled and fallen along the way.

 

Many of you will remember how in November 2011 this House accepted a report in which a former member was found guilty because this member had benefited personally from a firm to which government contracts had been awarded. The member had gained financially through shares in Trifecta Investment Holdings, and moreover had not declared those shares. Furthermore, the member lied under oath, submitted false documents and showed no remorse.

 

Because of constraints on the authority of the Ethics Committee to impose punishment, the Speaker could only take the member to task here in the National Assembly and she had to forfeit one month’s salary. Subsequently I myself submitted an extensive charge sheet against the hon member Yolande Botha at Cape Town Central Police Station. This is one of various cases that are unworthy of the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa.

 

That is why it is fitting for this new, clearer ethical code to lend stronger muscular power to the Ethics Committee to punish corruption. We trust that this code will inspire parliamentarians, including members of the Cabinet, to greater honesty, integrity and self-discipline. The DA will therefore support this with conviction. [Applause.]]

 

Motion agreed to.

 

Code of Ethical Conduct and Disclosure of Members’ Interests for Assembly and Permanent Council Members accordingly adopted.

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF JOINT COMMITTEE ON ETHICS AND MEMBERS’ INTERESTS

 

There was no debate.

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon House Chair, I move:

 

That the Report be adopted and that the deadline for the disclosure of financial interests in terms of the current Code of Conduct for Assembly and Permanent Council Members be extended to 15 August 2014.

Motion agreed to.

 

Report accordingly adopted.

 

CONSIDERATION OF FIRST REPORT OF JOINT RULES COMMITTEE OF THE FIFTH PARLIAMENT

 

There was no debate.

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon House Chair, I move:

 

That the Report be adopted.

 

Motion agreed to.

 

Report accordingly adopted.

 

FREEDOM AND JUSTICE FOR ALL

 

(Debate on Mandela Day)

 

The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Hon Chairperson, hon Deputy President and hon members, as we commemorate Nelson Mandela for the first time in this Fifth Parliament, and after his passing, a war is ensuing in the Middle East. This war, divided by a wall, holds communities on both sides of the divide who believe that theirs is a fight for freedom and justice.

 

At the time of writing this speech, more than 1 250 people, a disproportionate number, have lost life and limb as part of the defence of the people on both sides of this wall. This war has wiped out communities, women, children and so-called terrorists indiscriminately, all in the name of the safety and security of the innocent civilians.

 

Such is also a contradiction of what Nelson Mandela believed in and what he has become to the many people of the world, together with this notion of freedom and justice. To him, the definition of freedom and justice was espoused in the Freedom Charter and became his guide to action, either in the Defiance Campaign as a volunteer or as a soldier in uMkhonto weSizwe or as a prisoner on Robben Island, or as a statesman in our democratic South Africa. In all of these phases of his life, until he retired from office, he acquired many names and titles, positive and negative - from being called the Black Pimpernel to being a terrorist, a communist and even a warmonger.

 

It is surprising how those who apportioned all of these titles to him today declare him a deity, a god, a saint and an object of worship for various reasons each time we commemorate and celebrate Mandela Day.

 

When he spoke on CNN in 2000, he said that he was called a terrorist yesterday, but when he came out of jail many people embraced him, including his own enemies. It is also surprising how both the ultra-left and neo-anarchists and the right-wing liberals, for fear of offending millions of our people who believed in Mandela, always wants to distance him from the ANC. Mandela himself declared, when he was released, that he is a loyal and disciplined member of the ANC and therefore in full agreement with all of its objectives, strategies and tactics.

 

A few years before he died, Mandela said, and I quote:

 

In heaven, I will be looking for the nearest branch of the ANC and request membership ...

 

For it was in his body, blood and soul.

 

For some, Mandela should actually be ripped out from the history of the ANC and a new version of the Long Walk to Freedom be written just in his honour. For the ultra-left and neo-anarchists, whether in discussing the outcomes of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, Codesa, negotiations and its compromises, the formation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, TRC, and its amnesties, the compromises that constituted the transitional government, the declaration - which was led by Mandela himself - of the national flag and the national anthem or even the adoption of the Constitution of the country, they are always holding back their temptation to sing in unison, “Nelson Mandela has sold out”. They will always couch these songs of a Madiba who sold out in rhetorical gibberish and find a way to put this at the door of not only the ANC, but also of the presidents of the ANC and of the country that followed him.

 

Similarly, when the ANC government declares the need to accelerate and radically transform the economy, and the need for land redistribution and restitution, stronger state intervention in ownership of the mining, finance and energy complex, the liberal right-wing will always remind us how this is against the spirit and letter of what Nelson Mandela stood for, and that we would plunge this economy into chaos and defeat the very same consensus that Nelson Mandela laid as a basis for its building.

 

Confronted by those who are happy with the status quo on the one hand and those who are eager to venture into dramatic overtures that would result in disastrous proportions on the other hand, the ANC has resolved to engage in radical transformation of our society by radically transforming its economic base.

As early as 1957, the ANC of Nelson Mandela understood that immediately after political changes have resulted in the establishment of the sort of government envisaged by the Freedom Charter, those in power would be faced with the major problem of raising the economic status of the non-Europeans and of doing away with the basic inequality of wealth, which is part and parcel of the present economic system.

 

For the past 20 years, since Mandela became President, the ANC has put in place legislation to ensure that the majority of our people do not only hear of freedom, but feel it in their pulse and experience the changes in their lives and the lives of those around them. This legislation was supported by the construction of a strong government and a strong, capable state that was tasked to implement new and radical policies to change the lives of our people for the better.

 

It would be a lie, a red herring, to suggest that the quality of life of our people has not changed for the better. Just as the Freedom Charter envisaged, there are houses, schools, clinics, roads, access to land, work, justice and many other qualitative and quantitative changes. The fact that there are still setbacks should by no means be used as an argument that government has failed. The majority of our people know that only the ANC is capable of moving this country and its people forward.

 

In the article, Does the Freedom Charter Mean Socialism? the ANC referred, and I quote, to -

 

... the accumulation of the basic wealth of the land in the hands of a small section of the White caste. As long as this balance remains undisturbed, the inferior status of the non-European cannot be radically altered.

 

The ANC’s programme of radically transforming the economy means using its political power and authority to change the historical patterns of ownership and put control in the hands of the majority of our people. This radical transformation of the economy means empowering our people through using power to change the lives of our people for the better. That radical transformation also means strengthening the national and international economic participation of South Africa based on our identified developmental needs rather than being slaves of the global financial institutions. This is the legacy that Nelson Mandela represented: a legacy of building a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous society for the liberation of our people from economic and political bondage.

Every year when South Africa and the world commemorate Nelson Mandela Day, we do so in honour of a revolutionary who sacrificed more than half of his adult life in the struggle for the liberation of his people. It is important that we encourage all South Africans to actively participate in the acts of goodwill that happen on Mandela Day in order to ensure that we continue with his legacy.

 

Nelson Mandela’s legacy was not to see what he spent most of his life fighting against being perpetuated under a democratic South Africa, where people perform meagre acts of goodwill once a year in order to be like Mandela by giving to those who do not have. Nelson Mandela’s legacy was for the total undoing of poverty, inequality and unemployment; the very same conditions which gave rise to Nelson Mandela Day.

 

In 1962, in his Statement from the Dock, as part of his defence, Nelson Mandela said, and I quote:

 

Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing ... to be allowed to live where they obtain work ... to be allowed to own land in places where they work ... to be part of the general population ...

He further said:

 

African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, and not forced into an unnatural existence in men’s hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk ... Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country ... Africans want a just share in the whole of South Africa; they want security and a stake in society.  Above all, we want equal political rights ...

 

Although the actions undertaken by many on Nelson Mandela Day help in perpetuating acts of social justice and solidarity, it is not enough to paint a school, read a book at an orphanage or buy school shoes for those who need them. If those who participate in these acts of goodwill do not question the monopolistic nature of the economy and the finance, minerals and energy complex, which are the root causes of the economic divide, those acts will remain as insignificant as though 1994 never happened. The ANC of Mandela has set out to challenge the economic structure of our country to ensure that it serves our people.

 

Some weeks after his death, there was an article or piece of information which the ANC spoke about, which claimed that Nelson Mandela was a member of the SA Communist Party. Hell broke loose “Not our Mandela,” they said, because the underlying message and tone was that Mandela could not have associated himself with an organisation that seeks to challenge free market fundamentalism, transfer the economy into the hands of those who work it, continue to challenge the racialised ownership of the economy, and so on and so forth.

 

Even before his death, Mandela has always been asked to clarify his membership or association with the communists, because their god, or their deity, their idol could not be seen to be a member of the SA Communist Party.

 

Today, young people are demobilised from the idea that both the ANC and Nelson Mandela stood and continue to stand for. They are consistently reminded to shed their history and not to blame it for the current conditions they are confronted with. We are told that because of Mandela, we are born free and should never agree to be associated with the historical failures of apartheid and colonialism.

 

As this generation of youth, we must refuse to accept a Mandela who is sold to us as a god, a liberator, a saint and a deity; he, himself, denounced such labels attached to him. The conditions which we find ourselves in did not spring up when the ANC took over in 1994. The scars that were inflicted on our parents by apartheid are a reflection of the socioeconomic conditions which we face today as a generation of youth. We should ask those who ask of us to forget about what apartheid did to our parents, whether they would be willing to forgo their inheritances so that they can be shared collectively by those who live in the country.

 

Just as with the Freedom Charter and with the Reconstruction and Development Programme, RDP, which were strongly opposed, the ANC has a plan that builds on the foundation of these two, which is the National Development Plan, whose main thrust is the continuation of the legacy of Nelson Mandela.

 

We will obviously be calling upon all young people to constructively or critically or both engage with the National Development Plan as part of taking South Africa forward and building onto the legacy of Nelson Mandela.

 

In one of the most powerful words from his mouth, Mandela said, and I quote:

 

Death is something inevitable. When a man has done what he considers to be his duty to his people and his country, he can rest in peace. I believe I have made that effort and that is, therefore, why I will sleep for the eternity.

 

One of the mourners wrote to Lady Churchill after the passing on of Winston Churchill, and I quote:

 

That he died is unimportant, for we must all pass away. That he lived is momentous to the destiny of decent men. He is not gone. He lives wherever men are free.

 

And that is how we will always feel about uTata Nelson Mandela. Thank you. [Applause.]

 

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Chairperson!

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Is there anyone who wanted to make a point of order?

 

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Yes, Chairperson. At least we have been spared the insults of being called “Hitler” today.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): That is not a point of order, hon member.

 

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Hon House Chairperson, Deputy President, members of this House, ba gaetso [fellow people], dumelang [good day]. The spirit of reconciliation must be an ideal that must live on.

 

It’s very difficult and almost impossible to capture the enormous nature of former President Nelson Mandela and his contribution to our great nation. He is the hero and legend who bequeathed to us this nation, borne out of the ashes of apartheid, and a constitution borne out of an oppressive legal framework and, ultimately, freedom from the jail cells of Robben Island.

 

Words can never express the extraordinary freedom fighter that Tata is and will always be continually remembered as.

 

Ms N R MASHABELA: Hon Chairperson, this unnecessary movement of the members of the ruling party is disturbing this House.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon member, you must first wait to be recognised before you make your point of order. But thank you very much for that point. However, I don’t think we can say only one part of the House is making movement; everybody has been moving about. They have been doing so quietly. Thank you very much, hon member. Let us not disturb the speaker on the podium.

 

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: You have to be willing to engage all aspects of Madiba - the freedom fighter, the prisoner and the President, from his varying causes of peace and reconciliation, the champion humanitarian who stood for the rights of others to be educated, the 46664 Madiba, the hero we celebrate and remember on Nelson Mandela Day.

 

In the time that is allocated to me, I choose to pay respect to one of Tata’s unfinished projects, that of building a truly united and nonracist society. It is a society where never and never again shall one be able to oppress another because of the colour of their skin, and a world where reconciliation and the values of freedom shall reign. Indeed, never should the sun set on such a glorious achievement.

 

Words that began the journey of reconciliation, a journey that is far from complete. It was Tata who affirmed that, in fact, we are not yet free but have merely achieved the freedom to be free. This is why we stand here today. We have achieved the freedom to be free, but yet for so many, we are not yet free. In his own words, he said:

 

A fundamental concern for others in our individual and community lives would go a long way in making the world the better place we so passionately dreamt of.

 

These words are an important reminder that peaceful solutions to seemingly insurmountable conflicts can be found when we approach our fellow human beings with love and compassion rather than hatred and derision.

 

It is this fundamental concern for others that must guide the continuation of our efforts to build a South Africa which belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity. But it is also this ideal of a peaceful reconciliation that must guide our efforts and our calls for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and the cessation of aggression on both sides of the conflict.

 

In the first instance, we must protect our democracy and, secondly, we must aim to export our South African lessons of reconciliation and peace rather than import aggression and division which could divide South Africans. We must not import the politics of conflict that divide our own people.

 

To understand reconciliation in South Africa is not simply to have the rights and a Constitution that belongs to all. We should further that goal by equating all citizens under the law. Regardless of what office we hold in the land, from president to indigent, the supreme rule of the law must apply equitably to all.

 

We cannot be reconciled if we don’t uphold the supremacy of the rule of law. Furthermore, if we fail to deliver the rights guaranteed by our Constitution, we in fact fail our people. Expressed in our Preamble are the words:

 

We, the people of South Africa, recognise the injustices of our past; honour those who suffered for justice and freedom in our land; respect those who have worked to build and develop our country.

 

It is indeed for this particular reason that we are building the project of reconciliation. When some become corrupt and fail to comply with the very essence of the law – in fact, to be corrupt - is to abandon the values of Tata.

We must cherish a reconciled society by building on the ideals of economic reconciliation. This is perhaps the hardest of all the projects, in a society where today race still determines one’s wealth, poverty or the very opportunities that are available to people. Our history of oppression still lives on where those who earn the highest are still white and the poorest black, where intra-inequality amongst races is on the rise and those living in deepening poverty are left out of economic activity - the economic outsiders.

 

That is why, as the DA, we call for an open opportunity society, for a reconciled South Africa, where one day race will not be a factor in determining one’s tomorrow.

 

I spent 67 minutes in Njoli Square, in Nelson Mandela Bay, interacting with small businesses. We may be able to vote, to choose, but all of us really desire a freedom we can use, the freedom to start a small business that can ultimately employ so many others, a nation where medium enterprises will grow to become enterprises that hire more and more South Africans.

 

In fact, the new charter must state that there must be work for all. Justice and economic justice must mean that broad-based black economic empowerment, BBBEE, must benefit these businesses in Njoli Square, create jobs, and not just benefit a few that are politically connected.

 

We ought to be building transport infrastructure that gives us access to one another and breaks down our historical spatial legacy. We must break down the world of the included and those who are excluded. The insider-outsider economic space will force us to fight for the ever so rare opportunities that this government is able to create in economic divisions where, instead, there should be economic reconciliation and progress.

 

We need to seek out the best ways to educate South Africans. It is not good enough that a child from Mamelodi still gets an inferior education to that of a child from Waterkloof. The DA’s pledge is to build a truly reconciled society. Freedom must equate choice, a freedom one can use, that gives an opportunity for one to choose one’s tomorrow.

 

This project cannot be given lip service. This House must work hard on building on the legacy of a truly reconciled society. Yes, I do celebrate the repeal of the Immorality Act and many other pieces of legislation that denied opportunities to South Africans to be with whomever they choose to be. This was a vital achievement in this House and it is possible for us to build on that spirit, or else we will end up turning against our own gains by pushing one another into our own racial corners. To mobilise on race is to break down the nation-building spirit that South Africans have.

 

Rhetorical expressions such as “the honeymoon is over for whites” engenders fears that are no different to those of the “Swart gevaar” and fail dismally to build this great nation. The project we are engaged with is the liberation of both the oppressed and the oppressor. The ideal is that, together, we can build South Africa for all our children, regardless of race.

 

It is for this reason that I appreciate the DA and am a member of the party. Under Suzman the party fought against apartheid and now, today, what a privilege it is to work and build a party for all South Africans - black, white, Indian or coloured. [Applause.]

 

We can continue to do the work that Nelson Mandela and many others started, when our benches will never be benches of a single race, but shall forever be benches for South Africans from all walks of life. They will be here, not because they are politically connected, but because they share a fundamental concern for others, pursuing the freedom and equality for all under the law.

 

It is this bench, this team and this DA that will pursue the ideals of the National Development Plan through which, without fail, our economy will provide open opportunities for all South Africans. We shall continue to live and strive for freedom in this great land of South Africa. I thank you. [Applause.]

 

Mr R P RAMAKATSA: Hon Chair and hon Members of the House, there are many versions of Nelson Mandela that are spoken about and promoted in all spheres of society. The Mandela we know was an honest human being who would identify an objective and fight for it. In his lifetime, Nelson Mandela was in pursuit of the Freedom Charter. It was because of the Freedom Charter that Nelson Mandela and 155 others were arrested in 1956 because they had the Freedom Charter as their political and ideological programme and version.

 

In the treason trial, the Freedom Charter was exhibit no 1, presented by the state as the main reason why the political leadership of the entire liberation movement was accused of treason. The repression and oppression of the regime was intensified after the adoption of the Freedom Charter. The ultimate banning of the ANC as a political movement in 1960 was because it had a programme called the Freedom Charter. The imprisonment of political leaders, their banishment, separation from families, torture, and even assassination by the apartheid regime was because of the Freedom Charter.

 

The question we should ask is why we speak so much of the Freedom Charter and Nelson Mandela. We do so because it was Nelson Mandela who fought in the ANC that the Freedom Charter should be adopted as its programme when factions on both sides of the ideological stream resisted.

 

In 1956 Nelson Mandela wrote:

 

The charter is more than a mere list of demands for democratic reforms. It is a revolutionary document precisely because the changes it envisages cannot be won without breaking up the economic and political setup of present South Africa.

 

In the same article, Mandela argued:

 

It is true that in demanding the nationalisation of the banks, the gold mines and the land, the charter strikes a fatal blow at the financial and gold mining monopolies and farming interests that have for centuries plundered the country and condemned its people to servitude. But such a step is imperative because the realisation of the charter is inconceivable, in fact impossible, unless and until these monopolies are smashed and the national wealth of the country turned over to the people.

 

This view Mandela held for most of the time he existed as a political leader. Perhaps he took a strategic retreat in the early 1990s due to the capitalist triumphalists who overwhelmed the world after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the first press conference he addressed immediately after his release from prison in 1990, Nelson Mandela said:

 

The nationalisation of the mines, banks and monopoly industries is the policy of the ANC, and a change ...  of our views in this regard is inconceivable.

 

This assertion and proclamation put to rest the argument of unseasoned politicians in some organisations that the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act, Act 28 of 2002, has achieved the Freedom Charter. The Freedom Charter’s clarion call for the mineral resources beneath the soil, monopoly industries and banks to be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole has always been understood to mean the nationalisation of mines, banks and monopoly industries.

 

This is what Mandela fought and was arrested for. In his honour and in honour of freedom and justice for all, the most decent thing that South Africa can do is to implement the Freedom Charter to the fullest. [Applause.] The National Development Plan, NDP, is not the Freedom Charter and none of the existing policies is about the implementation of the Freedom Charter.

 

To honour Mandela, we should be honest and we should fight for the implementation of the Freedom Charter. Like all of us, Mandela was fallible and could make mistakes. One of the mistakes he made was to believe that white monopoly capitalists, particularly the Rupert family and the Oppenheimers, have the interests of a better South Africa at heart. It is not a secret that, as part of the transformation from apartheid, Nelson Mandela consulted a lot of white monopoly capitalists on critical policy positions that should constitute programmes of the new government.

 

Maybe this explains why the Freedom Charter has been abandoned by the ANC and is just a document to decorate ANC offices. [Applause.] In honour of freedom and justice, we should implement the Freedom Charter. The question needs to be asked whether we are living up to his wishes or expectations. The answer is absolutely no, because of the moral bankruptcy that we have today and corruption, stealing from the poor. I thank you. [Applause.]

 

Mr M A MNCWANGO: Hon Chair, today we honour, remember and celebrate the life of one of the great icons of the twentieth century, former president Nelson Mandela. Madiba was a member of the ANC, but he far transcended that membership in becoming not only the premier statesman for South Africa, but also an example to the world of the triumph of the will to do good.

 

To honour his legacy, we can never separate him from his political home. However, his embodiment of leadership and understanding of democratic principles and resistance to bloodletting showed that he did not see himself apart from those who disagreed with him; instead, everyone was part of both the problem and solution. His extension of forgiveness and peace to those who once held him captive shows how, despite the wishes of his own party, his vision for South Africa went beyond the limitations of party policies.

 

The lifelong friendship between Madiba and Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi is well known. Here are two leaders chosen by history to fulfill specific destinies on behalf of South Africa and for the sake of freedom. A shared vision and shared values underpinned their friendship. In the first rally after his release, Mr Mandela paid tribute to Buthelezi, thanking him for working tirelessly for his unbanning, the unbanning of political parties and the release of political prisoners.

 

Buthelezi’s rejection of the bilateral negotiations brought all parties to the negotiating table. On 02 February 1990, President De Klerk himself acknowledged that Buthelezi had convinced him to release Mr Mandela. [Interjections.] Buthelezi expresses ...

 

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Chair, on a point of order: We do not have Buthelezi here, we have hon Buthelezi.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Thank you, Deputy Chief Whip.

 

Mr M A MNCWANGO: The hon Inkosi Buthelezi expresses great respect for Mandela’s integrity. He admires Mr Mandela for admitting in 2002 the ANC strategy to destroy him. Mr Mandela admitted:

 

We have used every ammunition to destroy Buthelezi ...

 

That is not me speaking –

 

... but we failed and he is still there. He is a formidable survivor; we cannot ignore him.

 

Only an honourable man would admit this truth; and only a genuine friendship could withstand it. Madiba inspired and continues to inspire us all. He truly triumphed over every adversity.

 

What Madiba is not, though, is the private property of the ANC. We note with serious concern the manner in which the ruling party, whenever they are against the ropes on an issue, bring out Madiba’s bones, like the bones of St Patrick.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon member, your time has expired.

 

Mr M A MNCWANGO: This relegation of such a great personality to a universal party issue panacea is a stain on and an insult to the legacy of Nelson Mandela. I thank you, Madam Chair. [Applause.]

 

Mr N M KHUBISA: Hon Chair, hon Deputy President and hon members, Dr Mandela said on 25 February 1990 at a rally in Durban:

 

Since my release I have become more convinced than ever that the real makers of history are the ordinary men and women of our country. Their participation in every decision about the future is the only guarantee of true democracy and freedom.

 

Madiba’s name will remain for life in the annals of our history. He was a true struggle icon, a peacemaker and a reconciliator. He stood up like a colossus and extended an olive branch even to those we thought he would reject because of the bleak previous history of our country.

 

He worked with other stalwarts and he bequeathed to us a lasting lesson that there is nothing that supersedes total human freedom. Madiba came to KwaZulu-Natal when there was black-on-black violence, especially between the IFP and ANC, and told the members of both parties to throw their guns and pangas into the sea.

 

Madiba had an uncommon love for children and he was a true advocate for children’s rights. He ensured that the rights of our children are embraced and enshrined in our Constitution. He strongly believed that education is the best tool and the best vehicle for emancipation, and he strongly called our youth to amass education in order to prepare for a better future.

 

In his message on one national Day of Reconciliation, he maintained that:

 

We, the people of South Africa, have made a decisive and irreversible break with the past. We have in real life declared our shared allegiance to justice, nonracialism and democracy; our yearning for a peaceful and harmonious co-existence of equals.

 

We as members of this House are afforded a rare opportunity to make laws that have a bearing on the lives of our people. We make laws that impact on the life and the destiny of all the people of our country, who Madiba would have wished to have clean water and sanitation. He would have wished that they get electricity. He would have wished that we do away with the bucket system; that they have descent housing; that they have tarred roads, decent health and social welfare; where crime and corruption are alien to us.

 

We have a responsibility as a nation to demonstrate dignity and decorum, and to conduct ourselves in such a manner that people have trust in us. Thank you, hon House Chairperson. [Time expired.]

 

Mr N L S KWANKWA: Hon Chair, hon Deputy President and hon members, former president Nelson Mandela’s election and inauguration in 1994 marked the end of many of years of oppression and caused South Africans of all races to fill the streets, all celebrating our victory in the fight for the self-evident right to determine our own destiny.

 

Some shouted from their rooftops lines from S E K Mqhayi’s poem, Ukutshona kukaMendi, the SS Mendi steamship, which sank in 1917, killing all the troops on board. These lines have over the years been used to describe not only the bravery of the men who died in this tragic incident, but also to explain a course of events that has been predetermined by fate. Mqhayi says:

 

Sibona kamhlophe sithi bekumele,

Sithethe engqondweni sithi bekufanele,

Xa bekungenjalo bekungasayi kulunga,

Ngoko ke Sotase kwaqala ukulunga.

 

Madiba was a man of courage, who refused to withdraw when difficulties ensued. He fought gallantly to deliver freedom and justice for all. During his term in office, Madiba meticulously stitched together a people as diverse as our country’s scenery into a rainbow nation.

 

We must, however, admit that race relations have regressed since the Madiba days. Anger, resentment and racism sometimes belie the seemingly well-adjusted rainbow nation. We must therefore work hard to build a cohesive nation that works towards the wellbeing of all the people.

 

Madiba did not only leave us a legacy of peace, forgiveness and justice, but he also left us one of the best constitutions in the world, which is fortified by a number of institutions that support our constitutional democracy.

 

While talking about democratic institutions, hon members, our conduct in this House over the past few weeks has left much to be desired. It has chipped away at the foundation of the very institutions and the very Madiba legacy we seek to uphold. I submit that nations around the world use Parliament as a dipstick to measure the quality of a nation’s discourse as well as the quality and the maturity of its leaders.

 

Considering how badly we have been behaving in this House, we should not complain when some members of the public mistake our proceedings here for a gathering of gangsters and hooligans. We must maintain the decorum of the House and treat each other with respect at all times.

 

Fellow compatriots, in his parliamentary farewell speech to Madiba in 1999, former President Mbeki said the following words, which still ring true today, because Madiba is with us in spirit:

 

We have you, Madiba, as our nearest and brightest star to guide us on our way. We will not get lost.

 

Thank you very much. [Applause.]

 

Mr M H REDELINGHUYS: Hon Chair, I stand here today as the first Mandela Rhodes scholar to take up a seat in this House. In doing so, I pay tribute to not only the late president Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, but to many great men and women who built the Mandela Rhodes Foundation, a unique partnership between the Nelson Mandela Foundation and Rhodes Trust. My tribute includes the late Professor Jakes Gerwel and Mr Shaun Johnson, who used to occupy seats in the boxes above, and the former deputy president, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Mr Ahmed Kathrada, Justice Yvonne Mokgoro, Professor Njabulo Ndebele, Dr Mo Ibrahim and Ms Irene Menell.

 

The foundation is one of the three that Madiba created to leave his legacy of pursuing freedom and justice for all beyond the realm of just the state and government, more so when the government of the day and the party he held so dear no longer does so. By awarding postgraduate scholarships to young Africans, the foundation aims to build an exceptional leadership capacity in Africa, ensuring that Madiba’s legacy lives on and that the principle and vision that Tata held never die.

 

I am one of the 200 Mandela Rhodes scholars chosen, thus far, for embodying, and tasked with advancing, the real principles of Tata and the Mandela Rhodes Foundation, principles that he himself chose. These “REEL” or “R-E-E-L” principles of reconciliation, entrepreneurship, education and leadership are intertwined with the pursuit of freedom and justice for all.

 

Sadly, the gulf between 1994 and the present has widened so that the governing party’s commitment to those principles appears to be fading. It is very easy to string together a smattering of Madiba’s quotations and claim to be living the legacy. The ANC today is veering away from Madiba’s legacy and commitment to reconciliation, seizing every opportunity in this House and beyond to exploit and entrench the deep and painful historical divisions that have driven the people of our country apart.

 

The 2013 reconciliation barometers suggest that the majority of South Africans desire unity, asserting that racial issues have improved since 1994, yet if the rhetoric to my right is to be believed, the ANC is heading in exactly the opposite direction. Members of the governing party have many crafty names and insults for people who defy party orthodoxy by daring to think, let alone move or associate, beyond the rigid racial classifications of the past.

 

The ANC today makes a big song and dance of entrepreneurship, with a new Ministry for Small Business Development, when the problem is exactly too many bureaucratic hurdles, too little meaningful assistance and too much suffocating red tape. It is therefore unsurprising that a survey last year found that South Africa underperforms in all but one category on the entrepreneurial landscape, relative to five African countries, including Ghana, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Kenya and Tanzania.

 

Initiative, creativity and innovations suffer as tenders, contract padding and back scratching choke the entrepreneurial spread of our nation while her children waste away in unemployment. In respect of education, the Minister must be commended for signaling a shift in the government’s approach. It is hoped that it will result in a return to Tata’s commitment to quality in education, and education for all. The obstacles, however, are significant as South Africa’s mathematics and science education quality is ranked the worst in the world and numeracy and literacy levels are shockingly low.

 

The ANC today, and this government in particular, is failing the most critical test, the test of leadership. President Zuma’s approval rate plummeted from 77% in 2009 to a staggering 46% in February this year, a shocking indictment against the very clear lack of leadership. Leadership is not about delaying accountability and ducking court orders. The leadership of Mandela not only welcomed, but also speedily implemented Constitutional Court judgments questioning his decisions.

 

A protracted post-Polokwane crisis of leadership has plunged the ANC into a policy and political paralysis, stalling progress to ensure that all the right noises remain exactly that, noise. We can pat ourselves on the back for the gains made in achieving political freedom and corrective justice, and significant gains they are indeed. There is a story, but it is not good enough and it is not for enough people.

 

Our freedom is incomplete without real economic freedom and social and restorative justice for all. This is not achieved through fashion statements. This is not achieved through the right noises and certainly not through repeating the words “radical transformation” until you have convinced yourself and the people of the country that it has magically materialised.

 

Sadly, the most dramatic radical transformation since 1994 played out in the ruling party benches, now suggesting that the ANC has forgotten or, at worst, abandoned the real legacy of Tata Madiba.

 

The year 2030 is closer than 1994. We have 16 years to write the new story put forward by the National Development Plan, NDP, a story of economic freedom and social justice for all.

 

The pursuit of freedom and justice for all is an ongoing one demanding meaningful reconciliation, quality education that truly uplifts and empowers entrepreneurship that unleashes our nation’s job-creating and creative potential and bold leadership that takes tough decisions to get things done.

 

Fortunately, we in the DA and many others in this House across party lines are united in the desire and commitment to write a new story to ensure that the legacy and vision of Tata lives on.

 

Hon Chair, allow me in the remaining seconds to express my gratitude to my fiancé and fellow Mandela-Rhodes scholar, Dr Steven Hussey, who through his love and support ensures that Hazel, Pretzel and I have a very good story to tell. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

 

TONA YA MERERO YA TIKOLOGO: Modulasetilo wa Ntlo, ke kopa gore re tsenye dilo tsa go reetsa mo ditsebeng ka gonne ke tla bua ka Setswana ke sekopanya le sekgowa. Ke itumelela tšhono e ke e filweng gompieno go tla go tsaya karolo mo dipuisanong tseno tsa letsatsi le le botlhokwa la Nelson Mandela Day. (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)

 

[The MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS: House Chairperson, I would like members to put on their earpieces, because I am going to switch between Setswana and English in my speech. I am glad to have been offered an opportunity to participate in this debate about the most important day, called Mandela Day.]

 

Madiba was a great son of the soil, indeed. A great son of this country and indeed a great son of the African National Congress, in whose memory we mark Mandela Day worldwide and hold this debate today.

 

Tata Nelson Mandela taught and inspired hundreds and thousands of people world-wide, not only in South Africa. Our nation was blessed to have had such an icon.

 

Tata Madiba’s words that are relevant to my speech today and will forever ring in our minds was when he said:

 

To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.

 

It is the ANC of Tata Mandela that has, above all, worked hard towards the realisation of a dream he held so dear. That dream is the dream of freedom, to deliver a South Africa that belongs to all who live in it. It is under the ANC government that the lives of tens of millions of South Africans have changed for the better in the past 20 years alone. We didn’t have to wait for 40 plus years. We have delivered and will continue to work hard towards a South Africa that, despite all the challenges that there are, is a country that continues to flourish.

 

In the past 20 years we have largely succeeded in rolling back the dark shadow of our history, supported by strong state institutions. We are well on our way to building a truly inclusive rights-based approach and a country that is based on pro-poor policies, and one that also aims to attain an equitable South Africa that guarantees a better life for all our people, a South Africa that will continue to enable all who live in it to embrace their full potential.

 

When we speak of the legacy of Tata Mandela here today, it should not just be on a life well lived, but it should reflect on what he stood for and on the values he espoused and how those values support the principle of active citizenship in South Africa today.

I want to talk about active citizenship now, because Tata wanted to see South Africa going forward. It is for that reason ...

 

... re re rona mo mokgatlhong o mogolo o o busang, re batla gore Aforika Borwa e ya rona e ye kwa pele, e kgone go matlafatsa le go tokafatsa matshelo a batho. [... that as the ruling party we want to take South Africa forward so that it can strengthen and make our people’s lives better.]

 

Our National Development Plan, NDP, lays out a vision for a future South Africa in which opportunity is not determined by the colour of your skin, but, amongst others, by your determination to succeed, the education that you acquire and hard work. It is this government’s task, therefore, to unite all South Africans - like Tata Madiba did. The NDP says all of this. It says we need to promote active citizenry to strengthen development, democracy and accountability in order to continue to deliver a South Africa that the Tata Madiba of the ANC fought for.

 

The citizens of South Africa have the right of expectation from their elected government, including, but not limited to, delivery of services and the fostering of an environment conducive to job creation. However, this does not and should never negate the responsibility that citizens have for their own development. We need to continue to mobilise our people for their own self-liberation, together with us as government of the people by the people.

 

Our NDP emphasises that in order for a democracy to flourish, social activism and active citizenship is imperative. The state cannot act alone on behalf of the people; it has to act with the people. That is why, in the ANC, we say in our manifesto that we will move South Africa forward with our people. We are doing this for Tata Madiba.

 

Hon members, South Africa is indeed a country in which each citizen is an active participant in his or her own right. Each citizen must also participate in honour of Tata in order to continue to attain our liberation. Passive citizenship supports notions of powerlessness, of being the victims of circumstances; it sustains a narrative of victimhood that, had it been nourished, would never have resulted in the South Africa we have today, because we were ready to liberate ourselves. We are still ready to continue to work hard to liberate ourselves further in the interest of Tata Madiba.

 

Motswana o rile, sedikwa ke ntšwapedi ga se thata. A bo a re gape Motswana, bobedi bo bolaya noga. E ne e le malobanyana fa ... [It is said that two hands are better than one so that the job can be easily done. It is just ...]

 

... 41 years ago since the publication of a seminal work known as The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Brazilian educator Paulo Freire. Freire’s Education for Critical Consciousness advocated that in societies characterised by inequality teaching should play a critical role in increasing sociopolitical consciousness and in promoting values that shape an individual’s identity and consciousness. Above all, teaching for social justice should give students a sense of agency - that they are agents of change and therefore need to stand on their own. That’s what we are teaching our people in the ANC. We are showing them that in order to embrace their full potential, they have a role to play, not just as passive recipients of services and information, but as lead actors in their own history.

 

Teaching for social justice also involves imparting values of responsibility to other citizens, including mutual respect and tolerance. We shouldn’t just to talk about and lament a lack of respect, but we have to ensure that, in the true sense of the word, we practice respect – whether we are in this House or elsewhere, outside. [Applause.]

 

Motswana a re, kgakakgolo ga ke na mebala, mebala e bonwa dikgakaneng. Re bona fa motho a tswang teng ka se a se dirang. Rona ba re tswang mo mokgatlhong wa ANC re rutilwe gore motho o tshwanelwa ke go dira go tlala seatla. Direla mokgatlho le batho ba gago gore go nne le tokafatso ya matshelo a batho. (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)

 

[It is said that a tree is known by its fruits. We can see where a person comes from by just looking at what they do. Those of us that are from the ANC were taught that we should do a great job: Work hard for the party and your people so that there can be improvements in people’s lives.]

 

Hon members, our National Development Plan aligns with this vision of social justice, of encouraging active citizenship and personal responsibility. It is well known that the ANC of Tata Mandela has always been able to mobilise our people to act together in attaining the desired outcome, as evidenced through how we fought for this liberation - and not what we heard earlier, that so-and-so called this meeting and so on - how we mobilised ourselves and how we acted together to attain this liberation. Our postliberation programme, therefore, requires us to act together as a nation and to build our country. We have therefore been called upon to ensure that all of us rise to mobilise our society – young and old - and in particular to acquire education and skills for our own full liberation.

 

In marking Mandela Month, we as South Africans can be proud of our many achievements in the past 20 years, ensuring that we reversed a governance system that was skewed and promoted inequality. We all know that Tata Mandela was indeed a caring father. His unrelenting efforts to mobilise our society to build schools mainly in rural areas speak of his determination for our younger generation, those who were denied education opportunities for many, many decades. He didn’t start with entrepreneurship. He knew that there are people in deep rural areas without good schools and he mobilised our people to build schools.

 

Today, as we look back, the ANC and this government, as led by the ANC, can say, just in basic education, following Tata Madiba’s legacy, we have built facilities that amount to over 84 000 classrooms and over 21 000 ablution facilities. Over 8 700 schools have been provided with water and over 6 400 schools have been provided with electrical connections. Some 2 700 or so new schools have been constructed.

 

More than 1 000 health care facilities have been built and existing ones revitalised to ensure that everyone can access health care within a 5 km radius of their homes. What are we doing if this is not ensuring that Mandela’s legacy is indeed attained?

 

Eighteen new hospitals have been built and more than half of the 400 public hospitals in South Africa have been renovated. Our children have access to early learning centres in preparation for their cognitive learning and advance higher education and responsible adulthood in order to ensure that they become responsible adults. [Applause.]

 

Yet all these significant achievements would not have been what they are had we not acknowledged the need for imparting the values of social justice in our support for the indigent and the entire education programme.

 

Hon members, the classroom is not just a place for parroting by rote, with the students being passive vessels into which knowledge is poured.I It is a place in which knowledge is co-created, where the values of human dignity, of freedom, of equality and of good citizenship are imparted, all the while guided by our Constitution and the Bill of Rights, which are woven into the social fabric of our society. The success of long-term initiatives such as the National Development Plan rests heavily on social cohesion and also on the ability of the citizenry to put the country’s collective interests first - and we certainly do that from this side.

 

To address and find solutions to the very complex challenges that we face, it is required that each one of us plays our part. It is the premise upon which Mandela Day was founded – each one of us plays a part. Tata Mandela taught us to be selfless and dedicated in pursuit of the betterment of the lives of our people. He was the embodiment of social justice and a true example of how humanity can triumph over evil and still harbour no grudges nor traces of bitterness. Tata Mandela reminded us that:

 

If our education system is to produce the capable, skilled and empowered people who can turn South Africa into the just and prosperous nation of our dreams, we must overcome the years of neglect which left most of our children without proper facilities for their education.

Tata Mandela taught us that the power of education is not only in its ability to empower us with knowledge, but also in what we do with that knowledge. Our hard-won freedom demands of us that our schools continue to produce young people with political agency – they must be agencies for political programmes, who respect the Constitution of our country, who acknowledge and appreciate its history, including the sacrifices our people had to make for us to arrive where we are today. Our freedom did not come by bus, nor by aeroplane; it was delivered through hard-won struggles. [Applause.]

 

For social cohesion to be realised and for social justice to be central to our thinking, our teaching and our national agenda, we must focus on addressing the inequalities of the past that have, amongst other things, resulted in unacceptably high levels of youth unemployment. As part of our humble response in the Department of Environmental Affairs, we have developed various programmes that focus on improving the skills and knowledge of our young people.

 

We have launched two key job creating initiatives for the youth, namely the Groen Sebenza - we have named it Groen Sebenza deliberately; an Afrikaans word and an IsiZulu one – and Jobs in Waste. With these programmes we seek to uplift and improve thousands of young lives through the power that lies within unlocking the benefits of the green economy. This is set to have a profound and positive impact on the lives of the families and communities from which these youngsters originate.

 

Many of the young people benefitting from this programme are the sole breadwinners of their extended families. Some are single parents, others have lost their parents or guardians, while others beat the odds stacked against them in their communities by pooling the resources that they have in order to ensure that they reach either matric or graduate from a tertiary institution.

 

These are examples of the translation of the values of social justice into political agency and active citizenship in order to progress. To achieve our ambitious developmental target we all have to act collectively and in unison. Ke a leboga. [Thank you.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]

 

Mr M G P LEKOTA: Chairperson, it is a very imposing occasion to speak of the honour of former President Nelson Mandela. Wise words that have come down through history are that a thing of beauty is a joy forever. Such indeed is the life and times, the narrative, of Nelson Mandela.

The late President Nelson Mandela and his peers transformed a prison island into a place of honour. Indeed, they changed the perception of those who, in their time, were misunderstood and punished for being right and yet had the stamina to stay on the journey until the majority around them recognised their correctness.

 

President Nelson Mandela and his peers were that special breed of individuals, the men who were on the island, the women who remained on the mainland, the young people who left the country, struggling for a democratic South Africa. And yet, at the dawn of a democratic South Africa, he taught South Africans, Africans, humankind, that magnanimity is a more powerful force than the insanity of a raging bull.

 

By his message of national reconciliation he charmed all South Africans, all the people of our continent and nations of the world such that they claimed him for themselves. None of us can deny humankind the right to claim such an outstanding individual.

 

It was this singular act that transformed him into an outstanding gift to the whole world. This, fellow members of the House, places a heavy burden of responsibility on all of us and future generations of South Africans to steadfastly preserve his legacy and his teachings. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

 

Mrs C DUDLEY: Chair, on Mandela Day, having spent time early in the morning with children and caretakers at a crèche, I posted pictures on Facebook with the caption:

 

In loving memory of a man who, like all others, was not perfect, but has a special place in my grateful heart.

 

Because critics had expressed concern that Mandela Day amounts to worship of Mandela, I added:

 

For me it is another opportunity to thank God for what he did through an ordinary man like Madiba.

 

In reading “Good Morning, Mr Mandela” by Zelda le Grange, I was reminded of an interview in June 2013, when Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said:

 

Nelson Mandela is too much of a saint. He has been too good to white people at the expense of black people.

 

Some agreed, others protested. For me, there is no doubt that he treated white people above and beyond what we collectively deserve, but this must not be to the detriment of black people. I hope, I pray, I work with everything in me to make sure this great generosity will be for the greater good of us all.

 

In Conversations with Myself, Madiba is quoted as saying:

 

People will feel that I see too much good in people. So it’s a criticism I have to put up with ... because whether it is so or not, it is something which I think is profitable ... You tend to attract integrity and honour if that is how you regard those with whom you work.

 

In another conversation Madiba said:

 

Your duty is to work with human beings as human beings, not because you think they are angels ... Once you know that this man has got this virtue and ... this weakness, you work with him and ... you try and help him to overcome that weakness. I don’t want to be frightened by the fact that a person has made ... mistakes and he has got human frailties. I can’t allow myself to be influenced by that.

 

One of the first things Madiba did on becoming President was to establish the Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund, which he said:

 

... is the embodiment of our belief that children need to live in an environment where they can flourish.

 

The ACDP couldn’t agree more and would have loved to see this extended to include the environment of unborn children in their mothers’ wombs.

 

On the occasion of former President Mandela’s 90th birthday in 2008, I had the privilege of speaking on behalf of the ACDP in the National Assembly debate. I expressed our appreciation and said:

 

Who would have guessed the phenomenal importance of the birth of this tiny little boy on 18 July 1918 in Mthatha, Transkei. Not only the impact that this baby was to have on South Africa, but also on the nations of the world. Only God knew exactly what He had in mind.

 

Leading the way of reconciliation and reconstruction in a society which had been separated by over a century of racial segregation took great vision and great courage. If Nelson Mandela’s mother had wanted, and had the option of terminating this pregnancy prematurely, as so many mothers do today, it would not only have taken his life, but also his legacy. Abortion on demand deprives Africa and South Africa of who knows what potential.

 

Now, speaking to our ACDP constituency, Madiba never did become the champion of pre-born babies despite the ACDP calling on him to do so, but it does not take away from the champion he was in other ways. Thank you. [Time expired.]

 

Mr S M JAFTA: Madam Chairperson, let me begin by saying that when honouring and celebrating Mandela Day, it must not be a mere celebration, but something that will talk to the conscience and hearts of every leader in this House. We must dedicate the 67 minutes to honestly serving the people of South Africa.

 

When celebrating the day, this House needs to address the dissatisfaction which is characterised by many national protests and strikes in South Africa. That is a serious challenge for the present leadership. The citizens of South Africa should be afforded the right to fully enjoy the democracy that Tata Madiba and many others fought for.

 

In conclusion, the people of Moutse and Matatiele are citizens of the Republic of South Africa, too. [Interjections.] They are disciplined, peaceful and have been patiently watching this government rewarding violent actions in some areas of the country, while ignoring the peaceful and constitutional steps they have taken to voice their views concerning their rights to freedom of choice. The government must listen to the voices of the South African citizens equally.

 

They remained patient, waiting for the AIC to come to this very House that betrayed them and be their voice. Let Mandela be honoured by giving the people what they deserve. I thank you. [Applause.]

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms A T Didiza): Hon Chairperson, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, today we are gathered here as public representatives of our people to celebrate one of our own, a son of the soil, one whom we have known, a comrade and a patriot. It is indeed befitting that we take a moment today to reflect on his life and works in order to understand what it meant to be a lifetime activist for freedom and justice for all but, more importantly, what it meant to be human and have your dignity restored.

 

This debate takes place when, as a society, we reflect on the journey of 20 years after attaining our freedom. These 20 years mark a departure from the past, which was fraught with all forms of discrimination. This marks a departure from a society with only a few privileged. At times, when we talk about this journey of 20 years, it seems as if we have forgotten where we come from. We start to reflect on what has been done to change this past and forget the history that has made it.

 

In 1994 the Reconstruction and Development Programme, RDP, as a vision statement, policy and programme, envisioned a new society in which all would experience justice and freedom. It sought to reverse all sorts of discrimination. It envisioned a society that would be nonracial, nonsexist and ensure that women’s rights are human rights.

 

The past 20 years tell a story of how far we have sought to build this nation, of which we are proud citizens today. It tells a story of the struggles of Tata Mandela and his generation of cadres who ensured freedom and justice through their efforts and struggle. It tells a story of reconstructing a new society of which we can be proud today. Today, we can say that it is a society united in its diversity.

 

In reflecting on Madiba’s life, we are mindful that, while born of the Madiba clan, amongst the people of AbaThembu, he was shaped by the history of his people. At the age of 12, when he heard the elders telling the stories of his ancestors’ valour during the wars of resistance, he dreamt of also making his own contribution to the freedom struggle of his people. He did not dream of chieftaincy and comfort at the time.

 

To further his childhood dream, he joined the ANC and spent his entire life as a member, working for the liberation of our country and its reconstruction, a movement to which he contributed and was part of shaping its future at given times in our history. In the same breath, it was the policies and values of this very movement, the ANC, that shaped Madiba and many of his comrades before and after him to be the person we are all celebrating today. [Applause.]

 

Mandela Day, beyond the 67 minutes of activism, should serve as a point of reflection on those things that he held dear and that we wish we could emulate. Freedom and justice are amongst those that I thought would be necessary to reflect on, given the global challenges that we face today, as epitomised by the Middle Eastern crisis and, more aptly, the Palestinian question.

 

In his last speech at the United Nations’ General Assembly in September 1998, Madiba had this to say, and I quote:

 

For those who had to fight for their emancipation, such as ourselves who, with your help, had to free ourselves from the criminal apartheid system, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights served as the vindication of the justice of our cause. At the same time, it constituted a challenge to us that our freedom, once achieved, should be dedicated to the implementation of the perspectives contained in the declaration.

 

Today, we celebrate the fact that this historic document has survived a turbulent five decades, which have seen some of the most extraordinary developments in the evolution of human society. These include the collapse of the colonial system, the passing of a bipolar world, breathtaking advances in science and technology and the entrenchment of the complex process of globalisation.

 

And yet, at the end of it all, the human beings who are the subject of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights continue to be afflicted by wars and violent conflicts. They have, as yet, not attained their freedom from fear of death that would be brought about by the use of weapons of mass destruction as well as conventional arms.

 

As I sit in Qunu and grow as ancient as its hills, I will continue to entertain the hope that there has emerged a cadre of leaders in my own country and region, on my continent and in the world, which will not allow that any should be denied their freedom as we were; that any should be turned into refugees as we were; that any should be condemned to go hungry as we were; that any should be stripped of their human dignity, as we were.

 

I have quoted at length from Mandela’s speech, made at the time, as a reminder of how he thought about freedom and justice for all. It was also a reminder of the failures that we still have, despite the advances made in science and technology globally. We see so many people being maimed as a result of our advanced technology in building arms. It is also a reminder of how he felt about the human beings who are at the centre of the Declaration of Human Rights who remain victims of violent conflicts and wars, and how they continue to go hungry, without food in the midst of plenty in the world.

 

Similarly, I quoted this speech because in it lies a promise that Tata Madiba expressed. He was convinced he left behind a calibre of cadre in this country, on the continent and in the world who will not allow that any should be denied their freedom, as we were; that any should be turned into refugees, as we were; and that any should be condemned to go hungry, as we were.

 

In the past few days and weeks we have witnessed in pain the consequences of the Palestinian/Israeli conflict in Gaza. We have seen and watched helplessly how women and children, fathers and sons, the aged and the infirm run away to nowhere. Actually, this morning the United Nations’ General Secretary, Ban Ki-moon, said, and I quote: “The people of Gaza have nowhere to go.”

 

It is at this very moment that, as this National Assembly, we should ask ourselves: What more can we do in support of the efforts of our government and our President to bring an end to that conflict? Is there something we can draw from our own experience that can serve as a lesson to share with the people of Palestine and Israel so that they can understand that their security is intertwined? Is there something we can draw from our own experience that can serve as a lesson to share with the people of Palestine and Israel so that they can understand that lasting peace lies in dialogue, in finding one another and that it is freedom and justice for all that will guarantee peace, not war?

 

As a country, we too must remember that we benefitted from the solidarity of the peoples of the world during our own struggle for freedom and justice.

 

As we watched helplessly, particularly this weekend, we were heartened, too, by a story of hope that emerged within Israel, as espoused by the spirit of the young men and women soldiers of Israel who refused to honour the call to go to war against Gaza. They decided to take a stand and say, no, they would not go. [Applause.] Such initiatives must be supported and encouraged. In their own words, they said:

 

The war will not bring lasting peace, but a negotiated settlement between the two peoples of Palestine and Israel would be the only solution.

 

[Applause.]

 

These young soldiers reminded me of our own history of the End Conscription Campaign, which was led by the then young white South Africans who were being conscripted to go to war in the 1980s, during our own struggle. They too made a similar call amongst their peers and refused to go to war against the liberation movement and the peoples of the frontline states who had then borne the brutality of the South African war fought in their territory.

 

These initiatives may have seemed small, even today, but they do make an impact, if only to drive home a necessity to reflect deeper on the lasting solutions that must be found. In our own society that initiative brought a new level of consciousness amongst those who might have wondered why there is a need for a struggle for freedom.

 

Today, we remember the women of the Black Sash and the mothers of those who were to be conscripted, who stood firm with those who were oppressed and faced the then government to say no, we will not send our boys to war. May these efforts of the Israeli men and women help to open up some new avenues towards finding a lasting solution for peace and self-determination. [Applause.]

 

As we reflect on the situation in the Middle East, we are equally mindful of the situation on our continent of Africa, particularly the renewed tensions in Libya, the threatening famine in South Sudan, Kenya and the displaced people of the Central African Republic. We must, as this Parliament, continue to support the initiatives that the African Union has and continues to put in place in trying to do what it can to help mediate in these areas of conflict. Equally, we must support our own government, particularly in the deployment of our men and women in uniform in support of the peace missions on our continent. [Applause.]

 

This was reflected in the speech by Madiba, when he said he was confident that as he retired to Qunu, he was indeed leaving behind men and women who would make sure that no one should be denied their freedom, as we were.

 

We can reflect on our foreign policy as a country of the past 20 years. We can look back at the many initiatives that our government has led and how it continues to work for freedom and justice for all.

 

The peoples of Madagascar, the Comoros, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ireland and many more will attest to the efforts of these men and women Madiba left behind, who ensured that no one would be denied their freedom, as we were. [Applause.]

Madiba’s message also reflected on what the United Nations’ Declaration of Human Rights would mean for South Africa’s post-independence. Through our constituent assembly, which was ably led by our Deputy President, Cyril Ramaphosa - who has now excused himself - at the time of the drafting of our final Constitution, it was ensured that many of those principles of the Declaration of Human Rights found their way into our Constitution.

 

I must hasten to say, though, that the Constitution of our country in a way reflects our own lived experience and reality. It was informed by the quests of so many who died before us; many who adopted the historic document in 1943, the African Claims, which sought to articulate the Africans’ point of view to the Atlantic Charter of 1941 and later in the Freedom Charter of 1955.

 

It was also influenced by many other initiatives that were taken by the people’s movement. The Harare Declaration is one of those, but also the work that was done by the women of our country - the Women’s Charter of 1956 and later of 1994.

 

Interestingly, the quest for freedom and justice for all in our country has been and continues to be about the struggle for gender equality. There is a lot of literature that illustrates how much within the liberation movement and in our society women fought for political liberation and the freedoms that come with it, but equally how they fought against patriarchy, and how they envision an equal society. It is these struggles of women that ensured that the ANC as a liberation movement understood that no society can be free until its womenfolk are free. [Applause.]

 

I must say that the struggle for women’s emancipation even in the ANC was very interesting, particularly the debate in 1991, where, at the end of that conference, our male comrades talked about “the 30%”. It is that 30% debate and many other debates in our movement that ensured that at the desks of this Parliament today all parties now have representation of women, even in this august House. [Applause.]

 

President Mandela, when he declared August 9 a national holiday, said, and I quote:

 

We have declared this day a national holiday. This is in celebration of the struggles of the women over the decades and a rejuvenation of our commitment to strive for a society free of all kinds of discrimination, more especially discrimination against women.

But he did not just talk, he also acted. He was one of those people who was brave enough to appoint many women in his Cabinet; unseen at the time. Remember, just before 1994 we only had Minister Rina Venter, honourable Venter, and towards the end we had an addition, the hon Camerer. When, in 1994, the change happened, Madiba was true to his own beliefs and convictions that justice is indeed for all. Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]

 

Mr M M TSHISHONGA: Hon Chair, hon members of the House, you are honoured. Mr Mandela had a softer side to him. He had a sense of humour. The one expression of humour that I remember vividly was that he had said the colour of the cat does not matter, as long as the cat catches the mice. I think the spirit of Mandela would agree with what I am going to read.

 

The Paradox of our Age:

 

We have taller buildings, but shorter tempers; wider freeways, but narrower viewpoints. We spend more, but have less; we buy more, but enjoy it less. We have bigger houses and smaller families; more conveniences, but less time.

 

We have more degrees, but less sense; more knowledge, but less judgment. We have more experts, but more problems; more medicine, but less wellness ... We build more computers to hold more information to produce more copies than ever, but have less communication ... We have multiplied our possessions, but reduced our values.

 

We talk too much, love too seldom and hate too often.

 

[Laughter.]

 

We have learnt how to make a living, but not a life. We have added years to life, but not life to years. We have been all the way to the moon and back, but have trouble crossing the street to meet the new neighbour.

 

[Laughter.]

 

We have conquered outer space, but not inner space. We have done larger things, but not better things. We have cleaned up the air, but polluted the soul. We have split the atom, but not our prejudice. We have learned to rush, but not to wait. We have more acquaintances, but fewer friends ...

 

Not Mandela. Mandela had the whole world at his fingertips. [Applause.]

 

We ... spend too recklessly, laugh too little, drive too fast, get too angry too quickly, stay up too late, get up too tired, read too seldom, watch Tv too much, and pray too seldom.

 

[Laughter.] Mandela’s spirit lives and we must emulate it. Thank you. [Applause.]

 

Mr G MACKAY: Chairperson, the members of Agang are always a tough act to follow. [Laughter.]

 

It is with a great sense of humility that I rise to add the voice of the DA to the collective voice of universal appreciation expressed by this House as we honour South Africa’s greatest son – Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela.

 

Chairperson, let me start by acknowledging the Mandela family. We as a nation must never forget the significant contribution and immeasurable personal sacrifice made by the Mandela family in sharing Tata Madiba with us all.

 

I salute the bravery of my dear childhood friend, the exceptional Zoleka Mandela, author of When Hope Whispers, in sharing with frankness and candour the personal price exacted on her family as a result of Madiba’s pursuit of freedom and justice for all. Her family’s sacrifice has been the nation’s gain. Now and forever, the Mandela family will be revered in the hearts and minds of our people.

 

How blessed we are as a nation, Chairperson, for despite our manifold challenges, we are today a nation of undeniable hope and deep aspiration. It was Madiba who first taught us to hope and aspire for a better tomorrow. It was Madiba who first taught us that hope cannot inhabit the same space as hate. It was Madiba who made it possible for whites to let go of their belief of racial superiority and for blacks to discard their anxieties of inferiority, achieving the type of embodied realisation first articulated by Steve Biko. It was Madiba who taught us that a true revolutionary leader does not think about the people or for the people, but only with the people.

 

Madiba embodied what Brazilian philosopher and educator Paulo Freire identified as the true mark of a revolutionary leader, namely an unwavering trust in the people. Simply put, it was Tata who first saw a rainbow when all others only saw clouds.

But to do justice to the memory of Madiba is also to remember the painful system of oppression against which he led the courageous fight. Let me repeat that point for the benefit of hon Manamela, that he might correct his views of liberals. Hon Manamela, to do justice to the memory of Madiba is also to remember the painful system of oppression against which he led the courageous fight.

 

His fight was against 300 years of colonialism and apartheid, which had established as its main objective what Paulo Freire describes as an oppressive consciousness in which every aspect of social and economic life was transformed into an object of domination.

 

At the heart of the system lay a single and most powerful objective, namely to instil a negative, silenced and oppressed self-image into the oppressed in order that the European settlers might attain ascendency and domination over indigenous populations.

 

In the apartheid South Africa in which we all grew up Madiba was presented as the ringleader of the so-called “Swart Gevaar” and the “Rooi Gevaar”, revolutionary dangers that the National Party claimed could overwhelm and undermine the entirety of Western civilisation. State-owned media became the mouthpiece of a notorious propaganda machine. It created a hobgoblin of not only Madiba, but of the ANC as well.

 

Whites were taught that the ANC was a harbinger of destruction; that the ANC would drive all whites from South Africa; that it would destroy white culture; and would rape and kill white women and children. For many whites the existence of the ANC’s military wing, uMkhonto weSizwe, provided proof of this very narrative.

 

Under apartheid, footage of black rebellion was splashed across the media. This footage, however, never told the true story of black rebellion nor the truth about the brutality and suffering visited upon black people. Rather, these images were carefully crafted, Goebbels-like, to depict black South Africans as subhuman and savage.

 

In this way, the apartheid government sought to make it an implausibility that South Africa could ever unite as a single, prosperous, multicultural nation rooted in the African ideal of ubuntu. It was this vision that Mandela began to craft into reality following his release in 1990.

 

In the years following his release, Madiba showed tremendous leadership, calling on all South Africans to unite and stand together against those who, from any quarter, would try to destroy our future of freedom and democracy. At his inauguration in 1994, having achieved democracy and freedom for all, Madiba paused but a moment before issuing South Africans with their next task, that of building a society of which all humanity could be proud of. And that, Chairperson, is the great unfinished task of our time.

 

I therefore ask that all members of this House honour Madiba’s legacy by renewing our individual and collective commitment to finishing the job he set us, that of building a truly free and just society. I ask that all members commit themselves to reconciliation, redress, diversity and delivery in order to build a country in which we are all equal partners, in which no one is left behind and in which we all have access to a full range of social and economic opportunities.

 

I further ask that as leaders we always choose unity over division and that we never sacrifice the unity of the nation to achieve short-term political advantage.

 

Finally, I challenge all members of the House to honestly reflect and decide on this: Are you a leader in the mould of Nelson Mandela or perhaps Walter Sisulu or Chief Albert Luthuli or Helen Suzman or Oliver Tambo or Steve Biko or Beyers Naudé or Breyten Breytenbach or Bram Fisher or Hector Pieterson or Neil Aggett or any of our leaders whose selflessness, dedication and humanity mark them out as true patriots of the nation and defenders of justice and freedom in South Africa? [Interjections.]

 

Now and forever, let us fight to make real Madiba’s dream of a united nation with a single and glorious future. I thank you. [Applause.]

 

The MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: Hon House Chair, Cabinet colleagues and hon members, I wish to thank hon Mackay for at last recognising that we all want to be like those who come from this side of the House. [Applause.]

 

Allow me to say that Nelson Mandela was first and foremost a revolutionary who fought for freedom and a better life for all South Africans. Mandela was a strong proponent of thoroughgoing political and economic transformation. One of his main concerns was the future of the youth, and particularly that they could get an education and fulfil their potential. He believed that knowledge and skills, coupled with determination and courage, could help even the most disadvantaged and oppressed person to overcome their condition and reach their full potential.

 

National reconciliation, for which Madiba is well known, was not meant to be a brake in tackling race, class and gender inequalities in South African society, nor a trick to protect the privileges of a few and dumb down the legitimate expectations of the majority. Neither was the idea of national reconciliation about massaging white and class guilt. No, it was meant to create conditions for accelerating change and to radically transform the conditions of the majority of the workers and the poor in our country.

 

Similarly, national reconciliation was not a lone effort by one individual, but a commitment by the ANC to heal and unite our country. [Applause.] The ANC and government’s commitment to a second, more radical, phase in our transition is a necessary step to take forward national reconciliation by seeking to confront the triple challenge of poverty, inequality and unemployment.

 

Key in this second phase is the necessity to radically transform our economy in order to address the needs of the majority. This is what Nelson Mandela, his comrades and our people as a whole stood for. Madiba himself said:

 

Where globalisation means, as it so often does, that the rich and powerful now have new means to further enrich and empower themselves at the cost of the poorer and weaker, we have a responsibility to protest in the name of universal freedom.

 

Together with his comrades in the ANC, Mandela’s struggle was later guided and informed by that most important document of our time, the Freedom Charter. Amongst other things, the Freedom Charter stated, especially on education and training, that:

 

Education shall be free, compulsory, universal and equal for all children. Higher education and technical training shall be opened to all by means of state allowances and scholarships awarded on the basis of merit.

 

Indeed, under the leadership of President Mandela, these allowances and scholarships took the form of the National Student Financial Aid Scheme, NSFAS, known during his time as the Tertiary Education Fund of South Africa, Tefsa. Tefsa comprised only R70,5 million and benefitted only 25 568 students in 1994. However, it has now grown and has reached R9 billion, covering more than 430 000 poor students in 2014. [Applause.] Since its inception, it has benefitted more than 1,4 million poor students. It now not only covers universities, but has been extended to our technical and vocational education and training colleges, Tvet colleges, formerly known as further education and training colleges.

 

Tvet college bursaries have grown from R318 million in 2010, benefitting 61 703 students, to R2,1 billion in 2014, targeting 233 958 students. This is truly in the spirit of fulfilling what Comrade Madiba struggled for and his commitment to education. It is meant to grow and diversify affordable quality postschool education and training to meet the needs of our economy, and for individual empowerment.

 

In line with Madiba’s wishes, since 2010 our own department has been celebrating Nelson Mandela Day every 18th of July through a career guidance festival, which has reached over 30 000 secondary school learners. Each year we have held this event in rural areas of our country – in Giyani in Limpopo, Lusikisiki in the Eastern Cape, Taung in the North West, Phuthaditjhaba in the Free State, and this year in Sebokeng in the Vaal Triangle. These events inform the youth about various possible career choices and motivate them to strive to achieve the best they can.

 

South Africa’s youth have more career choices today than was the case prior to 1994. We believe that such initiatives to assist our young people are a true tribute to Madiba’s commitment to education. However, today there are many attempts to appropriate Madiba opportunistically. In fact, the attempted appropriation of Madiba and his legacy is tantamount to his being imprisoned for the second time. [Interjections.] Yet, this time not on Robben Island, but in something akin to a right-wing ideological prison. [Interjections.]

 

We must reject these attempts, and that is why it is important that history be introduced as a compulsory school subject ... [Applause.] ... so that, amongst others, future generations can be told who Nelson Mandela really was.

 

As we heard today, there is also a deliberate distortion which seeks to place Madiba outside, if not in opposition, to what the ANC stands for. [Interjections.] This is an old right-wing tactic; that of praising the dead in order to condemn the living and, in this case, praising Madiba in order to condemn the ANC and its leadership. [Interjections.] You will not succeed in this! [Interjections.] As hon Manamela said, some also try to use the name of Madiba to mislead our youth who have been born since 1994, as if the ANC does not represent their aspirations and as if our youth are unaffected by the realities we inherited prior to 1994. Neither was Madiba a demagogue. He himself once said:

 

A good leader can engage in a debate frankly and thoroughly, knowing that at the end he and the other side must be closer, and thus emerge stronger. You don’t have that idea when you are arrogant, superficial, and uninformed.

 

[Applause.]

 

By the way, according to Wikipedia, there is a wonderful definition of a demagogue. A demagogue is defined as someone who says very little, but says it very loudly. [Interjections.]

 

We are, of course, proud of the fact that Madiba is now respected and celebrated globally, even by those who imprisoned him. You can hardly find them today. [Interjections.] Mandela was of the ANC and made by the ANC, but for the people as a whole. [Interjections.] Mandela was part of an ANC that is a disciplined force of the left, not a hotchpotch of ideological tendencies, including the worst backward form of black consciousness.

 

An HON MEMBER: Communism?

 

The MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING By the way, we need to remind some members in this House that good Bikoists graduated into the Congress movement. [Applause.] As the ANC, being a disciplined party of the left, we ... [Interjections.]

 

Mr J A MNGXITAMA: House Chairperson, on a point of order: The hon speaker is the Minister of Higher Education and Training, and he should not be quoting Wikipedia as a source. [Laughter.]

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon members, please let us respect this debate.

 

The MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: When you want definitions of strange phenomena, you consult Wikipedia. Wikipedia will explain all the strange phenomena that we actually have. You don’t consult good dictionaries if you want this to be explained. We are an ANC ... [Interjections.]

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): You are recognised, hon member.

 

Mr P G MOTEKA: House Chairperson, I rise on a point of order: I just want to check whether it is parliamentary for the hon Minister to address us while sitting down, or should he stand? [Laughter.]

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon members, let us please respect the occasion. We cannot keep disrupting the debate.

 

The MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: I am proud of my height. I am closer to the ground. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

 

We are an ANC that does not make promises, but we make commitments that we seek to achieve and realise. [Interjections.] We are an ANC with a bias towards the working class and the poor. We are an ANC government that has built more than 3 million houses for the poor over the past 20 years. No other country in the world bar one has done this over the past 20 years. [Applause.]

 

Unfortunately, what we are seeing in this House is another strange phenomenon, sometimes in the name of Mandela; a strange convergence, such that it may not be inappropriate to talk about the emergence of the economic freedom front plus in this House. [Laughter.]

 

We should not make the mistake of thinking of Madiba as a softie. If one listens to some of the media coverage, one could be misled into thinking that Madiba was nothing but a nice old grandfather who loved children and forgave those who mistreated him. He was these things, but he was also a revolutionary giant – the first commander-in-chief of uMkhonto weSizwe. [Applause.]

 

As his successors in the ANC-led government, we will continue our struggle on all fronts, including, importantly, on the educational and economic transformation fronts, to ensure that our people have the knowledge and skills to achieve the ideals that we stand for.

 

Hon Maimane talked about nonracialism. I can guarantee you one thing, and that is that you will never achieve a nonracial society with the DA’s open opportunity society, because it’s a notion that does not recognise the existence of historical inequalities. [Applause.] That is why, when it comes to affirmative action and black economic empowerment, the DA speaks from both sides of its mouth. [Laughter.]

 

Mr I M OLLIS: Chairperson.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Do you have a point of order?

 

Mr I M OLLIS: Yes, Chairperson. I would like to know if the revolutionary, hon Nzimande, will take a question? [Interjections.]

 

The MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: No, it is too late in the afternoon. I won’t, hon Chair. [Interjections.]

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you. Hon Ollis, sit down.

 

The MINISTER OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: One thing that we tend to forget, and which we do not say, is that we grabbed the DA’s predecessors kicking and screaming towards majority rule and one person, one vote. They had always stood for a qualified franchise ... [Interjections.] ... because, as Prof Eddy Maloka in his latest book, Friends of the Native, explains very well, South African white liberalism would only allow a vote for black people who looked like them, who spoke like them and who acted like them. [Interjections.] [Applause.] That is why they supported a qualified franchise. [Interjections.]

 

Hon Ramakatsa, we have actually gone a long way in implementing what is contained in the Freedom Charter. We will be educating you bit by bit, as you get used to Parliament, about what we have actually done. [Interjections.] Hon Mncwango is not here, but I wanted to remind him that the debate is about uTata Madiba and not about uShenge. [Laughter.] Honestly, Baba uMpontshane, I thought I was in a different meeting.

 

Sikhuluma ngoMadiba, besingakhulumi ngoMntwana wakwaPhindangene. Sisayofika isikhathi sokuthi sikhulume ngoMntwana wakwaPhindangene, simchaze ngendlela esimazi ngayo. Yile nto-ke eshiwo yilungu elihloniphekile, uMncwango, eyenza ukuthi sizibone ukuthi senza kahle sinelungu elihloniphekile, uMama uThoko Didiza, saya eLuthuli, sayovimba uMadiba ukuthi angalinge aye embuthanweni ndawonye noMntwana wakwaPhindangene. Saya laphaya sihamba nezingqeqe zethu, zingashayiwe kuyisimanga ngoba sasifuna ukuthi umlando wethu siwusho ngendlela oyiwona ... (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)

 

[We are talking about Mandela. We were not talking about the Prince of kwaPhindangene. The time will come for us to talk about the Prince of kwaPhindangene and to describe him the way we know him. This is what is meant by the hon member Mncwango, which makes us realise that we are doing well with the hon member, Ms Thoko Didiza. We went to Luthuli to prevent Mandela from affiliating with the same party as the Prince of kwaPhindangene. We went there with our revolutionaries, with all their knowledge, because we wanted to make sure that we represent our history as it is ...]

 

... because that violence in KwaZulu-Natal was not black-on-black violence, it was the violence of the apartheid regime against the liberation movement. That is what it was. [Applause.]

 

Sathi-ke, hhayi, uMadiba akayi e-Taylor’s Halt. Wayeyindoda enenkani njalo uMadiba. Sesiyaye singakusho lokho. Walwa! Walwa! Walwa! Sathi ngeke, asihambi lapha e-Shell House. Nangempela akayanga. Ngiyaxolisa lungu elihloniphekile, Thoko Didiza, sengikhiphe izimfihlo zethu. [Uhleko.] (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)

 

[We then said, no, Madiba is not going to Taylor’s Halt. Madiba was a very stubborn man. We do not normally say that. He resisted! He resisted! He resisted! We said, no, we are not leaving Shell House. Really, he did not go. I am sorry, hon Thoko Didiza, for disclosing our secrets. [Laughter.]]

 

You know, hon Redelinghuys, the DA keeps repeating this thing, which is not true, that we are failing to create entrepreneurs. The Mail & Guardian states that there are 200 of them, but there are lots of young South African entrepreneurs.

 

There is an emerging black middle class under this ANC government because of the opportunities that we have created. [Applause.] However, you tend to equate this advancement with corruption - something that borders on racism – implying that blacks are inherently corrupt. You do not recognise the advances that our people are making. [Interjections.]

 

Hon member from the AIC, the less said about you, the better ... [Laughter.] ... or we may be accused of doing something unparliamentary. I don’t have time for unparliamentary matters, but as I conclude, it is also proper, in honouring this giant, to wish one of the organisations with which he walked together for decades, on its 93rd anniversary that it will be celebrating tomorrow – the SA Communist Party - amaBomvu. [Applause.]

 

AmaBomvu angempela. Hhayi amaBomvu ayimikokotelo! Siyabonga kakhulu, Sihlalo. [The real communists. Not the fake communists! Thank you very much, Chairperson.] [Applause.]

 

Debate concluded.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you, Baba uNzimande. [Applause.] Order, hon members! We will now take Orders 6 to 42 together as they appear on the Order Paper. Hon members, these are reports of committees on Budget Votes.

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HEALTH - STRATEGIC PLAN 2014-15 TO 2018-19, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN 2014-15 AND BUDGET VOTE NO 16 OF DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY - BUDGET VOTE NO 34 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY FOR 2014-15 FISCAL YEAR

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT - BUDGET VOTE NO 28: ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT DEPARTMENT FOR 2014-15 FINANCIAL YEAR

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON TRADE AND INDUSTRY - BUDGET VOTE NO 36 – TRADE AND INDUSTRY

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES - BUDGET VOTE NO 21 – CORRECTIONAL SERVICES

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION AS WELL AS PERFORMANCE MONITORING AND EVALUATION - REPORT ON BUDGET VOTE NO 12 – DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION AS WELL AS PERFORMANCE MONITORING AND EVALUATION - BUDGET VOTE NO 6 – DEPARTMENT OF PLANNING, MONITORING AND EVALUATION

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON BASIC EDUCATION - BUDGET VOTE NO 15 – BASIC EDUCATION

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION - BUDGET VOTE NO 5 – INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON LABOUR - BUDGET VOTE NO 18 – LABOUR AND STRATEGIC PLANS OF DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR AND ENTITIES – 2014-19

 

CONSIDERATION OF JOINT REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEES ON COMMUNICATIONS AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND POSTAL SERVICES - BUDGET VOTE NO 9 – GOVERNMENT COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION SYSTEM AND MEDIA DEVELOPMENT AND DIVERSITY AGENCY

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON FINANCE - STRATEGIC PLAN AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF BUDGET VOTE NO 10 –NATIONAL TREASURY

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON FINANCE - STRATEGIC PLAN AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN ON BUDGET VOTE NO 13 – STATISTICS SA

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON SPORT AND RECREATION - BUDGET VOTE, STRATEGIC PLAN AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF SPORT AND RECREATION, STRATEGIC PLAN OF SA INSTITUTE FOR DRUG-FREE SPORT AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF BOXING SA

 

CONSIDERATION OF JOINT REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEES ON COMMUNICATIONS AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND POSTAL SERVICES - BRAND SA (PROGRAMME 4 IN BUDGET VOTE NO 1 – THE PRESIDENCY)

 

CONSIDERATION OF JOINT REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEES ON COMMUNICATIONS AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND POSTAL SERVICES - BUDGET VOTE NO 27 – COMMUNICATIONS AND ENTITIES

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING - BUDGET VOTE NO 17, 2014-15 ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING, NATIONAL STUDENT FINANCIAL AID SCHEME AND COUNCIL ON HIGHER EDUCATION

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS - BUDGET VOTE NO 22 – DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS AND ENTITIES

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON TOURISM - BUDGET VOTE NO 35 – TOURISM

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON MINERAL RESOURCES - STRATEGIC PLAN AND BUDGET VOTE NO 32 OF DEPARTMENT OF MINERAL RESOURCES FOR 2014-15 FINANCIAL YEAR

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HOME AFFAIRS - ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN AND BUDGET VOTE NO 4 OF DEPARTMENT OF HOME AFFAIRS

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES - STRATEGIC PLANS, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS AND BUDGET VOTE NO 26 OF DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES AND ENTITIES

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM - BUDGET VOTE NO 33 – RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON TRANSPORT - BUDGET VOTE NO 37 – TRANSPORT

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES - BUDGET VOTE NO 24 – JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON POLICE - 2014-15 BUDGET VOTE NO 23, STRATEGIC AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN OF INDEPENDENT POLICE INVESTIGATIVE DIRECTORATE

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON POLICE - BUDGET VOTE 25 FOR 2014-15 – POLICE

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON CO-OPERATIVE GOVERNANCE AND TRADITIONAL AFFAIRS - ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN AND BUDGET VOTE NO 3 OF DEPARTMENT OF CO-OPERATIVE GOVERNANCE AND TRADITIONAL AFFAIRS

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON ENERGY - STRATEGIC PLAN 2014-15 TO 2019-20, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN AND BUDGET VOTE NO 29 OF DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON ARTS AND CULTURE - BUDGET VOTE NO 14 – DEPARTMENT OF ARTS AND CULTURE

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT - BUDGET VOTE NO 19, STRATEGIC PLANS AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS OF DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND ENTITIES FOR 2014-15

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HUMAN SETTLEMENTS - BUDGET VOTE NO 31 – HUMAN SETTLEMENTS, STRATEGIC PLAN 2014-19 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN 2014-15

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ENTERPRISES - BUDGET VOTE NO 11 AND STRATEGIC PLAN OF DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS - STRATEGIC PLAN 2014-15 TO 2018-19, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS 2014-15 AND BUDGET VOTE NO 30 – DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS AND ENTITIES

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC WORKS - BUDGET VOTE NO 7 – PUBLIC WORKS, STRATEGIC PLAN 2014-19 AND ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN 2014-15 OF DEPARTMENT

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON WOMEN IN THE PRESIDENCY - ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLAN AND BUDGET VOTE NO 8 OF DEPARTMENT OF WOMEN, CHILDREN AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES FOR 2014-15 FINANCIAL YEAR

 

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON WATER AND SANITATION - 2014-15 STRATEGIC PLANS, ANNUAL PERFORMANCE PLANS AND BUDGET VOTE NO 38 OF DEPARTMENT OF WATER AFFAIRS AND ENTITIES

 

There was no debate.

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon House Chair, I move:

 

That the Reports be adopted.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Are there any objections? [Interjections.] Yes, there are. I shall therefore put the question. Those in favour will say “Aye!” and those against will say “No!”.

 

HON MEMBERS: Aye!

 

HON MEMBERS: No!

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): I think the Ayes have it.

 

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Hon Chair, the DA requests that you note their objection to item 6, item 8, item 23 and item 38. The DA members say that these are not a true reflection of the events in committee.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Thank you. The objection will be noted, as requested.

 

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Chair, on behalf of the only true red organisation, the socialist movement, the left force which is the vanguard of the workers in committee struggles ...

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, get to the point.

 

Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... wants to note its objection to all the committee reports.

 

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member, your objection will be noted.

 

Motion agreed to.

 

Report on Strategic Plan 2014-15 – 2018-19, Annual Performance Plan 2014-15 and Budget Vote 16 of the Department of Health accordingly adopted (Democratic Alliance and Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 34 and Annual Performance Plan of Department of Science and Technology for the 2014-15 fiscal year accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 28: Economic Development and Annual Performance Plan of Economic Development Department for the 2014-15 financial year accordingly adopted (Democratic Alliance and Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

Report on Budget Vote 36: Trade and Industry accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 21: Correctional Services accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 12: Department of Public Service and Administration accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 6: Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 15: Basic Education accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

Report on Budget Vote 5: International Relations and Co-operation accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 18: Labour and Strategic Plans of Department of Labour for 2014-19 and Entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

Report on Budget Vote 9: Government Communication and Information System and Media Development and Diversity Agency accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Strategic Plan and Annual Performance Plan of Budget Vote 10: National Treasury accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Strategic Plan and Annual Performance Plan of Budget Vote 13: Statistics SA accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote, Strategic Plan and Annual Performance Plan of Department of Sport and Recreation, Strategic Plan of SA Institute for Drug-Free Sport and Annual Performance Plan of Boxing SA accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

Report on Brand SA (Programme 4 in Budget Vote 1: The Presidency) accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 27: Communications and Entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 17, 2014-15 Annual Performance Plan of Department of Higher Education and Training, National Student Financial Aid Scheme and Council on Higher Education accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 22: Department of Defence and Military Veterans and Entities accordingly adopted (Democratic Alliance and Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 35: Tourism accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Strategic Plan and Budget Vote 32 of Department of Mineral Resources for the 2014-15 financial year accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Annual Performance Plan and Budget Vote 4 of Department of Home Affairs accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Strategic Plans, Annual Performance Plans and Budget Vote 26 of Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries and Entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 33: Rural Development and Land Reform accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 37: Transport accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 24: Justice and Constitutional Development accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on 2014-15 Budget Vote 23, Strategic and Annual Performance Plan of the Independent Police Investigative Directorate accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 25: Police 2014-15 accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Annual Performance Plan and Budget Vote 3 of Department of Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Strategic Plan 2014-15 – 2019-20, Annual Performance Plan and Budget Vote No 29 of Department of Energy accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 14: Department of Arts and Culture accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 19, Strategic Plans and Annual Performance Plans of Department of Social Development and Entities for 2014-15 accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 31: Human Settlements, Strategic Plan 2014-19 and Annual Performance Plan 2014-15 accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 11 and Strategic Plan of Department of Public Enterprises accordingly adopted (Democratic Alliance and Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Strategic Plan 2014-15 — 2018-19, Annual Performance Plans 2014-15 and Budget Vote 30: Department of Environmental Affairs and Entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Budget Vote 7: Public Works, Strategic Plan 2014-19 and Annual Performance Plan 2014-15 of department accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Annual Performance Plan and Budget Vote 8 of Department of Women, Children and People with Disabilities for 2014-15 financial year accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

Report on Consideration of the 2014-15 Strategic Plans, Annual Performance Plans and Budget Allocation of the Department of Water Affairs, Vote 38 and Entities accordingly adopted (Economic Freedom Fighters dissenting).

 

The House adjourned at 17:37.

29 JULY 2014                PAGE: 169 of 169

 

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