Hansard: NA: Unrevised hansard

House: National Assembly

Date of Meeting: 03 Sep 2019


No summary available.





Watch Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IdnIZFyJYJo



The House met at 15:03.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto) took the Chair requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers and meditation.


The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon members, before we proceed with the business of the day I would like to advise members that we are experiencing network challenges with the Chamber system. The gadget might be coming on and off although everything was done to resolve the matter prior the sitting.

There are still a number of seats in the Chamber where the screens are not working.


Hard copies of the Order Paper as well as Speaker’s List for the two debates have been placed on those desks. Members can still register their attendance in a normal manner but a safeguard attendance lists have also been placed at the desks where the screens are not working. The first item on the Order Paper is the Motion in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party.




The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY:    Ha ke lebohe haholo Modulasetulo le maloko a Ntlo a hlomphehileng.



Ndiphakamisa ukwenza inguqulelo kwinto ebesikhe sagqiba ngayo yokuba uMama ohloniphekileyo uThandi Modise atshintshwe ekubeni abelilungu elisimelayo kwiPalamente yeZwekazi i-Afrika kungene uGqirha M S Motshekga endaweni yakhe. Ndiphakamisa ngolo hlobo. [Kwaqhwatywa.]


English: Agreed to.





House Chair, Chairperson of the portfolio committee, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, Portfolio Committee members for Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities, Members of Parliament, members of the Select Committee and various committees present here, I am standing here today with a very heavy heart as I do not know how many times we as a nation should have debated and keep debating on talks about the gender- based violence and femicide.


I am still reeling in shock at the brutal murder of Uyinene Mrwetyana in the hands of the employee in the post office, a person who is employed and paid by the state and instead of providing a service with a smile, brutally ends a life of an innocent, very pretty young girl. We read the story of a South African boxing champion, Baby Lee who was shot and killed by her policeman boyfriend who also died from the injuries sustained running from the police. These murders happen while we were



still trying to deal with the brutal and barbaric murder of Lynette Volschenk who was killed and cut into pieces in her own home.



We are mentioning just a few of the women who were killed during women’s month. We have counted up to 30 women thus far whose names were in the media including social media to indicate that it is a national crisis.





Ga e sa le semaka; ke bohlola.





It is no longer just another shameful act that we read about but it is over a taboo. Where are safe spaces for women in this country? Do we still have them? If a home is not a safe space for a young girl where else would be her sanctuary? Uyinene went to the Post office to collect a service from the post office but she came out killed. As a nation how do we deal with such evil within the confines of our law?



Is it the freedom that our forebears fought for that the children would be maimed and killed particularly girl children and young children? What type of institutions should we put in place to eradicate gender based violence and femicide and rid the society of these perpetrators? The first institutions that used to be the safe havens for our children are homes. The first institution that we have to invest our energies in, is the home. We must invest in prevention programmes where love and respect is inculcated into our children. Dialogue as a means to resolve conflicts should be what children are exposed to so that when they are confronted with any situation, they know who should talk to about it and debate without using any form of violence. Unfortunately, most of our homes are war zones as domestic violence has reached endemic proportions. Therefore, we see escalation of violence everywhere and we urgently need interventions in many families.



We have been following postings during women’s month on the hashtag, #WhatWomenWant and safety has come up high as women and girls feel unsafe and most of them just want to live in peace in their country. Women in their diversity and class are abused



daily in this country and when we talk of institutions to end gender-based violence we must focus on our own communities because it takes village, a township, suburb to raise a child. We should know our neighbours and who stays home with our young children when we are at work.



The other challenge is now coming up with schools. Human rights education and education that teaches respect for each other in our diversity is critical. The children must be taught from Grade R to love one another, irrespective of race, class or nationality and be taught nonviolence and conflict resolution skills. Presently, this is not what is happening where we live.



In the not so olden days, places of worship used to be another sanctuary that when things do not go right in the communities they would be interlocutors that could bring peace and tranquil in a given community. Not anymore, instead of people running into churches, they rather run out of churches.










What is it that we need to do it right? I think like President Ramaphosa has said that joint up government departments need to look at these challenges and many others so that we do not deal with such challenges as individual departments. Criminal justice system involves institutions that include police, courts and correctional services must make South Africans to feel safe wherever they go. [Time expired.] [Applause.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Order, hon members, there will be a change in the Speaker’s List. Instead of the Deputy Minister as it appears on your list, we will now have the Chairperson of the Multiparty Women’s Caucus hon Bilankulu.



Ms N K BILANKULU: Chairperson, Chief Whip, Deputy Chief Whip, hon members ...





 ... vaaki va Afrika-Dzonga, inhlekanhi. Nhlangano wa ANC wu rhandza ku hundzisa marito yo chavelela eka mindyangu hinkwayo



leyi yi nga hlangana na khombo ra ku siyiwa hi varhandziwa va vona, vana, vamakwavo na maxaka ya vona.



Maafrika-Dzonga pfukani, tiko ra lova, vavasati na vana va hina va tlhakisiwa, va pfinyiwa, va dlayiwa siku rin’wana na rin’wana. Tanihi manana, mbilu ya mina yi hobomula ngati hikokwalaho ka mona wa vuloyi lowu endliwaka vavasati na vana. Xana hi endle yini ku xanisiwa hi ndlela leyi? Swi ringene, swi ringene, swi ringene.



Xana vavasati na vana va fanele ku ya hanya kwihi? Va hanya eku chaveni siku rin’wana na rin’wana hikuva eswitarateni va khomiwa, etiposweni va pfinyiwa, hambi etikerekeni va pfinyiwa na le ndlwini ekaya ka vona va pfinyiwa. Xivutiso hi leswaku; i mani a nga ta landzela? Xikwembu onge xi nga hi twela vusiwana xi nghenelela hikuva tiko ra hina ra lova. Loko swi lava leswaku hi tlhelela hi ya langutisisa milawu ya hina tanihi tiko a swi endleke tano, naswona a swi endleke hi ku copeta ka tihlo.






It is our collective duty to eradicate gender-based violence and femicide. Until when will we allow men to kidnap our children?

We are grateful that Amy-Lee de Jager has been returned home safely, but what about Amahle Thabethe – an eight-year old from Gauteng who has been missing since April? What about Janika Mahlo, a grade 7 pupil from Northwood Primary School, Cape Town, whose head has been bashed in, brain leaking from the left inside of her face? What about Jesse Hess, a first-year student from the University of the Western Cape, who was murdered and found dead on her bed and what about Uyinene Mrwetyana who was raped and murdered? Women are finding themselves asking if #WhoIsNext?



As the ANC, we call for a state of emergency to be declared on gender-based violence and femicide. Men who murder women and children must get nothing less than a life sentence. Cases on gender-based violence and femicide must be fast tracked. The Houses of Parliament must review how the law deals with perpetrators of violence against women and how it complicates matters. The ANC calls for an activist society and working together to call out those that are culprits of abuse, violence



against women and children, rapists and against all those who seek to undermine the Constitution, the cornerstone of our democracy which strives for a nonsexist society.



The ANC in the multiparty caucus will lobby other parties to ensure that it engages the programme of Parliament and ensure that it does not leave out issues of women. Measures will be put in place in this regard to ensure efficient and effective oversight as one of the resolutions of women’s Parliament.



Hon Chairperson, one of the earliest expressions of women rising up against their triple oppression was demonstrated in the Women’s Charter of 1954. It highlighted the material conditions of African, Coloured and Indian people in general and women in particular. Conditions that were oppressive deprived women from inheriting rights and depicted them from inferiors. The Women’s Charter formed part of the 1956 women’s march which remains one of the highlights of the national liberation struggle and a turning point in the women’s struggle. It acknowledged the triple oppression of women and the role of women in the struggle.



The historic Malibongwe Conference of 1990, organised by the women’s section of the ANC and the Dutch antiapartheid movement under the theme, Women united for a unitary, nonracial, democratic South Africa, addressed women’s oppression specifically and develop nonsexist policies for a future South Africa. The ANC has been at the forefront of women’s struggles by putting forward a vision for a nonsexist society and institutionalising gender equality and women empowerment through its policies, its institutional arrangements and intervention measures ... just keep quiet and listen ...



Economic participation and job creation are significant tenants of the seven priorities of this government. A non-negotiable is that, we must create and provide a conducive environment that will enable women to participate and thrive in the economy.

Women must lead and must own businesses, co-operatives and thrive in industry. The empowering of women means improving the quality of their lives by investing in the development of sustainable infrastructure projects. We must ensure on a regular basis that we monitor, evaluate and report on the implementation of September 2015, Presidential directive. It specified that the



Economic Sector, Employment and Infrastructure Development Minister Cluster, must embed the empowerment of women in their departmental plans and expenditure.



In advancing economic transformation and the participation of women in the economy, we welcome the enforcement of the Gender Responsive Planning and Budgeting Framework approved by the government. This must be implemented across government to ensure that departmental budgets are engendered. This will include an annual report of the private sectors contribution to economic transformation and gender equality. We cannot speak of the economic empowerment of women without referring to women and their access to land.



The November 2017, the Land Audit Report indicated that women own just 17% of land compared to the 46% owned by men. We can no longer be theoretical about this urgent issue, it must be urgently addressed. Women must own the land and they must also continue to work the land, produce food on a large scale and also become property developers. The impact of this will be its contribution to the eradication of hunger as their families will



have access to food. The connection between food security nutrition, land and gender is significant in ensuring a gendered approach to food security. Thank you. [Time expired.]



Ms N K SHARIF: Chairperson, this is an open letter to those who identify as women. Today, I stand at this podium with heavy shoulders. I am aware of the privilege I have to be able to have access to such a huge platform and to have the potential to speak to so many South Africans. Every single politician sitting here in these Chambers have taken up the responsibility of leading and making important decisions on the lives of South Africans. We are able to and must be willing to fight against injustice and ensure equality.



I am aware of this responsibility and must, therefore, act accordingly. It is my responsibility to use this privilege and fight for the rights of those I represent, of those who see themselves in me and of those who don’t have or are struggling to find a voice in the national discourse. I take this responsibility very seriously. Our country is in a crisis.



Dear women, I can stand here and give you statistics on the amount of violence women face, but we know what they are. You read about a new femicide case almost every day in South Africa. You know what it is like to live in fear every single day. You know that there is no safe space for you because you experience violence in your own homes too. We know that when we are out socialising with friends, we have to go to the bathroom in a group or else risk being attacked. You cannot go to the post office by yourself to collect a package that you’ve been waiting for without the fear of being attacked, raped and murdered. We cannot even trust those we love because of the fear of being shot by our husbands and beaten by our boyfriends.


When we speak about equality, we must speak of social equality. The ability to do everyday things like going to do our nails, going to the clinic or going to buy bread without fear, to feel as safe and secure as men do in this society. Equality must start with us as individuals by unlearning these toxic patriarchal systems and gender norms and roles. We must start expanding a society of consent that hears a woman’s “no” and respects it without demanding access to her body or her emotions. We must



start raising our children differently. When you tell your son that, boys don’t cry, and that he must toughen up, what you’re doing is raising men who don’t know how to deal with their emotions in a healthy manner and it is us women who must deal with their toxic behaviour.


When your daughter comes to you and tells you that she is being molested and raped, or being abused by her partner, don’t tell her that this is a family matter because what you are doing is creating a culture of silence and telling her that her voice does not matter. [Applause.] You need to stop it! Dear women, you are screaming and I know it feels like nobody hears you. The silence can be deafening. You are screaming at a system that has always and continues to keep you quiet, but I am here to reassure you that your voice can never be silenced. We are brought up to believe that we deserve the pain we’ve seen our mothers and grandmothers go through. We are told that women are strong because they put up with unnatural amounts of pain and violence. This is not true, your existence as a woman can never be dictated to you by a sick society.



If I think about how hard a woman’s life is, I get emotional because a women’s experience in this society is a violent one. Dear women, I know it’s hard to live your life freely and I know it is suffocating to be paralysed with fear over your autonomy as a human being. When a woman dies at the hands of a man, we all die on the inside because we can feel your pain running through our veins. I am wearing black today to mourn all those who identify as women and girls who have lost their lives at the hands of a man they knew or did not know. May your souls, rest in eternal peace and glory.


I want to end this open letter with a poem from a University of Cape Town, UCT, student, Zoé Human; “We’re a country with no rainbow, only rain. And that rain is red and warm and bruised between her thighs”. Please, do not clap, nothing I have said warrants an applause. We are a country in mourning. I thank you.



Ms M O MOKAUSE: House Chair, this can never be a normal debate. This can never be business as usual as some of your benches are portraying it to be. Our country is under attack. Our girl child



and sisters are under attack but this remains business as usual for the ruling party.



On behalf of the EFF and on behalf of millions of women in this country whose voices remain unheard, I would like to take this opportunity first to pass our deepest condolences from the benches of the EFF and the entire membership of Uyinene Mrwetyana, Baby Lee Jegels and the 14 year old Janika Mallo who were all brutally killed by men in this country over the past week.



Uyinene, a 19 year old University of Cape Town student was murdered by a 42 year old post office worker. Lee Jegels, a national boxing champion was killed in cold blood by her estranged policeman boyfriend who also shot and murdered Lee’s mother. Jenika Mallo a 14 year old was found in her grandmother’s place in Heinz Park here in Cape Town with her head smashed and her brain licking from her right side of her face. She had been raped before she was murdered.



Every time we are confronted with such brutality we focus on the right because here sit men and women wo claim to be in government, who claims to be in power yet our daughters and sisters died in their hands. What type of government are you leading, what type of country are you portraying to the outside world? [Interjections.]



This young woman joins a list of thousands of other women who are raped, beaten, enslaved, emotionally molested and brutally killed by men in this country. The perpetrators of these vile acts are likely never to pay for their sins because our criminal justice system is fraud with inefficiencies; they remain largely unknown in deep rural areas under the leadership of patriarchal fued lords who call themselves traditional leaders. Such cases remain cold cases under your watch. You continue to empower such leaders yet they treat our people like that.



They walk in fear as they attend classes at universities because behind the face of the person they call a lecturer an unrepentant rapist and a killer looking for an opportunity to pounce on yet another victim. They even worship their chosen god



in fear because behind the veil of priesthood maybe a heartless monster who preys on women in the name of Lord, as Cheryl Zondi tragically found out.



For many women in this country, a simple journey to the post office, a short drive to the gym, a visit to a beloved uncle may very well lead to a bloody termination of their live. There is nowhere to hide for women in this country. Regardless of the socioeconomic positions one may be in all women are targeted as prey for the deeply violent men who feel entitled for the women’s bodies.



We can no longer continue as business as usual, we ca no longer fold our arms as law makers in this country. A number of things must be done legislatively and operationally to rid society of deeply embattled hatred for women. We need to enforce education against patriarchy and sexism complemented by the legislation to protect and promote women’s liberation and the close monitoring of the implementation thereof in order to realise real women empowerment in society within families and work place.



The EFF has urged time and again that gender-based violence reinforce and even sustained by deplorable general condition of our people. Therefore, a key to female emancipation is emancipation of all. We must therefore recognise that the structural violence of the ghetto produces violence and has now become normalised in society.



Special attention must also be paid to crimes committed against those whose sex is different. We must amend the Criminal Law Amendment Act and existing legislation to include harsher minimum sentences for corrective rape, specifically on crimes committed with hatred in general.



We also need to amend the Sex Description Act and related legislation to ensure that Home Affairs department expedites ID alteration application for transgender application. Women have suffered most of the new liberal realities of the past 25 years. The vicious cycle of triple oppression based on race, class and gender has not been broken for black women in particular.



The EFF recognises that while patriarchy and sexism are pervasive in our society, it is black women who suffer the most from gender-based violence.



Up to now, intervention for dealing with violence against women have been superficial, half-heated and based on the wrong undermining of root cause of the vulnerability of women across all party lines. It is time for women to rise and say, “This has gone too far and it cannot go on any longer”. The question is, are you in? the ruling party. From the benches of the EFF and the entire membership of the EFF we can never fold our arms.

This has to stop but we need the buy in of the government and those in charge of government to say indeed we are in. thank you. [Time expired.]



Ms L L VAN DER MERVE: Hon Speaker, allow me to quickly greet one of my best friends in the Gallery, Erika Joubert. She is here with one of her colleagues, Miss Mona Lisa Bango. Ms Bango runs an NGO, she is a community activist and she is passionate about the empowerment of young women. We salute you Ms Bango and we welcome you to Parliament for your very first time.



Hon Speaker, each year we rise to this podium to say the same things. We quote the very same statistics. We lament the very same challenges and our government’s inaction and we speak about this lawless country of ours like there is some type of normality to it.



We remember those we have lost; we wear black to honor them. We remember our babies and our grandmothers that have been raped and killed. We remember our daughters and our sisters murdered on the killing fields of the Cape Flats. We remember them and we pledge that things must change. But the reality is that nothing has changed since we last stood at this podium to debate Women’s Day a year ago.



Nothing has changed because what is missing from this debate year after year is action, outrage, urgency, political will, change and resources. We know that the system is failing our women, we know that NGOs and shelters go unfunded and we know that police stations don’t have rape kits. We know the scale of the crisis. We know, yet nothing has changed in the last year.



Speaker, we face a national crisis. To make matters worse as Joburg burns, as Pretoria burns and as our trucking industry burns we are yet to hear from the President of this Republic. It is against this background that had great difficulty in preparing for today’s debate. In part because I felt a deep sense of hopelessness after the news of Uyinene’s death. Uyinene didn’t die in a dangerous part of our country. She didn’t die walking the streets lat at night. She didn’t die in a club and she didn’t die in a pub. She died collecting a parcel at what is perceived to be a safe space – a post office.



Like many South Africans I feel angry because we live in a lawless country where criminals are in charge and where our lives mena nothing. I feel despair because instead of offering us hope and interventions, our government offers us condolence instead. I have to ask how many more South Africans have to die before our government finally listens and acts. And in the midst of my despair I was moved by the example of one government that cared, one that listened. Sierra Leone’s President recently declared rape and sexual violence a national emergency in his country. He responded to a national outcry.



I believe it is time for us to follow his example and do the same. It is time to accept that we, too, face a national emergency. Until we declare the lawlessness that has besieged South Africa as a national crisis and treat it as such, justice will not prevail. That should only be a start. We need a casted concrete plan to fight gender-based violence now. We need to support our NGOs and fund our shelters.



I recognise that government cannot do all of this on their own and each of us have a role to play. At our recent elective conference the IFP committed to launch a massive campaigning defence and on behalf of the most vulnerable. We did so because we know that the face of poverty, t6he face of exclusion, the face of struggle and despair is female.



Like every other woman in our country I have to ask you our government, am I next? Or will it be one of you? or will you finally have the courage to govern, the courage to act, the courage to care and the courage to do what is right? I thank you. [Applause.]





Me T BREEDT: Dankie agb Speaker. Ek wou vandag hulde gebring het aan die sterk Suid-Afrikaanse vrouens oor die eeue heen, maar in die lig van die huidige omstandighede en die klimaat van geweld teen vroue en kinders is dit kardinaal dat ons eerder by die vroue uit ons verlede moet leer.



Susanna Smit en die res van die Voortrekker vrouens het in 1843 in Natal ... die mans se besluit om nie meer teen Britse kolonialisme weerstand te bied nie, om te keer. Hulle sou eerder kaalvoet oor die Drakensberge loop as om hul vryheid prys te gee en weer onder Britse beheer te wees.





I also think of the 6000 women on 4 August 1915, 10000 women on


22 June 1940 and the 20000 women on 9 August 1956 that all said, “Enough is enough”, who took a stand for what they believe in and marched to the Union Buildings.



Hon Speaker, the women of today are facing the same watershed moment in not only South Africa but in the rest of the world. We



have campaigns such #MeToo, #TimesUp, #TotalShutdown and more recently, #AmINext. Last week we had Women’s Parliament specifically focusing on gender-based violence but that is not enough.



To quote the South African Board for People Practices, “It will take more than slogan and summits to address this crisis.”





Die regering het nodig om op te tree. Maatreëls moet in plek gestel word om die aanmelding van geslagsgeweld aan te moedig en om slagoffers te beskerm. Polisiëring en vervolging ten opsigte van geweld teen vroue en kinders moet ook geprioritiseer word.





The hon Sharif said she is not going to go into statistics but I do feel we need to look at statistics. More than 10 institutions in South Africa focus on comprehensive gender machinery to promote gender equality and prevent gender-based violence yet in the past decade gender violence has spiked.



At least three women die at the hands of their partners daily. According to the South African Medical Research Council more women are killed by their partners and ex-partners in South Africa than anywhere else in the world. Even more surprising is the fact that 2,5% of women believe that men are justified in beating women.



According to our Minister of Police, 124000 cases of rape were reported in the past three years. The interesting fact is that only 2% of rape cases are reported according to the Medical Research Council. That means that there are actually more than 2million rape cases annually.



South Africa’s femicide statistics are just as hharrowing: 21 females are shot dead every week – almost five times the global average according to the World Health Organisation. When looking at farm attacks, the brutality against women is horrifying; they are burned, raped, bludgeoned to the point of no recognistion.






Vrouens in Suid-Afrika is in ’n krisis en die regering moet ophou mooi praat en begin doen. Wanneer gaan die pleidooi van vroue gehoor word?





Since last week’s Women’s Parliament some of the headings have read, “SA female boxing champion shot dead”, “100 days since Amahle Thabethe went missing”, “Cape Town woman’s body found chopped”, “Woman found dead in car”, “Youth leader found murdered in flat”, “Girl raped and killed in ouma’s backyard”.





Dames en here, hierdie is sleg. Agb Speaker, ek wil ’n beroep op u doen. U staan hier as ’n verteenwoordige van vroue in Suid- Afrika en u moet opstaan. U moet die voorbeeld stel. U moet u ANC regering dwing om ’n verskil te maak.





Lastly, hon chairperson of the multi-party women’s caucus, this is not a black white debate, this is a South African crisis.

Speaker, I thank you. [Applause.]



Ms M E SUKERS: Hon Speaker, I wish to borrow words from a poet:



Stop all the clocks, cut off the telephone, Prevent the dog from barking with a juicy bone, Silence the pianos and with muffled drum

Bring out the coffin, let the mourners come.



There are moments that call for pause that moment is now. Now we must stop the rhythm of the debate and call ourselves to quiet. It is amazing to me that a young woman stands in front of this House and reads headline after headline quoting statistics and in the walls of this Parliament we can still have conversations, muffled while hundreds of our young women are dying on our streets in the most atrocious manner.



The ACDP calls on this house to forget our politics and to lead a national call for prayer. [Interjections and laughter]



The SPEAKER: You are protected Madam.



Ms M E SUKERS: I refuse to look at my notes and to have a normal conversation or a normal debate. If this can happen in South Africa, in this Parliament while our country is burning, then there is a big, bigger crisis. It is a crisis of leadership. It is a crisis of leadership for me and for you, not for one party but for all of us. We all now need to stop the debate. We need to give leadership to our people. Our people are terrified,

70 000 women in one week join a movement to say, enough. Today the headlines read: South Africans are calling out for the death penalty to return. How can we as women in the middle of a debate raise our voices and heckle like that, and say that we are feeling the crisis. It is not good enough! It is not good enough! It is not good enough! [Applause] Our people deserve better from us! From us! From us! We need to make a difference now.



Hon Speaker, I am appalled that in this moment, when our people are waiting for us to respond to their pain that we can have a normal debate or heckling in this House. We are calling out now to everyone in this House that we as South Africans need to look



back. We need to ask, what will make this nation better, today is that day, not tomorrow. Today is that day. [Applause]



The SPEAKER: Hon members, hon Sukers is correct. This is not a moment of dividing ourselves. This is the moment where we focus on a national problem; we find one another and find solutions. Can we just conduct that? [Applause.]



Mr N L S KWANKWA: Hon Speaker and hon members, we look like to align ourselves with your sentiments entirely as the party.

Ladies and gentlemen, most of this country’s existing policies that speak to the issue of challenges that face women today are notional. They merely exist in name only. We know this because we noticed the lack of their effectiveness on a daily basis. For instance, women still find themselves severely marginalised from economic activity and by far remain the worst affected by poverty. Even the scourge of gender-based violence which is taking place in the country is an indication of the failure and the weaknesses of the policies and laws that we have in our country.



The first thing the UDM would like to propose is an audit and the reflection of the current policies and laws in order to gauge what works and what does not work. After having done this, we will have a better idea of our failures as well as our successes, many of which we believe are things that we can remedy and overcome. Once we have conducted this process, we can then begin the process or the step of trying to chat the way forward.



The other matter that has to be considered from where we are sitting is the effectiveness or lack thereof of the women’s Ministry. We believe that for the most part it has been one of the most ineffective Ministries we have ever had. To make matters worse, this Ministry to no fault of its own is one without real teeth. The Ministry is modestly described as it champions the advancement of women socioeconomic empowerment and the promotion of gender equality. The words monitoring and evaluation occur far too frequently when one reads about the Ministry’s functions. This is all good and well but this rather seems a language of a meek and a mull department. Playing the role of monitoring and evaluation is meaningless if nothing is



done about the information the ministry and the department generates, therein lies trouble.



Surely something can be done to ensure to improve the effectiveness of this Ministry and to ensure that it plays a more meaningful and a stronger role in the fight against gender- based violence.





Liyinene elithi, thina bantu bangootata ...





...in particular, we also have an important role to play in how we raise the boy child to make them to be better role models by starting to be better role models ourselves. We should also ask political parties to play an important role to say that, in the constituency work programmes of parties, issues that have to do with gender based violence have to be a common feature in the programmes and work we do, including the party political programmes and campaigns that we run on a daily basis.





Kuba kaloku le nto kufuneka siyiphathe sisonke. Asililo idabi lamanina kuphela, kodwa lidabi loMzantsi Afrika uphela. Enye into ebalulekileyo kukuba sithi singulo mbutho, abo balahlekelwe bubomi ngenxa ye ...





... violence against women and children.





Sithi kubo, benze Thixo baphumle ngonaphakade, ubakhanyisele ngokhanyiso olungacimiyo. Siyabulela.





DISABILITIES: Hon Speaker, hon Members of Parliament and members of the portfolio committees, we are extremely angered by the arrogance of the perpetrators, who have decided to destroy the lives of women at the time when we have embarked on a high level communication, as the people of South Africa. It was not the Ministry of Women or the Department of Women or government departments, but our churches, civil society organisations and



all human rights defenders stood up and said enough is enough. However, as the Minister of Women, Youth and Persons of Disability said she referred to specific cases that have occurred after all has been done. To add a voice to what she said, I want to appeal to our communities ...





 ... izinhliziyo zethu zibuhlungu. Zibuhlungu kakhulu ngalokhu okwenzekile kulamalanga ikakhulukazi ngemuva kokuthi umphakathi wethu wonke ubume nathi. Amalungu lapha abuya ekumenyweni ngamasonto, izinhlangano ezizimele futhi umphakathi wonke ubukhankasa uthi ...





... enough is enough.





Ngakho ke siyanibonga kakhulu ngomsebenzi eniwenzile. Kukithi namhlanje njengamalungu ahloniphekile ukuthi masiwuqhubekisele phambili lo mkhankaso esikuwo.





Hon members, I also want to echo the word of members who have said today is not a day for a divisive or factional or party politics debate. [Applause.] It’s about all of us, as the august House, to reflect deeply and say having passed the laws and having come up with strategic policies what more needs to be done. We have to do that remembering that we lead the society where tomorrow each and every one of us will be asked one question: What did you do? It will not be about the ANC or the EFF, it’s about each and every member in the august House to say, having done everything what next needs to be done.



Starting with this august House, I want to thank sincerely from my heart, especially us, as the Department of Women, the Speaker, the Chief Whip, the Chairperson of the NCOP and the Deputy Chairperson. They did a very important work by creating a platform here in Parliament for all of us to debate women’s issues. It created a platform where we reflected as a collective. I heard hon members from the opposition parties saying ...





... kusasa yimina engizobe nginguSomlomo ...





 ... after the Speaker had left. So, there was that unity of purpose and we got a report which was given by members of the Steering Committee on the Gender-Based Violence and Femicide. They said following President Ramaphosa’s command, after signing the Declaration of the Summit, the steering committee led by civil society has been in consultation. So, they gave us a report as women in Parliament. The report gave us a sense of hope. I still think, as this House, we have to give the people of South Africa that message of hope ...





... ukuthi sinendlela.





We know where we are going. We are not only reflecting on the national gender machinery of yesterday. I have heard some hon members expressing hopeless messages, and saying nothing is



being done and nothing is happening. I really had a problem with that, given the fact that a platform was created last week. I say it truthfully to this House and to our people that within the 100 days of the Sixth Parliament, we are talking about the revitalisation of the national gender machinery, not for its own sake, not the concepts, so that within it we say what is it that we can do? Which kind of a structure could co-ordinate this kind of work? The goal and the target is one, to stop the scourge of violence against women and children - to stop the scourge of femicide in South Africa. So, hon members, we are not the ones who have a luxury of saying nothing is happening.



Hon members, also when we talk about gender-based violence and femicide, I want to say during this sixth administration, we shouldn’t lose its spirit especially when engaging in a debate like this. For the first time, there is clarity in terms of how we work in an integrated and co-ordinated manner while the Department of Women, today has been configured so as to make more gains within one wing. We work in partnership with the justice cluster taking away the concerns we’ve had in the past where the Social Department will blame the Police, but the



configured sixth administration has taken that out of the way. Hon members will see when they read carefully the annual performance plans, APPs. It is consolidated and configured very strategically so that we deal with these issues in a co- ordinated manner.



Based on the current status of the national gender machinery, the next short to medium term will be critical for defining and deepening approaches to women’s empowerment and gender equality. We have looked at the gaps. One of the things we are clear about the honours is upon us to be able to live with a demand of accountability. It can no longer be business as usual for any structure of government. We appeal also to the private sector to follow suit. No matter how much we do as government in setting up this machinery from the Ministry, the gender focal point to civil society structures, it is important to be accountable and to adhere to the prescripts of the national gender ...

Chairperson, one of the important things I want to talk to with my one minute.



The Speaker: You don’t have a minute, you have nine seconds. [Laughter.] You are even over now.





DISABILITIES: Thank you very much. [Applause.]



Ms T L MARAWU: Hon Speaker, hon members, instead of celebrating the arrival of spring and the singing of birds, sadly, we are mourning the gruesome and cruel passing of innocent souls at the hands of merciless killers who do not value human life.

Leihandre Jegel, Uyinene Mrwetyana and Karabo Thoriso join a long list of young women whose lives were brought to an untimely and abrupt halt by their murderers.



Is the right to life enshrined in our Constitution for the sole preserve of the murderers? Why is it that our laws in this country create an impression that the most vulnerable in our society actually do not count? How is our Constitution responding to the right to life to the innocent victims whose lives have been taken? How come the murderers and rapists seem



to be having more rights, protection and a free reign to prey on our children at their will? How come some in our society are forever ready to protect the dignity and the lives of rapists and murderers? Could it be because their families are not directly affected and therefore they can afford to theorise and intellectualise about what statistics say and not say whilst others are burying their loved ones?



If Parliament is not going to rise and defend the lives and dignities of our people, particularly the vulnerable young women, then who is? If as Parliament, we fail to make laws that protect particularly the weak in our society, then what value are we adding? Madam Speaker, enough is enough! We cannot come here and make empty speeches to score political points and not put proposals, not only to stamp this tide, but to end it once and for all.



Murderers and rapists must know that there will be dire consequences for their crimes. Our Constitution must serve us, not the other way round. Our Constitution must be strengthened to serve us better. Our Constitution must not be the refuge for



rapists and murderers. Our Constitution must be the anchor tenet for justice. What kind of justice is it that allows young innocent lives to be ravaged and killed by those who are allowed to roam the streets yet again in search for more to kill?



As I close, Madam Speaker, as the ATM, we are requesting this Parliament to set in motion a process that would lead to public hearings on whether or not the Constitution should be amended to allow for justice-based capital punishment for heinous crimes such as rape and murder - which is tantamount to the death penalty.



Madam Speaker, let us allow the people of South Africa to have a final word on this matter through a referendum. We owe this referendum to all the fallen souls and their bereaved families. Condolences go to all the grieving families and friends.





Akwehlanga lungehlanga.






Thank you. [Applause.]





hon Members of Parliament, as a nation we must hang our heads in shame today. Our women and children are under siege and South Africa is in the grips of a vicious war being waged against our women and children. Last week in the Women’s Parliament session, I named a list of women who had been brutally killed by men in recent weeks and the list is growing.



At the time we knew of the disappearance of Nene Mrwetyana, a UCT student, at that time we all still hoped that her name would never be added to that list of murdered women. And today we mourn for all our women and children that have died.



The scourge of violence against women and children and femicide is an utter disgrace in our country where women who fought for justice for all. South Africans are sick and tired. There are calls to bring this country to a standstill. It is time for action, and I agree with that. We are wearing black today to mourn those women and children that we have lost.



All South Africans are calling for greater action, but we need to stand together to deal with the scourge and all those cowards in our society. If you look at the profiles of these men today, it can be anyone. They are our sons; they are our brothers; they are our husbands. The question is, “How will we stop this?”



Quite frankly, the solution is never going to come from government alone, it needs the mass mobilisation from all of us. We need to mobilise an army of South Africans that can stand up against the scourge. Therefore Madam Speaker, having looked at all the laws, and we have more than enough – but I want to propose an amendment to the Criminal Law Amendment Act 105 of 1997 on the minimum sentence legislation. I therefore call for an amendment to part 1 of schedule 2, in that we must consider femicide a compulsory life sentence crime, which is missing in our legislation, because the status quo and the current law certainly doesn’t serve as a deterrent. There is no regard for human life and there is no regard for the potential that young women would fulfil if their lives were not cut short in such a brutal manner. We have failed our women and it is time for us to



come together and deal with this scourge once and for all. Senzenina; senzenina - what have we done?



Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Hon Speaker, let me start off by saying that if there is anyone in South Africa who must take responsibility for what is happening here today, it is us the 400 people in this very House. These things have been going on for years and years. The question is, “Who has the responsibility to protect our women and children?” The answer is that it is us the 400 in this House. We never seem to agree on anything, but let us at least agree on one thing, that our women and children are dying every day while we are speaking right here today.



The question that we are going to ask is, “What are we going to do?” Are we going to continuously come here and debate these issues? No, I think the time has come to act. Twenty five years later, I think it is time to look at the legislation and make the necessary amendments. Four years ago, the NFP called for a death penalty on serious and violent crimes, and the response from the then President Zuma was that it was inhumane. We wrote him back again and asked him if it is humane to take the lives



of an innocent person but we did not get a response. The question is, “How many more people will have to die in South Africa or be raped before we act?”



In 1995, in the Beijing-South Africa road to equality women advancement and in the 2009 South African National Gender Machinery, Gender Mainstreaming and the Fight against Gender Based Violence, these mechanisms were put in place. What have we achieved to date? We have achieved very little or nothing. Our women continue to die; our women continue to be raped. You are not safe in your homes; you cannot even go to a toilet, and now you cannot even go to a government institution like a post office. It is totally unacceptable.



We have lost many of them, Barbara Heyns, Elma Davis, and Jessica Kuhn as well, who ran out of petrol on the road and she was murdered. It has never stopped. I can give you a list of so many of them who, having taken the case of Reeva Steenkamp, only because of unscrupulous lawyers and those that have the resources. The family had to go through pain and suffering to get justice for her. What does it simply mean in South Africa?



If you have the resources - the money, you will get the right attorneys. Yes indeed, you will be free and you will do what you feel like doing in South Africa. The fact is, once and for all, with all the women organisations that we have - these meetings that are held are not going to solve the problem; the summits you hold are also not going to solve the problem. You should go to the courts; to the police stations; to the victims and see exactly what is happening - then you will know and understand what our women and children are going through; then you will feel the pain and the suffering and you will do something about it.



Hon Speaker, I hope that we would address these issues, particularly with the amendment to legislation, and bringing stringent measures, particularly with the justice system. Thank you.



Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Hon Speaker, condolences to the families who have lost their loved ones. I think it has to start with us men in our families – for example as a father, when you look at your daughter next to you, you should think of how you will feel if



she is murdered in the same way as these women that are being murdered. Now I think we have to put our shoulders to the wheel and work together and bring solutions to these incidents.



Madam Speaker, you have to strengthen the National Gender Machinery so that you can try to assist the women of our country. For many years now, women have been suffering and oppressed. Patriarchy and sexual exploitation are some of the issues that should be done away with. And of course we have to assist the women of this country. Women have been oppressed politically, economically, socially and even religiously. We have to salute the women of 1956 who were strong enough and showed that they can do something. They were strong because a man, the prime minister of that time, had to run away when the women showed up with their anger. Even today it may happen that they can come together and show their anger in order to bring a solution to all these killings.



Efforts have made by government because many Acts have been passed, for example the Domestic Violence Act, Maintenance Act, Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination



Act – and all these have been done in order to assist our women. There are gaps that we have to look into so that we develop and try to take the plight of women seriously.



Instead of empowering and developing women, we prefer to kill them and this is a shame on our part, especially those that are doing this – the criminals. Something must be done. Men and women should be joined by the common vision of gender justice, equality and human rights so that we can see what is it we should do to bring solutions to this problem affecting our women. The Commission for Gender Equality is kept on its toes so that it do its work but is should be assisted financially because it is trying its best to assist and get solutions for women that are being killed. We all cry foul. Our country is burning; our women are being killed; the young ones are being killed and everybody is living in fear. We really don’t know what to do but if we come together, something can be done. We shall never give up, until solutions have been brought to all these challenges. Until women are emancipated and empowered, we should never give up.





members, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen.





Motsamaisi wa dipuisano, mona ke rata ho etsa boipiletso, eseng ho setjhaba feela empa ho bo ntate ka ho qolleha. Ke rata ho etsa boipiletso ho bo ntate ba hlwahlwa, bo ntate ba mankgonthe, bo ntate ba tsebang karolo ya bona ka hare ho setjhaba e tlameile hore e be efeng





Lapha malungu ahloniphekile ngithanda ukukhuluma namadoda aqotho, amadoda athembekile anesizotha nozwelo kanye nothando ezinganeni zethu nakubomama. Kuyisiqalekiso nehlazo egameni lamadoda ukuthi kusa njalo, usuku olunye nolunye sizwe kuthiwa indoda ibulele owesifazane okanye umlingani wayo, indoda idlwengule ingane yeminyaka emine yaze yayibulala, indoda ingene ngewindi kamakhelwane ifuna ukuyodlwengula, kuyaswabisa lokho.

Madoda akithi, banumzane, egameni lethu sithi, kwanele. Yekani ukugila imikhuba ngezenzo esihlasimulisa umzimba. Lezi zinto azingenzeki egameni lobaba okanye egameni lethu.





Just listen to the cry of this woman lamenting what we do to them as men. We hold prayer sessions I quote:



We sing and preach, we plead with them, we support them, we bear children for them and build their homes but they continue to humiliate us, they continue rape us, they continue to abuse and butcher us like flies.



The level at which women are abused in our country has reached unacceptable levels. To stop this, as men we need to up our anteing and acknowledge that this is indeed a crisis. It is even shocking when some men blame this on the prevailing socioeconomic conditions. That’s rubbish, it’s all nonsense!



We also need to look at our churches. One comes across churches in our country where a pastor would say, especially a male pastor that he speaks to God everyday so she must listen to what he says to her, this is the beginning of women abuse. That’s taking advantage of the vulnerable in the name of God.



I remember Farah Khan when he says:



We use women and we level them to a position where you and I can control them. We do not understand that when you oppress a woman, you oppress a nation. When you beat down a woman, you beat down a nation, when you uplift a woman you uplift yourself and all people. Even wild animals have an instinct to protect their babies.



Why can’t we as men protect our children?





Bafowethu, kwanele.





This must come to an end. Thank you Chair.



Mr W M MADISHA: Hon speaker, the United Nation, UN’s, declarations of human rights passed in 1948 agreed on the importance of 30 articles which cover the so called individual rights which must be protected by all states around the world.



It is a fact that like Raul Riesco puts it: the majority of those rights are recognised by states but not implemented. This includes gender rights but in particular women rights. It is true that in the contemporary political world, no one denies their importance especially as he puts it individual rights or admit that they are violating human rights when they actually do that. He is correct that those rights are agreed to ass being important but there is no real implementation.



I want to say that ourselves seated here as this South African Parliament, as the South African government as well, we agree that the women rights are important, the gender rights are important but we collectively do not ensure implementation. As we presently speak, we have an unemployment rate that is beyond 40% and the majority of these people who are not employed are women. These are the people who work in the streets in the night selling their bodies, doing whatever they can to ensure that we as their children and we as humanity do survive. I therefore call on all of us not to only speak but ensure implementation.



Mr M G E HENDRICKS: Hon Speaker, Al Jama-Ah fully supports the efforts of the Sixth Parliament to strengthen the national gender machinery. Your personal efforts in this regard have not gone unnoticed.



I have pleasure to inform you that the party has instructed me to establish a unit to deal with violence against women at our national parliamentary constituency office in Surrey Estate, Athlone, which is in the heart of the Cape Flats. We are bringing our Parliament to the people and this unit which we have launched is now part of the national gender machinery.



As a parliamentarian I would like to apologise to the family, friends and the University of Cape Town community for failing to protect Uyinene who was butchered, raped and murdered at one of our Post Offices in Claremont.



We have my granddaughter in the audience today who is a fellow student at the University of Cape Town, UCT, and we hope that what she’s heard today from the different political parties will give hope to students and some comfort to the students at UCT.



We have received calls to ask you hon Speaker, to take the lead in reintroducing the death penalty when women are raped and murdered. As the feistier of the country feels you have no excuse and at least introduce a punishment that is equal to death. So, our call in this case is that the perpetrator not only receives a life sentence like the ANC has suggested but punished harshly everyday as he serves his sentence.



Later in the day I would like you to grant me an opportunity to put the motion without notice to this House to honour Goga Halima Harun and Anshan Huro who celebrated a 93rd birthday recently and still waiting for this country an inquest into the untimely death of her husband Kimam Abdulharun post national women’s month. Thank you hon Speaker.



Ms B S MASANGO: Hon Speaker, I would like to first, on behalf of the Democratic Alliance, convey deep and sincere condolences to the families and loved ones of the women and children who have lost their lives under horrific circumstances. We also join the families whose children have gone missing in praying for their safe return home. It is a profound privilege and honour to take



part in a debate that pays a tribute to women of diverse political, religious and other persuasions, who braved all manner of odds that were stacked high against them to say enough is enough.



It was on 9 August 1956, when 20 000 brave women took to the streets of the capital to demand justice and equality. Six decades later, our country is facing a gender-based violence crisis targeted at women and children. Women’s Day celebrations are meaningless when women and children are being abducted, hijacked, raped and murdered on a daily basis and nothing is being done to address the scourge.



South Africa has no shortage of legislation, interministerial committees, policies, plans of action, international instruments to which the Republic is a signatory, summits, councils, and the list goes on. The most important question, therefore, is why all these are not translated into effective action? Is it a lack of political will? Is it competing priorities that put lives of women and children in the back burner? Is it because the country has been rendered numb to the scourge that has long reached



crisis levels? How do we crawl out of this hole that we have dug ourselves into? The answer could be “dedicate resources, human and financial; implement and monitor plans”. South Africa’s women and children deserve no less.



I believe that the greatest tribute we can bestow on the memory of the women of 1956 is staying true to the promises that we have made through, among others, the Integrated National Programme of Action Addressing Violence Against Women and Children and the recent Presidential Summit on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide. According to a review of the programme of action on violence against women and children published in 2016, there is an implementation gap between the legislation and effective implementation of activities that it calls for. The review continues to say that there is a perception of political reluctance and weakness to drive the South African response to violence against women and children and there is a lack of clarity among officials as to who the lead department is for violence against women and children. How can an issue that has devastated so many families and communities receive little or no action from the state?



Is it any wonder the level of violence against women and children is increasing every year? Is it any wonder fear among women and children in their homes and outside of their homes has reached such alarming proportions? According to Statistics South Africa, Stats SA, the murder of women increased drastically by over 117% between 2015 and 2016. The number of women who experienced sexual offences also jumped from 31 000 in 2015 to

70 000 in 2016. This proves that the most violence crimes against women go unreported, which puts lives of many at risk.



South Africa is called the rape capital of the world for a reason. This can only mean that violence against women and children is a crisis and requires concomitant prioritisation from the state, not lip service. Plans to address gender-based violence have simply become tick-box exercises to ensure that the plans are seen to be implemented. Clearly no political will and resources were invested to combat gender-based violence.

This situation can hardly be called a fitting tribute to the women whose selfless bravery we commemorate today.



As the Democratic Alliance, we pledge our commitment to ensuring that we hold government to account to dedicate sufficient resources to fighting the scourge of violence against women and children. We believe that women and children deserve protection from any harm, and we will continue to exercise oversight in this regard. Thank you. [Applause.]



Ms Z NKOMO: Hon Speaker, hon members, distinguished guests and bahlali basemzantsi [fellow South Africans].



The issues of gender-based violence have no colour, no race neither a political line, but a societal issue that needs all of us united. And as women we must show tolerance, including us women in this House.



Most, if not all of us, are affected directly or indirectly by gender-based violence. My personal experience was in August 2016, yes in Women’s Month, when I lost my sister, uBoniswa Nkomo, who was severely beaten by her boyfriend and she died after few days in hospital.



We learned with anger and shock yesterday about the rape and murder of a young woman, Uyinene, a student at the University of Cape Town, who died at the hands of an insensitive elder.



We would also like to call upon the Minister of Public Service and Administration, hon Mchunu, to conduct a check on the employees in the public sector and remove those who have criminal records because they don’t have space in our offices. [Applause.]



To the bereaved families, your pain is our pain; your loss is our loss.





Sithi kini ningumndeni, duduzekani.





May your loved ones’ souls rest in peace and we assure you that their deaths are not going to be in vain.



In March the President, Cyril Ramaphosa, at the launch of the declaration against gender-based violence and femicide, affirmed government’s promise made to the people of South Africa to take firm, decisive and swift action to eradicate gender-based violence and femicide in our society.



And a clear target set in the Women’s Charter reminds us of what still remains to be done for the advancement of women’s rights and the government is hard at work to address the persistent ills.



It is against this backdrop that we, the women of South Africa, call on President Cyril Ramaphosa to declare gender-based violence and Femicide a state of emergency. [Applause.]



Your hon President, every four hours a woman is killed in South Africa.



Sithi [We are saying] no bail for the perpetrators. We are saying the perpetrators must not be given ibail [bail].



[Applause.] And a harsher sentence must be imposed to those who are perpetrators of gender-based violence.



And we are also calling out to say gender-based violence must be scheduled at the same level as premeditated murder. They must be sentenced accordingly. [Applause.]



These deaths highlighted challenges which demand South Africans to work together, including traditional leaders, customary and the religious fraternity in achieving gender equality and confronting the violence that comes with patriarchy; which continues to entrench itself.



Examples of cases brought before the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities, CRL, exposes the exploitative nature of patriarchal systems taking advantage of the young and vulnerable in spaces of worship, as well as the increasing abuse of customary rituals and healing practices in initiation schools. We’ve seen recently there are more women who are coming out that are saying they are being abused by ...



IsiZulu or IsiXhosa:


... aboqgobela ekuthwaseni.





Where power is exercised over the female bodies and mind, these are some of the challenges amongst others:



Discrimination remains persistent in our communities and educational information relating to the sexual health of persons with disabilities; sex workers; Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, Queer, Intersex, Asexuality, LGBTQIA+, community and young people must be prioritised in realising sexual and reproductive health rights.



Victims of gender violence often have to deal with stigma and cultural settings that may impose on the victim and pressurise into either not reporting or withdrawing the case, while for some financial dependence dictates. Therefore, emancipation is crucial and should be prioritised.



Funding is essential in addressing gender-based violence. The success and sustainability of implementation continues to depend on funding, therefore, greater attention must be given to funding strategies and resourcing.



The narrative of dialogues and talks about talks seem not to yield results, we need to change.



The driving narrative should be implementation, review of policies and monitoring and evaluating against programs.



Challenges relating to the implementation of laws that defend and advance the rights of the most vulnerable in society persist which in turn impact on the gains made in the development of progressive legislation.



Gaps have also been identified in the method or approach by both the state and society towards dealing with gender-based violence and femicide; where focus is on the effect and not the cause; compromising the interventions and programmes in the process.



2019 marks 65 years of the founding Conference of the Federation of South African Women in 1954 which launched the Women’s Charter.



The Charter was at the time the guide demanding the removal of all material oppression against women across society starting at home, workplace, places of worship, institutions of education and the broader community.



The Charter recognised historical and also systematic chauvinistic and sexist ideas levelled against women as being central to the oppression of women, and further contributed towards the poverty and inequality that women face.



Women’s Month and the programmes underpinning it are evidence of the ongoing work to deal with the scourge of gender-based violence and femicide; and also gives South Africans and male counterparts the space to take stock of what has been done and what still needs to be done; importantly for our fathers, partners and brothers to take a stand against patriarchy in all






The Women’s Parliament was important in reviewing the Women’s Charter, which under Article 10 clearly highlights advances made against our policies as we had resolved at our 54th Conference, further set out in the elections manifesto to achieve social cohesion and nation building, localised through education, sport, recreation, arts, cultural and heritage activities; as well as clubs which are important programs in combating substance abuse, gangsterism, violence against women and children as well as other social ills.



In response to the violence against women, the Ministry of Police launched a six-point plan which is a direct response in dealing with the scourge while ensuring that victims are not further victimised and are treated with respect and dignity.



The six-point plan assists in measuring how many police officials dealing with victims have been trained to handle and interview victims professionally and with compassion; throughout the country and in each Police Station. The plan ensures that



the environment is designed to make victims feel safe and supported, that the rooms where interviews are conducted are safe and victim-friendly; and that health and medical kits are always available in every police station and the process of examination and evidence collection is handled professionally.



Further, that each investigation at all times is conducted by Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences Investigation Unit, FCS, or a detective with relevant training and support system that help victims and families such as legal, after care and medical with continuous feedback as well as updates on progress of the case.



Violence starts in homes and we have seen that is also takes place in schools; therefore, government is to take stronger leadership in fast-tracking an action program for ensuring gender equality [Time expired.] I thank you. [Applause.]





Madam Speaker ...





 ... maloko ao a hlomphegago a Palamente, yo a se nago tsebe, a ka se tsoge a kwele.





Gender-based violence and femicide are killing our nation. We all spoke in different languages this afternoon that we’ve reached a national emergency period.



From the day in March where we had this gender-based violence and femicide summit led by President Ramaphosa, a lot has happened but nothing makes one feel heartened as we send condolences to all those who have been pained by this scourge, that a lot is happening positively; not positively as we would have wanted to, but 5 000 aggressors are facing life sentences since that summit.



Today we spoke in different languages but the message was one; that this South Africa will remain standing because men and women of good standing in this Parliament say enough is enough.



Our homes have to become homes again; our churches, sanctuary, a place of safety, again.



May I also throw you Madam Speaker, plead that starting this coming Sunday, wherever we worship, whichever way we worship, hold hands, even in our homes, in silence and say kwanele, enough is enough.



But as we go back to report to our government, we need further steps rather than sentencing them to life. We should never have another today. Ke a leboga [Thank you], Madam Speaker. [Applause.]



The SPEAKER: Hon members, for me the most appropriate phrase in my language is ...





... re paletswe ke go disa.






In my language when re tlhoboga [despair], when we have lost, that’s the phrase we use. We’re given responsibilities to protect, to guide, to nurture and those things happen.



I think we should stand up and say to every elderly, men and women, to every person with disability, to every young man who’s differently sexed and young woman who’s differently sexed, who has been raped and killed, to every young woman who simply fell in love but said “no” at the wrong time, to all those men and women who have lost their lives because they thought they were free in South Africa, that we should stand up and give them a moment. Ke a leboga [Thank you.]






(Subject for Discussion)



Mr S H MBUYANE: Hon Speakers, hon Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, Mzansi Afrika good afternoon. We are in a difficult economic climate both domestically and globally. We



are encouraged by the recent report released today by the Statistics South Africa, Stats SA that our gross domestic product, GDP, has grown by 3,1 % in a second quarter of 2019. The point of departure and point of arrival to the...first acknowledge that South African economy is operating in isolation from the rest of the world. Our economy is an integral part of the global economy, whatever happens economically in the one corner of the globe has an effect in our economy.



The research conducted by the International Monetary Fund, IFM, paints a very disturbing picture as far as global economic output is concern. The IMF makes the following observations: The escalation of US-China trade tension, micro economic stress in Argentine and Turkey, disruption in auto sector in Germany, tighter credit policy in China and financial tightening along side the normalisation of monetary policy in the larger advance economic have contributed insignificantly weakening global expansion, especially in the second half of 2018. With the weaknesses expected to persist in the first-half of the 2019 world economic outlook projects a decline in growth in 2019 by

70 % of the global economy. Which picked at four percent in



2017, soften to 3,6 % in 2018 and is projected to decline further to 3,3 % in 2019.



The South Africa economic outlook reports that the South African economy is projected to grow slower than the continent’s 2, 2 % in 2019 and 2,8 % in 2020. At heart of this slow grow are majors headwinds, high of inflation, increase in government dept, slow growth in South Africa which contribute about 2/3 of the regional GDP.



The second largest economy, Angola is expected to grow by 1, 2 % in 2019 and 3, 2 % in 2020, while Mozambique’s growth is 4,5 % in 2019 and five % in 2020, but the economic situation is not at all gloom. The Investec Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD, outcome outlook project a revised economic growth for South Africa in 2019 be at 1,7 % year on year and growth which pick up slowly but will remain vulnerable to policy uncertainty and external shocks.



The question that follows from this domestic-international economic situation becomes: What does this mean to South Africa



and what must we do to turn things around? We faced a highly unemployment rate, Stats SA set to release a quarter labour force survey which put unemployment rate at 29% having increased by 1,4 % point from the last unemployment figure.



Our revolutionary tragedy is conceptualised, amongst other things, in our Strategy and Tactics document. The strategy and tactics adopted in our 54th national conference firmly declared the progress in moving towards national democratic society has been commendable but inadequate. It further states that the disquiet within the society grows by the day, be it amongst the poor with a little prospect of improving a lot, women and young professionals bugging their heads against the glass ceiling or ordinary worker living through socio-economic marginalisation. The relentless has become palpable.



Addressing the route cause of these social challenges in the national interest, as the ANC we are advancing the developmental state framework to grow our economy and create jobs. We are in firm belief that in advancing a mixed economic strategy, the state must play a significant role in economy to address the



imbalances of the past. Our struggle in the main is to address the contradiction of class race and gender. These contradictions are expressed in our socio-economic fabric.



The developmental state most important task is to grow the South African economy as rapidly and as inclusive as possible. Through the various legislative, regulatory and programmatic instruments, it is disposal. The developmental state must seek to build a public sector capability, provide parameters for the operations of the market forces and guide the working of private and capital sector. This results in a creation of new economic relation which enable more South Africans to achieve their human potential.



A key insight in the logic underline the theory of the developmental state is that neither the state nor market forces working on their own will be able to achieve the desirable outcome, associated with inclusive growth. Working together and guiding the developmental vision, the state market forces have the transformative potential to sustainable improve the living standard of millions of South Africans. The ANC vision and



developmental state is rooted in realities of South African mixed economy, informed by the fundamental insight that inclusive, reconstruction and development of South Africa require a vibrant mix economy in which the synergy and mutual reinforcement relationship between the capita and the private sector.



Strengthening the monitoring of labour protection, employment equity require a Better Business Bureau, BBB, compliance, identifying and removing a regulatory areas that impede private sector investment, collaborating and ensure the increase export of manufacturing goods and services. We believe that given the logic of businesses which profit maximisation, it is not in the interest of the private sector to address the contradictions highlighted earlier in the [Inaudible.] creating job. Yes the private sector does create jobs for our people but at the same time the sector has to balance the cost of production vis-à-vis the profit.



As we saw in the recent past some major banks are reported to be retrenching their employees to some extend due to automation of



services. This is a concern development, hence the need for the state to take a lead in growing the economy in the interest of job reservation and creation. Those who differ with developmental state model must answer the question posed by Ha- Joon Chang in his book entitled: Kicking away the ladder, in which he poses the question: Are the now developed countries kicking away the ladder by which they climbed up to the top by the rich development country?



The reality is that this now developed counties applied measures such protectionism especially for their infant industry, while in no way advocating for professionalism and he also highlighted that this damage of State-owned enterprise, SOE, has impacted on ability on the state to let creating jobs and employment. We are encouraged by the commitment of the department to collaborate with the law enforcement agencies to ensure that action and reported civic recovery are undertaking. As part of stability of the governance of SOEs we also welcome the appointment of new board of Denel, board of SA Express as well as the implementation of the Ministerial Technical Review Team and the President Review Team by the SOE including the Eskom.



The state must utilise the state-own enterprises to drive the economy growth. We are alive to the fact that some state-own enterprises have attracted attention for wrong reason. However we encouraged that the visible intervention in place to restore the governance of our SOEs and law enforcement agency are also ensuring that where there was corruption the action is taken against those who are accused.



The President outlines the seven priorities in this administration and one of the apex priorities is economic transformation and job creation. We all know that economic growth lead to job creation; our people have been unequivocal told during the election [Inaudible.] Our people are unemployed; they are living in poverty ...



Mr G G HILL-LEWIS: House Chairperson, colleagues the time is soon coming when we in this Chamber will be called upon to choose between two starkly different futures for our country. Our response to this choice will transcend obsolete political boundaries of the day. It will transcend past divisions and acrimonies, and it will require new partnerships to be forged.



One conception of the future is built on the politics of resentment and blame. This politics relies on cheap sound bites to divide our nation against itself, and to offer easy scapegoats for complex problems. These adherents are leading the assault on free enterprise in our country and they show scorn for entrepreneurs and risk takers. They see “more government control” as the answer to every question, regardless of the evidence.



Their slogans may change and differ, but their motto remains the same: “we like the pie just the way it is, we just want a bigger cut of it for ourselves”. They are pessimists, looters, backward looking, navel-gazing and they offer no hope for South Africa.

Fortunately, there is an entirely different conception of the future. This conception says it is absolutely possible to build prosperous future for all South Africans. That we can do so by recognising that growth, and only growth, can lift people out of poverty and into work, and that only growth can provide the state with tax revenue it needs to deliver the services the poor need the most.



We say we trust entrepreneurs to create and invest, take risk and we must make it easier for them to do so. We trust individual mothers and fathers to work hard if they can find work at all, and to provide for a better life for their own families. This is the future we believe in — optimistic, positive, forward looking, growing the pie for everyone and I know that there are many others in this House who believe in it too, on both sides of this House who believe in it too



That is why I did not hesitate to support the growth strategy paper released by the Minister for finance [Appluase]. We can quibble about the details here and there, but why do so when the country is on the brink. What matters is the outlook. It is pro- growth, pro-jobs, and underpinned by the open, opportunity society. I am glad that the mobilisation against this document has been so vociferous, and I assume, I hope that was part of its purpose. It has worked perfectly to smoke the enemies of growth out of their foxholes.



Now those of us who see a future of shared prosperity must coalesce and work together to defend our futures. The Minister



must not shrink back from this fight now. He should not be intimidated by COSATU, by EFF or by the crooks at Luthuli House, for they will soon be in prison. He should not be berating journalists for asking about this plan; he should be using every opportunity to take the fight to the enemies of growth and if does so, he can know that we will role up our sleeves with him. Now is the time for all of us to go into the thick of the battle for the future of South Africa and for the prosperity of all our people. The realignment is soon upon us. Thank you.



Mr N F SHIVAMBU: House Chair, we want to take this opportunity to condemn the violence that is being directed towards Africans in Johannesburg, Tshwane and other parts of South Africa. We condemn that categorically. As the EFF we re-state that we are for a united Africa because all of us are Africans. The colonial borders that were created are a result of colonialism and we must not fall into a trap of colonial divisions. We condemn those actions and we will not be cowards to buy into the Afrophobia nonsense that defines those that are attacking Africans on senseless basis.



House Chair, I thought we were suppose to be discussing a developmental state here, but the person who moved the motion seems to have a rather sorry understanding of what a developmental state is and where it originates from. But, maybe let us help quickly. The concept of a developmental state emerged out of the post-Second World War context where the countries in East Asia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China, which is part of the People’s Republic of China, PRC, in any way, pursued a developmental programme that was not dependent on the private sector. Logic was driven globally that all what the state needs to do is to create conditions for the private sector to develop the productive forces. Those states then said that let us lead development ourselves, let us protect certain industries so that they can develop and be competitive globally in terms of production of goods and services. The model of that was to protect certain industries. Japan protected Toyota. Now, almost every second street in the whole world has a Toyota.

South Korea produces Samsung, telecommunication products and the phones that we use and a variety of other electronics including refrigerators, household goods that we have and the Hyundai car.



It was a deliberate state protected programme that was persuade by South Korea and almost all those countries in the South East Asia.



Is South Africa having a developmental state now? No! We have what is gravitating towards a fragile state because we do not control any parts of our industries. We are not protecting any industry in the production of goods and services. Instead, we thick that industrialisation will be caused by foreign direct investment. We will go to China and America to ask those industries to come and develop and we give them billions of rands in the special economic zones in Coega, East London and Dube Trade Port. That is not a developmental state – and it will never be. A developmental state must brew domestic industrial capacity to drive economic growth and expansion and it is not happening in South Africa. [Applause.] What we have currently is even worse.



Last week, the Minister of Finance released a neoliberal manifesto, a pamphlet for privatisation which is further weakening the state in terms of what should happen here in South



Africa. And all of you are saying that, yes, everything is fine. I think that the ANC must be cleverer than that. Why the DA an hour after that strategy has been released welcomed it? You can see that the same people who fund the DA are the same people who produced that strategy. That is why you are going to be cornered into acceptung what is basically nonsense.



Our broad observation is that in the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, Codesa, you conceded the economy to the white minority with the sense that you are going to have control over the state. But now you are inviting the white capitalist establishment to run the state for you, to run sanitation, to run water provision, they are currently running electricity through the independent power producers, IPPs, to run irrigation system, to run Transnet, to run road construction and to run your municipalities. You can’t be that foolish in the manner that is supposed to be. So in South Africa we do not have any developmental state and anyone who suggests that we do is daydreaming.



Also, in a developmental state you need strategic control and allocation of land. Go and check the land policies of all these countries that are characterised as developmental state. All of them had progressive land redistributive strategies that gave equal access to all people in terms of land for industrial purposes, for agricultural purposes and for whatever purpose as long as it adds value into the economy. When you are still being wishy-washy about the land question you can’t at the same time speak about the developmental state because it does not make any sense.



Let us build a proper developmental state that is driven by the principles of socialist transformation of the economy so that we can save our people from poverty, inequality and the deactivating sufferings that they are enduring out of no access to the economy and no permission to produce their own goods and services. Thank you very much. [Applause.]



Mr X NGWEZI: Hon Chairperson, the concept of a developmental state and growth model, transplanted from East Asian economies in the 1960s and 70s, the so-called four Asian tigers, namely,



Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore, has found itself entrenched in the mindsets of government economists and politicians in South Africa, more especially so within the last decade.



Chapter 13 of our National Development Plan even specifically alludes to this term when it states that social and economic transformation is impossible without a capable developmental state. But what does this concept mean and how best do we contextualize it within the South African economic and developmental growth model? It has always been the IFP’s policy that for markets to function best there should be very limited state intervention, meaning that the forces of demand and supply are unhindered and free to establish prices and quantities. When government however, often succumbing to pressure from trade unions, consumers or perhaps powerful politicians intervenes through setting price floors and ceilings, or through subsidisation of products or activities, taxation of products or activities or through imposing import quotas, then the situation is often made worse even if such decisions are made with the best of intentions. Rather we must look at promoting and not



inhibiting trade through regulatory bureaucracy and other restrictive measures.



Foreign direct investment must be encouraged through political stability and attractive domestic investment conditions.

Amending the Constitution just for the sake of saying that you have amended the Constitution does not inspire confidence with foreign investors. Public-private partnerships must be used to draw in both expertise and much needed resources into our ailing state-owned enterprises, many of which remain nothing but a continuing burden and increasing drain on fiscal funds. Whilst noting that state-owned enterprises, SOEs, play a central role in developmental states, this is certainly not applicable currently Within the South African context and cannot therefore be a plausible mechanism. Education is key for our youth and their future, but it must be education that capacitates them and provides them with the greatest advantage in the employment market. Skills learned must be applicable to meet market demands

~ as mismatches in this arena will only lead to greater levels of unemployment.



Hon Chairperson, we all agree with the notion of the African Renaissance for development, social and economic growth for not only South Africa but for the continent, but this must be accomplished in accordance with African traditions as original points of departure. We must look forward not backwards. This is our renaissance and it is our rebirth in terms of our thinking and values. We must cast aside what does not work for South Africa and as a point of departure We must tackle the scourge of grand corruption through the establishment of a new Chapter 9 institution, integrity commission. South Africa is at the very precipice and great political will is what will be required in order to deal with public graft as a preliminary to building a successful developmental state. This is our non-negotiable. For without tackling grand corruption first we will never have any kind of successful developmental state but instead a corrupt and failed welfare state. Thank you, Chairperson.



Mr W W WESSELS: Thank you hon House Chair, it is common cause that the economy of South Africa is in dire straits. It is common cause that we are not a developmental state but we are very quickly becoming a failed state. We can all see it and we



can all feel it. Maybe, not the hon Mbuyane, who I think lives in a different economy than the rest of South Africa.



Whilst local government collapses, no service delivery takes place and we actually have completely failed municipalities all around the country. No plan to build the economy will succeed.



Whilst there is policy uncertainty and the ANC as governing party themselves does not know what their policy stance are on certain issues and certain crucial issues are, we will not see economic growth.



Whilst Cosatu and labour unions hold government ransom, we will never have economic growth and we can never develop this country. It is quite clear that we are in a crisis. When we look at what the Minister of Finance is proposing and the document which he quite publicly tabled, last week, there are quite a lot of good suggestions in that document but it is in contrast with the rest of the ANC and other government departments which are doing the contrary.



The Minister of Labour, in the same week as those proposals is saying the contrary to what the Minister of Finance is saying. The Minister of Labour is more interested in equity and cosmetic transformation than in actually addressing the unemployment issues of South Africa.



Whilst we are losing and shedding jobs, in basically all the sectors of our economy, the Department of Labour and Employment should be focusing on what to do there. Listen to the documents and the policy document of National Treasury, which suggests lessening restrictive labour legislation and creating employment by doing that.



In contravention with the Department of Labour’s view, Minister Mboweni proposes that legislation be relaxed for small and medium enterprises. Small, medium & micro enterprises, SMMEs, are the greatest contributors of employment opportunities in the country, yet nearly 80% of new SMMEs failed during the first year of their existence. This system is rigged against small businesses. The proposal that SMMEs be exempted from the minimum wage if they cannot afford it makes perfect sense and that would



be developmental. Yet the self-serving mentality of Cosatu and the fact that the tail of the dog is wagging the body of the dog will reduce the effort to being useless.



When we look at the global history in any country where the economy starts failing, scapegoat politics start to completely exist on all forums. Go and look at history, go and look at Germany; the same is to be said of our government. When the economy is failing, there is no money, there is no service delivery; it is very easy to shift blame, to blame white people for the inadequacies of government. Wake up! If you chase all the white people into the sea, there will still be unemployment. We need to focus on the future. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]



Ms J TSHABALALA: Thank you, hon House Chair, when we started the debate today ... So, I want to condemn with the strongest possible terms the looting of foreign nationals’ shops in the cities of Johannesburg, Tshwane and those in Gauteng and say that, as people we need to live in harmony and we want to call for peace.



Furthermore, the insensitive issue affecting humanity that we were discussing earlier lacks relevance. I am saying these hon members because this debate will be meaningless if we don’t respond to both such theory and practice to scourge of violence that our women and the children face at large. I want to convey my condolences to those family members.



Let me just quickly ... I think time will be against me ... People speak about us not understanding our developmental state. The ANC has spoken about it in its 2012 and 2017 strategy and tactics. We are very clear about what we speak when we speak about developmental state.



Now, there is echoing about South Asia and the same speakers don’t speak about other countries that had benevolent dictatorship; that had access to product markets in the USA during the cold war but they are quick to speak about South Asia.



The ANC’s strategy and tactics speaks about the developmental state and its first attribute of a developmental state in our



condition should be its strategic orientation – an approach that premise on people centeredness, people driven change and sustained development. That’s what we need to appreciate. [Applause.] [Interjections.]



Hon House Chairperson, this debate takes place during Heritage month and the month that we need to re-emphasise the Freedom Charter when it said and declared that “the People Shall Share in the Country’s wealth,” and went on to describe the country’s wealth as the heritage of all South Africans. When we speak of a developmental state capable of growing an inclusive economy that creates jobs, it is important to premise this on policy initiatives and government’s intervention through our industrial economy that we have.



The developmental state in outlining the industrial policy of the ANC, the “Ready to Govern” document indicated that our aim is to create jobs, good quality products, trading with other countries and further identified an ideal to create a developmental democratic state in order to realise this objective. When we speak of a developmental state, we are



reminded of the ANC’s agenda to realise the National Democratic Revolution, NDR. The NDR is our struggle to national self- determination and the consolidation of our national sovereignty and by this change the economic patterns of dependent developmental path.



The democratic state will need to concentrate on development to overcome the problems caused by apartheid and colonialism and to meet everyone’s basic needs; and this would ensure creating a better life for all and grow a sustainable flourishing economy.



The apex priorities, hon House Chairperson, allow me to speak on interventions that the ANC is taking to ensure that we build an inclusive economy that creates jobs. Since post-1994, as the governing party we have adopted in this House and implemented legislations and policies meant to grow and transform the structure of our economy. The ANC’s 2019 elections manifesto put jobs as a priority for our government programme over the next five years. During the state of the nation address, Sona, of this year, President Ramaphosa spoke of the seven apex priorities that will take our country forward and create massive



job opportunities. These priorities are worth mentioning and here they are, let me remind you: economic transformation and job creation; education, skills and health; consolidating the social wage through reliable and quality basic services; spatial integration, human settlements and local government; social cohesion and safe communities; a capable, ethical and developmental state; and a better Africa and the world.



Listen hon member, state-owned enterprises, SOEs, ... the chairperson who started the debate already mentioned that we commend the appointment of the board members of the SOEs and call upon the executive to ensure that there is stability with regard to governance in these SOEs.



We continue, hon House Chairperson ... we are saying that the comprehensive approach to industrialisation should be realised. This is not only the responsibility of government but it is a collective responsibility of all the stakeholders involved and this would mean the private sector, civil society and labour formations and this Parliament that exercises oversight on the executive of the appointments of the board.



I want to respond quickly to the assertions about the paper the Minister of Finance has released for discussion. It is open for discussion. What is the hullabaloo? What is this imagination of the DA when they speak about social partners ... we must fight back ... you like dividing society. Why do you like dividing society? We are discussing economy. Why do you come in and meddle and think that this is division? There is no division.

This country must open a debate and the debate is open and we welcome it. Let’s engage the paper besides finding some division that we don’t know.



The issue of corruption is of great concern to us and we are happy that the State Capture Commission is looking into it and we are confident that our law enforcement agencies will ensure that those implicated and found guilty are prosecuted and that all monies looted from the state are recovered. We want to reiterate to the state law enforcement agencies that the looting from the state of capture must find its recourse. We are saying that we should not wait for the Zondo Commission. As the ANC we are committed to fight this corruption. So, we are saying that investigations and prosecutions must start as of yesterday.



On Eskom, it plays a catalyst role in ensuring that our economy keeps growing and we take note of government plans of keeping this entity functional in order to meet the demands of our economy. To the DA, we are privatising Eskom, hang on!



It is also important that Transnet’s production and productive capacity meet both domestic and international market demands. On the 30th August this year, rating agency Moody’s affirmed ... listen to this one ... Sanral’s Ba2 rating and this changes the outlook from negative to stable. Can you clap hands at least? [Applause.] It’s a positive.



The June 2019 ANC’s national executive committee, Lekgotla, acknowledged that a developmental state is key to our industrial strategy for inclusive growth. To ensure the disruption of apartheid economic development patterns, we need greater state and private sector investments in our automotives; clothing, textile, leather, footwear, gas, chemicals, plastics, renewables, steel and metal fabrication, tourism, high-tech sectors, the creative industry, oceans economy and agricultural and agroprocessing sectors as highlighted by the ANC national



executive committee, Lekgotla. This kind of positive investment will ensure the stimulation of an economic tide that will lift all boats; in contrast to the failed trickledown effect espoused by proponents of self-regulatory markets.



Infrastructure development is critical in growing our economy and the NDP identified the role of the state as that of providing the institutions and infrastructure that will enable the economy and society to operate. We ask for a speedy implementation of the black industrialist programme. So, we call upon that one.



Special economic zones ... we are not wishy-washy about it. We are going to implement it whether somebody comes and tells us that we are wasting time. We are not wasting time; we are addressing the indecencies of the past years. Addressing and taking a developmental state doesn’t mean that we have to be disruptive. You must be positive in how you enter ... All markets and everybody involved must be taken on board.



Special economic zones, SEZs, in Maluti-a-Phofung in the Free State has received an investment of about R4,8 billion; Bojanala SEZ received about R4 billion and these SEZ are already creating jobs and over the next five years more job opportunities will be realised.



Other SEZs and Industrial Development Zones, IDZs, in OR Tambo, Musina-Makhado, Nkomazi, Atlantis, Dube TradePort, Saldanha Bay and East London are already creating the much needed jobs.



South Africa has a youthful population and this goldmine needs nurturing for the full extraction of our nation’s greatest resource – our human resource capital. President Cyril Ramaphosa has already issued a call to our young people to be entrepreneurial, innovative and inventive for us to meet the demands of our economy. It is for this reason that we take R262,4 billion budget in education and skills training seriously. This is brought to you by the ANC. [Applause.]



In conclusion, it is important to emphasise that South Africa belongs to all who live in it black and white. In order to



realise the growth of our economy, all South Africans, both the public and private sector have to contribute and raise the high levels of ethics and productivity expected in any society. Our economy is not in the top 10 fastest growing economies on the African continent and we are determined to change the outlook.



This is our radical socioeconomic transformation agenda, and it speaks directly to transforming the structure of our economy for the benefit of all South Africans. I reaffirm our undying ideal to grow this country, within the prisms of a developmental state. We will continue to work together with all; our alliance partners, Nedlac, social partners, private sector, the civil society formations in realising the aspirations of all South Africans. This is brought to you by the ANC. I thank you. [Applause.] [Interjections.]



Mr W M THRING: Hon Chair, the ACDP welcomes this debate on a developmental state. One only has to observe the economies of Japan, the Asian Tigers, and closer to home, those of Botswana and Rwanda, to gain an insight into how these states used their



resources to expand their economies and reduce poverty. However, what is a developmental state? Simply and I quote:



A developmental state is defined as one that focuses on generating high economic growth rates, promoting structural change in production patterns and implementing welfare policies to achieve social equity.



In South Africa, the structure, form, policies and discussion papers needed to implement a developmental state are present. Chapter 13 of the National Development Plan, NDP, for example, states that neither social nor economic transformation is possible without a capable and developmental state.



It is the view of the ACDP that a developmental state as modelled by the Asian Tigers, has the ability to pull our economy out of the quagmire in which it finds itself. Sadly, South Africa missed a golden opportunity, post2008-9. When the global economy expanded, ours contracted or stagnated due to many own goals scored in what is now commonly known as the wasted years.



Under the ruling party, rather than using state resources to attack poverty and expand the economy, resources were used to pulverise our economy to junk status, thereby increasing poverty, hurting the poor and driving unemployment to a rate of 29%, on the narrow definition.



Hon Chair, inclusive growth implies participation and benefit sharing. Participation however, without benefit sharing will make growth, unjust and sharing benefits without participation will make it a welfare outcome.



In order to create an economically inclusive developmental state that creates jobs, there must be an enabling environment that fosters small business at local level, with policies that do not hamper their participation.



A developmental state with an inclusive economy will promote industrialisation and domestic investment policies, public private partnerships and human capital development. Also, there must be state-owned enterprises that are placed highly and are highly effective. This is obviously lacking. The looting that



has taken place over the last nine to 10 years has resulted in a paralysis of analysis. The dithering, dilly-dallying, procrastinating and filibustering must come to an end. It is time to unite, build and grow our economy. The ACDP is prepared to do just that. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]



Mr S N AUGUST: Hon House Chair, as hon members of this House, we can all agree that unemployment is unacceptably high and jobs are being created at a pace far slower than our population growth. It is no doubt that we need to build an inclusive economy where more South Africans, particularly the poor, can participate meaningfully in a faster growing economy.



But how can we do this? Government cannot create jobs alone. It can create the conditions for economic growth, investment, new businesses and a good space for companies to invest in our communities - particularly our poorer areas so that we can secure new jobs.



With corruption in government constantly on our national agenda, we need to fix how government currently functions. I want to



congratulate Good leader, Patricia De Lille on her initiative to turn around the Department of Public Works and Infrastructure by paying suppliers on time.



As the Minister of the department, by July 2019, over 17 000 invoices have been settled to suppliers with a majority of those invoices being settled within two weeks since the directive was given.



The department injected R1,2 billion into the economy in July alone. Paying on time means that the Small, Medium and Micro- sized Enterprises, SMMEs, supplying the government can stay in business.



This change of government practice demonstrates how a state can be an active role-player to turn the tide on job losses and grow our economy. We need to bring investor confidence on all government policies as soon as possible and need to focus on how we can spend our limited income to grow our economy.



A good government must build the infrastructure that businesses need and support industrial growth strategies. This is how we can grow businesses.



A good government will also invest in people, so that they are trained with skills and the market needs.



A good government will make state-owned enterprises, SOEs, financially independent to ensure quality services are provided to our citizens and to the profits of the SOEs could be ploughed back into the benefit of the social services across the country.



Corruption in Eskom, overpaying connected coal suppliers, this benefits a few connected people at the cost of millions of average South Africans. It has to stop.



If government structures do not work efficiently, we will never be able to fix unemployment, to grow our economy and to stop the corruption that is bringing this country to its knees.



Hon members, it is our duty to restore stability and confidence in our economy by working as partners to the private sector so that we can invest in new businesses for our country.



I am pleased with the economic data today showing that in the last quarter we grew by 3,1% above the projected 2,5% growth. Thank you, Chairperson. [Time expired.]



Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: Hon House Chair, it is the responsibility of the state to own its macro-economic planning and processes and mechanisms that it intends putting in place. A development state must have strong state intervention to prevent any monopoly, price fixing and abuse of market power.



Now, one of the key drivers of a development state is state- owned companies or state-owned entities. Yes indeed, we are all aware that we have serious challenges in the country particularly the way our state-owned entities or state-owned companies are run. That in itself means that creating a development state in South Africa is a dream until we address



the challenges that we face in the way we manage these state- owned entities.



Now, there is a whole list and one of these I am going to point at is the issue of local development and that is at local municipal level. If you want to develop the state it is the best place to start. Given the state of our local run municipalities and at local government level, it means that with the challenges that we are facing there with the audit reports, the way they spend the resources, the poor delivery of services and not ensuring that there are self-sufficient in the development of their areas and being totally reliant on national government for resources, clearly it means that we have a challenge in that we cannot achieve this dream of a development state in the near future.



Now, we talk about the manufacturing industry and the agricultural industry, and yes I must agree that you cannot enhance the agricultural industry and things if we do not deal with the issue of land restitution timeously. So, it is one of the matters that need to be dealt with. However, what we need is



in terms to ensure South Africa to become the development state is to ensure that we deal with these issues holistically and that is the quality of education for starters where we have a problem.



You need to deal with the socioeconomic conditions, the issue of the energy crisis in South Africa, the issue of housing in South Africa and the issue of the justice system in South Africa.

Unless you deal with these issues and more importantly, with the amount of money lost in South Africa as a result of looting and or corruption or not getting value for money which is running into hundreds of billions of rand.



So while yes, South Africa can become a development state in the near future, unless we put our house in order, we can say it is a pipedream. Thank you.



Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Thank you very much, hon Chairperson. As we gathered data to prepare for this presentation, we literally had to juxtapose all the policy and related documents by the government. Some of these documents overlap. We therefore had to



look into the National Development Plan, NDP, the economic transformation, inclusive growth and competitiveness policy discussion, the Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement and the state of the nation address delivered by the President in June this year.



As a starting point we are quite pleased that Minister Mboweni’s economic transformation, inclusive growth and competitiveness policy discussion implicates the role of the Competition Commission. The discussion document raises fundamental issues of market concentration, cartels and the abuse of dominance. It gives the directive to the Competition Commission to reduce the duration and scope of the leases between the dominant supermarkets and the malls. These lease agreements lessen the competition for small and medium enterprises, which is very unfair. They are hamstrung from competing with the other role- players in the supermarket value chain.



The state of the nation address cited by the President had the following pillars ... [Inaudible.] ... administration. These include economic transformation and job creation; education,



skills and health; consolidating the social wage through reliable and quality basic services; spatial integration, human settlements and local government; social cohesion and safe communities; a capable and ethical developmental state; and a better Africa and world. All these now to bring about an inclusive economy in our country.



These are all central to growing an inclusive economy. However, with the rate at which our economy is growing, our dream for economic transformation, social cohesion and spatial integration seems to be farfetched. The NDP aims to create five million new jobs between 2010 and 2020. Our economy is growing now at less than one per cent and our growth projections have declined over the years.



A developmental state requires the participation by all South Africans in the economy. We have to beneficiate. We have to open up the textile and clothing industries. Illegal mining has to be thoroughly looked into. In the past we have advised the government to introduce a wealth tax to widen the pool of



taxpayers by creating jobs through the creation of new industries.



Dr L A SCHREIBER: Hon Chairperson, in looking over today’s Order Paper, I couldn’t help but notice a glaring anomaly right there in the title of this ANC-sponsored motion. Right off the bat the governing party has gotten the entire premise wrong by talking about the state growing the economy. As in Soviet Russia, North Korea and Venezuela, we can see that nowhere in the world has a state ever grown the economy. It is the private sector that grows the economy.





Deur self net te kyk na die titel van hierdie mosie, sien mens duidelik die ANC se rooi onderrok uithang. Die staat se eintlike rol is om ’n omgewing en geleenthede te skep waar besighede en individuele burgers welvaart kan skep, en daardeur die ekonomie laat groei.






So how do we get from our current patronage state to the DA’s opportunity state? Firstly, we must build a professional and competent Public Service by eradicating cadre deployment. That renowned scholar of international development, Jacob of Nkandla, recently told the Zondo commission that he saw nothing wrong with appointing and promoting officials on the basis of loyalty to the ANC rather than on the basis of whether they can actually do the job.



Fellow South Africans, the next time you spend hours in line at Home Affairs, only to be told that the system is off line or when the police don’t show up to a crime scene, know that it happened because of the ANC’s cadre deployment committee.



What we also need to understand is that Zuma didn’t actually serve on the deployment committee that appointed all of the Gupta goons into positions of power. That dubious honour fell to our current President who reportedly chaired the deployment committee from 2013 to 2017. That is why I wrote to the Zondo commission back in July already requesting it to invite testimony from the President and all other members of the ANC’s



cadre deployment committee. Hopefully, South Africans will soon find out the truth about how the hon President and his committee deployed the very people who captured the state and ruined our economy.





Die uitroei van kaderontplooiing is inderwaarheid ten nouste verweef met enige poging om die ekonomie te laat herleef. Terwyl die President aanhou leë beloftes maak oor ekonomiese groei by tallose berade, konferensies en ander niksseggende byeenkomste, is hierdie regering en sy kaders in die praktyk aktief besig om landsburgers se ekonomiese welvaart te vernietig.





Look no further than the latest figures from the Small Business Department which show that national and provincial governments currently owe businesses R7,1 billion in unpaid invoices. This is suffocating the last bit of life out of the South African economy.



Instead of paying its R7,1 billion debt to the many hardworking business people and workers that try to forge an honest living, the ANC instead chose to spend R8,1 billion on cadres illegally doing business with the state. This is according to National Treasury’s own 2018 public procurement review.



The simple truth is that cadre deployment is incompatible with a capable opportunity state and a growing economy. That is why the DA will soon table a Private Member’s Bill to amend the Public Service Commission Act, which will make it illegal to appoint a professional public servant on the basis of political loyalty rather than on demonstrated merit. If the government is at all serious about fixing the state, it will support this amendment just like the DA supports the hon Finance Minister’s new economic strategy paper.



Secondly, on the public wage bill of R550 billion, Parliament should lead by example by immediately getting rid of the absurd loss of office gratuity that cost taxpayers R111 million this year alone, and force the government to cut the ministerial handbook to the bone.



It’s time for the ANC to choose the country over party by supporting our proposals to eradicate cadre deployment and cut the public wage bill. If the ANC fails and simply continues smashing the South African state and economy to bits, it is the DA that will be there to pick up the pieces and mould them into a prosperous nation. Thank you. [Applause.]



Mr W M MADISHA: Thank you, hon Chair. Twenty-five years ago we rose and ululated that what the working class and the poor of our country suffered for ages had come to an end.



However, contrary to that, what came is what our people are suffering today, namely the consequences of ... let me quote from a friend of mine whom I’ve never met. He says, “Capital comes dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and debt”.



The following question then arises. With the levels of poverty and unemployment that our people face, will there be any development? I must say that the quotation that one has given



here actually goes to the very people that at the moment are the ruling class.



I’ve asked a question. Will there be any development at all? The answer is no; not in South Africa as long as the present state is led by the ANC. It’s because they have lied to the poor that are presently dying to see that development. The present ruling party lied to the working class and poor people of our country. That lie continues to be told ... and thus ... that the poor have taken over from the apartheid state and that South Africans are free. That is not the case.



We are faced with very, very serious problems. If all of us can go out you will see what is happening. You are the best witnesses. The people will go out on strikes. What happens? They get kicked, beaten up and killed by this very government; this very state that they have put in place.



Now, the question is what is to be done? Firstly, we must accept that development shall only emerge when corruption by the ruling bourgeois state ends. And when that will be ... And when I say



the ruling bourgeois state I am actually referring to this so- called governing party. I want to emphasise that for as long as they are there we shall not go anywhere altogether. They shall kill us.



Mr M G E HENDRICKS: Hon Chair, we’ve heard quite different angles what a development state is. We also know that for refers of 100 days of the Sixth Parliament, there has been a lot of talk about the Fourth Industrial Revolution, there has been a lot of talk about what we can expect in the future which cyber civilisation but none of that is mentioned in the opinion piece that we listened to today and the Strategy Paper of the Minister of Finance.



Nevertheless, the challenge is how can South Africa move onto a much faster growth path through which the poorer majority of the citizens gain the most? Key to a brighter future for South Africa is sustained growth but that in itself is not enough.

Growth without distribution would almost certainly falter as social tensions rise and as we know hon Chairman, social tensions are at its peak and it’s not even Christmas.



So, we need rapid employment creation narrowing the gap in the provision of public services across racial groups, narrowing income differentials between blacks and whites, address massive inequalities in access to public service and facilities and in land ownership. So, we look forward to improving export incentives and improvement of skills of the labour force. Al Jama-ah asks for a kick-start of the economy through public expenditure that can play a very important role.



We would like to thank the ANC for taking the initiative in putting this on the agenda and for all of us to work together on building a development state capable of growing an inclusive economy that creates jobs and we appreciate the Strategy Paper of the Minister of Finance which even the official opposition supports. Thank you very much



Mr M G MAHLAULE: Hon Chair and members, we want to start by mentioning that a week from now, we will be celebrating the 75th anniversary of the ANC Youth League.



Why this is important is that this glorious formation of young people was established by some of the leading lights of liberation movement among them is: Anton Lembede, Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Oliver Reginald Tambo.



In its 107 years of existence, the ANC has always been pre- occupied with questions of the future. It was this far sighted leadership of society that let the late OR Tambo make an incisive remark that a country, a movement and people that do not value its youth does not deserve its future.



As we seriously begin to think about the future, we will consider few things that are needed for planning ahead. We start with United Nation’s estimate that by the end of this century, there will be 4 billion more people on earth and 3 billion of these people will be born in Africa. What does this mean?



It means that there is great advantage for Africa considering that most developed countries are aging. Research shows that half of the world’s young people who live in Africa and currently 37% of the 600 million labour forces in sub-Saharan



Africa are under the age of 25. These statistics have implications for our continent in terms of investment in food production, infrastructure development, health services, security and economic development of the future to meet the needs of our people.



Africa’s population will become more urbanised, better educated and in ten years time, Africa’s consumer spending power will reach US$2,5 trillion. African consumers will live in an economic environment transformed by massive infrastructure development. They will be connected by new roads and rail networks. Our economies will be powered by an energy revolution that encompasses vast untapped reserves of oil, gas and the rollout of the next generation clean energy technologies.



Our products will belong to the global economy through digital technology and by new and more efficient deep sea ports. The African continental free trade agreement will lower barriers to trade on the continent. It will enable the development of efficient value change that will improve Africa’s manufacturing competitiveness.



From ANC’s point of view, it will tell you that we look at the future as young as the future is digital and the future is definitely African. Africa’s democratic dividend can only be earned through forecast investment in the continent’s young people. Investment in the continent’s human capital is one of the strategic goals of the African Union’s Agenda 2063.



Unfortunately the South African economy is unable to absorb a significant portion of young people mainly because our education, research and innovation systems are not aligned with the needs of the economy. Even more concerning is the amount of people classified as not in employment, education or training, covering the youth between the ages of 15 and 24. There are approximately 3,4 million of these young people.



The Fourth Industrial Revolution is also disrupting the labour market. The impetus of economic activity is shifting from a very large enterprise to smaller individual led companies. What does this mean?



It means an entrepreneur developing their product in a garage is now likely to create more value chain jobs than a big manufacturing company. The manufacturing sector is not generating as many jobs as previous decades. Having recognised these challenges, government has focused ... [Interjections]



Ms E N NTLANGWINI: On a point of order Chairperson



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon Ntlangwini why are you standing?



Ms E N NTLANGWINI: Chairperson I’m standing on the relevance of the speech. I just want to bring back to the speaker, we are speaking about the development state. What he’s talking about there is irrelevant.



The HOUSE CAHIRPERSON (Ms M G Boroto): Hon member that’s not a point of order. I am going to switch off your mic. Take your seat! Continue hon member.



Mr M G MAHLAULE: If you are smart enough you will understand that there is no developmental state and there is no future without innovation, digital and data revolution. Now, having realised these challenges that we are talking about, government has focused on urgent reforms in our education system. Young people need foundational cognitive skills in science, technology, engineering and mathematics to be absorbed in the economy.



In terms of the African Union, AU’s, Agenda 2063, 70% of those who enter tertiary education institutions, should be able to graduate in these subjects. The Department of Basic Education is rolling out programmes to equip learners from primary school with digital skills such as coding which are essential to the integration of school leavers in the world of work. Such skills should be accompanied by soft skills such as emotional intelligence, interpersonal and excellent communication skills.



One million young people will be trained in data science and related skills by 2030 through Media, Information and Communication Technologies Sector Education and Training



Authority, MICT Seta. One thousand young people from the not in employment, education and training, NEET, category are being trained on data science, software development and cloud computing. As part of taking responsibility for the future, the President inaugurated the Fourth Industrial Revolution partnership which hosted their first ever digital economic summit in July.



The purpose of this summit was to forge digital compact for our country, characterised by economic justice, social benefit and innovation at heart. Government has committed to pioneer new challenges and take giant leaps to drastically improve our production levels. The plan is to position South Africa not just as an adopter but a leader of the Fourth Industrial Revolution in the world.



This is possible considering that our country is ranked in the top ten of countries leading the digital transformation. Access to broadband and connectivity is a lever of socio economic inclusion hence; our government seeks to connect the 22 million unconnected South Africans by 2030.



The ANC believes that we need a developmental state model to drive the digital revolution, a state that is a risk taker and entrepreneurial state where governments own apatite to risk an innovation inspires large scale entrepreneurship and unlocks economic potential.



Even the doyen of global of free market capitalism, the United States of America has for decades invested in public funds in military and intelligence agency research and development projects and produce such e-pop defining technologies as the internet, GPS, Email and Google to mention amongst the few.



The recent focus by Accenture that digital technologies can generate 5 trillion in value for South African industry and society in the next decade means we do not have time to waste.



The ANC welcomes the issuing of policy direction for the licensing of high demands spectrum by the Minister of Communications and Digital Technology, hon Ndabeni Abrahams. The current lack of spectrum raises network calls and contributes to high data prices. The spectrum licensing process will include



measures to promote competition, transformation and inclusive growth of the sector.



We call on the department to ensure that spectrum licensing process ensures that not only universal coverage but access as well. This requires a level of universal affordability.

Government must ensure that relative allocations between operators will also shape competition going forward to new generational network such as 5G. Thank you very much



Mr A N SARUPEN: Madam House Chair, just for the ANC Chief Whip, I remember the step this time, thank you. Madam Chair, I was going to focus my debate today on the fact that the developmental states have never actually been tried within the framework of a constitutional democracy and developmental states. I was going to critique the human rights records of developmental states and conclude by saying that we must never sacrifice our human rights for economic freedom because they go hand in hand together.



But the ANC’s contribution to this debate has made me depart my notes, unfortunately. I am saying this because in South Africa, time did not start in 1994 and of course, we have the legacy of oppression, now is poverty and und uneven development. But id didn’t stop in 1994 and I need to remind the ANC contributors to this debate that we cannot ignore the legacy of the last 25 years, but mostly the last 10 years; a legacy of looting and capture. You cannot run away from your records. [Applause.]



The developmental state was passed the Jacob Zuma’s first manifesto in 2009, and Zuma still cast a long shadow over these benches. Despite changing your leader, you are still following through on Zuma’s manifesto and his record of disaster, instead of closing the book on his policies. Now, the record of the developmental state under the ANC is synonymous with two words, authoritarianism and looting.



On the authoritarianism we saw the ANC try to pass the Protection of State Information Bill to criminalise whistleblowers in this state. The ANC mooted destroying press freedom with media appeals tribunal and it even killed striking



workers in Marikana, brought to you by the ANC. If this is a developmental state, then no thank you.



Now, in the name of the developmental state, the ANC wants us to trust them with even more coercive economic power, telling people how they may invest their money and in which sectors they must invest it into. How can we trust the ANC to lead a developmental state when Denel cannot pay salaries or the receiver of the revenue? How can we trust the ANC to lead development when SA Airways, SAA, and SA Express need more bailouts? In fact, the Express was grounded last week.



How can we trust the ANC to lead the development when they have led Eskom into R400 billion in debts? Load shedding, proudly brought to you by the ANC. How can we trust an ANC, that wants to take the pensions of old people that are about to retire and use them to bailout the state-owned enterprises, SOEs, that they have looted. Instead of hiring more teachers, nurses and police officers, you want to take away their pensions.



Now, this ANC’s developmental state is a sham. It is a license to loot; it is a road to authoritarianism, and if is this what you want, we say no thank you. You will not loot; you will not steal and you will stop bailing out. This is not development; this is theft. Thank you. [Applause.]



Mr S H MBUYANE: Chairperson, thank you very much. We are tired of this rhetoric. People are coming here to grandstand and talking rhetoric. We are here to address the issue that people must understand where we are coming from. We are not talking 10 years of legacy, we are talking apartheid legacy. That is why we are trying to build a state that is capable of development, because we are trying to deal with what you did.



Chairperson, this means that the state, the private sector and our people should join hands to find one another in the interest of growing the economy and create jobs. We need a well- capacitated state, professional public services guided by Batho Pele principles. We need a stable world govern state-owned enterprise which will participate in the economy. We must aggressively build a steady development that will be able to



narrow the gap of the mismatch between the employment opportunity and the skills base.



Chairperson, our focus is on building a developmental state that rejects the free market fundamentalism that seeks to impose neoliberal policies on South Africa. The irony of South African free market fundamentalist such as the DA, who attacks progressive policy such as the National Health Authority, NHA, is that of a spiritual war. The EFF’s policy perspectives are a fraud with contradiction, most which of South Africans have forgotten getting to use to.



What the EFF is saying today, you can almost predict it what it’s going to say tomorrow and it will be the opposite of what it will say next week. However, the ANC is responding to the message from the SA Election Campaign that government must strengthen delivery, capability of state, fix on implementation and focus on jobs, growth and economic inclusion. Our previous picture indicated that the ANC is committed to build a mix economy that led to a capable developmental state.



In order to read our objectives, South Africans can never fall into a trap of seeking quick fixes by both neoliberals represented by the DA and the narrow nationalist, populists represented by the EFF here. The ANC calls for organised working class, business and community to partner with government to restore the state institutions and reignite the economy. The ANC has resolved that the government must focus on industrial strategy and central pillar to recover the economy.



Perhaps most importantly, government will focus on improving the capability of the state. This means improving its capability by means of responsive to the need of the industry moving fast in the main decision and carrying out functions, co-coordinating better departments and agencies creating a business encouraging environment in which more investments and jobs should be created. Chairperson, the DA’s manifesto characterises the party as the liberal, democratic party and believes that South Africa should belong to a global liberal democratic order, which according to them has been unprecedented increased global development and prosperity.



The DA says it is committed to a programme of action that will minimise a role of the state. At the other extreme, the EFF’s manifesto is fraud with contradictions, whereas the EFF claims that it wants to build a state that runs almost every economic activity from the state company that only build houses and also be part of local government that will be able to spend 100% of procurement. How does the EFF and the DA have been able to build and sustain their coalition, it’s mindboggling. [Interjections.] How? You are differing now. [Interjections.] No, it’s fine.



When the DA expresses that they wish to recruit South Africa in two-fold, a real agenda and adoption of US style free market here, we cannot allow that. The DA voters have very little understanding on the underpinnining of US economy. The Unites States has privatised and financialised infrastructure and basic needs such as public health and medical care, education and transportation.



That, other countries have kept it into public domain, the economy, more cost-efficiency, providing essential service. The United States also led practice of debt pyramiding from housing



to corporate finance. That is what you are trying to do here. This has financial engineering and well-creation by inflicting debt finance, real estate, stock market bubble and has made the United States a high cost in economy that cannot compete in well-managed economy. Unable to recover dominance in manufacturing, the United States is concentrating in rand extradicting sector and it has held monopolised economy led by information technology.



It has enabled the state to equally run balance of payment deficit and for nearly seven years. The irony of the South African free market fundamentalist is self from you guys. As the previous speaker has indicated, government has comprehensive approach to industrialise inclusive focus on developing strategic sector to drive economic growth, supporting small, medium and micro-sized enterprises, SMMEs, co-operatives, to grow economy, development of township and economy that will seek to deal with rural economies.



The ANC believes that in order to move South Africa and the continent forward, we need to harness and expand access to



digital technologies and also drive a skill revolution that will stimulate enovation, particularly amongst youth. Government must seek to unleash the energies of all South Africans in both the private and public sectors, in order to advance the goal setup in the National Development Plan, NDP.



The ANC’s approach is different in order to reach the objective of the NDP. South Africa cannot fall into a trap. The ANC calls for South Africans to support government efforts to restore public confidence in state institutions and rebuild our economy. Thank you very much, Chairperson.



Ms M C C PILANE-MAJAKE: Chairperson, I moved on behalf of the ANC without notice:



That the House –



(1) welcomes the appointment of Dr Precious Moloi-Motsepe as the University of Cape Town’s, UCT, next Chancellor, a position that she will take up from 1 January 2020;



(2) notes that she takes the reins from Mrs Graça Machel, who was first elected in 1999 and whose second term will finish at the end of 2019;



(3) recalls that Dr Precious Moloi-Motsepe was elected by an electoral college consisting of holders of UCT qualifications, academic and professional, administrative support and service staff as well as students, on Friday,

30 August 2019;



(4) further notes that Dr Precious Moloi-Motsepe is a businesswoman and philanthropist who started her career in medicine at the University of the Witwatersrand;



(5) further notes that she worked in various public hospitals in South Africa as well as at the Medical College of Virginia in the United States;



(6) further acknowledges that together with her husband, Dr Patrice Motsepe, she founded the Motsepe Foundation in



1999; and that in 2013, they became the first couple from Africa to join The Giving Pledge. [Time expired.]



Agreed to.



Mr M H HOOSEN: Chairperson, I hereby move on behalf of the DA without notice:



That the House –



(1) notes that the DA-led Midvaal Local Municipality was the only municipality in Gauteng that achieved a clean audit from the Auditor-General for 2017-18 municipal financial year;



(2) further notes that it was the fifth year in a row that this municipality achieved the clean audit;



(3) recognises that 2019 good governance Africa government performance index ranks the municipality amongst the top ten performing municipalities in the republic;



(4) acknowledges the role that the municipality’s committed personnel and senior management willingness to go the extra mile played in delivering yet another clean audit;



(5) commends Midvaal’s committed personnel and management for going the extra mile to deliver another clean audit results, and;



(6) congratulates one of the youngest Mayors in the country, councillor Bongani Baloyi for continuing to improve the quality of services delivered by that municipality. [Applause.]



The Chief Whip of the Opposition Party: Sorry House Chairperson, point of order!



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Sorry.



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Oh any objection or not Chair let me help you.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Okay, just a minute, hon member. Are there any objections to that motion, hon members?



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Chairperson, the EFF move without notice:



That the House –



(1) notes the growing and merciless massacre of women at the hands of men in this country, brought to the fore again through the murderer of a 14-year-old Janika Mallo in Heinz Park in Cape Town and many more other women whose death have not been yet publicised;



(2) further notes that Janika’s’s killers are yet to be known and apprehended. They are walking the streets as if nothing happened, patiently waiting for another female victim to mum, rape and kill;



(3) acknowledges that the country has largely failed to create a conducive space for women to live without



fear and that legislatively and operationally. We have not done the necessary to free our society of the scourge of violence;



(4) we further acknowledges that the criminal justice system has let all of us down, in particular women and children who live with their perpetrators everyday and that the system doesn’t work for unknown little girls such Janika, who come from poor families;



(5) realising that SA Police Service is wholly incapacitated to deal with violent crimes in South Africa and that the institutions need a complete overhaul, and;



(6) conveys its deepest condolences to the families of Janika Mallo.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Are there any objections to this motion?



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Order, Chairperson! The ANC must come clean if they object on this motion of a killing of young babies. There is no four and five.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon member!



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: They must tell the world that they object on the killings of women in this country.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon member!



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: There is nothing on four and five. They must come clean, so that the country must know that the ANC is objecting on the killing of women in this country.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon member!



Ms E N NTLANGWINI: Chairperson, on a point of order!



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): What is your point of order?



Ms E N NTLANGWINI: Shame on the ANC. Shame on you.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): That is not the point of order, hon member. Sit down.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: House Chairperson, sorry.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Yes.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: On a point of order.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): What is your point of order, hon member?



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: the point of order is that the precedent in this House is that when the member wish to object the motion there is no qualification of objection. You simple stand up and say I object. That is how motions are being dealt with in this House for the last five Parliaments. So, if we are starting a new process here where we get to pick and choose and we can qualify which parts of motions we are objecting. It is a



new precedent that is being created. So, perhaps from the chair you could give clarity.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Mr M L D Ntombela): Order hon members. Order, please. The objection is an objection hon member, but of course it is true that it doesn’t have to be having a qualification, but it is an objection. Shall we continue?



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Sorry House Chair. This is important. I am sorry. I am not criticising or objecting to your ruling, but it is going to set a precedent. Does that mean now we can stand up and advance reasons why we are objecting to a motion?



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon member let me reiterate what I have said. I said the objection was uncalled for; meaning the reasoning behind it was uncalled for.



Mr B A RADEBE: Chairperson, I am raising on Rule 123. The same Rule 123, which clearly state that when the motion without notice are given at 10’oclock they will be distributed at



11’oclock on the day so that if there are any objections from the political parties, they are able to indicate the areas where there are objections and these opposition parties didn’t respond to that. Thank you, Chair.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon members, please, note that I have already made a ruling and we said there should be no any qualifications. I have ruled on that. Thank you very much. Hon member, what are you rising on?



Ms M O MOKAUSE: I am rising on a point of order, House Chair. Today we had a very important debate in the very House and it clearly shows how the ANC is so ignorant even when our country is under attack.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon member?



Ms M O MOKAUSE: The very same governing party is objecting to a serious motion raised by the EFF.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: Hon member, if you continue I will have to close you down.



Ms M O MOKAUSE: Only because the EFF is an opposition party. You are useless.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): hon members, order please. Hon member, that was uncalled for, but let’s continue.



Ms L S MAKHUBELA-MASHELE: moved without notice:



That the House -



(1) notes with shock and sadness the tragic and untimely death of the 19-year-old University of Cape Town student Uyinene Mrwetyana, who allegedly died at the hands of a 42-year-old Post Office employee on Saturday, 24 August 2019;



(2) further notes that the accused confessed to the killing when he appeared in the Wynberg Court on Monday, 2 August



2019, where he was charged with rape and murder as well as defeating the ends of justice;



(3) recalls that Mrwetyana disappeared a week ago, when she went to collect a parcel at Claremont Post Office;



(4) further recalls that when she returned, the suspect accosted her and allegedly raped and killed her and later dumped the body in Lingelethu West;



(5) understands that blood was found on the shoes and the car of the accused, who also has a previous conviction of robbery;



(6) acknowledges that Mrwetyana was a top achiever who had excelled academically and was popular amongst her friends;



(7) further acknowledges the support from students and friends, who had gone door-to-door with flyers and searching for their missing friend;



(8) calls for a harsh punishment for the suspect. [Time expired.]



Agreed to.






(Draft Resolution)



Mr N SINGH: Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House -



(1) notes that on 1 June 2019, Ms Sibongile Judith Nkomo passed on after a long illness at the age of 63;



(2) recalls that the late Nkomo was a former Member of Parliament, a former Secretary General and a long- standing member of the National Council of the Inkatha Freedom Party; and that she served as an MP since 2013,



serving in the Finance, Home Affairs and Tourism portfolio committees until her sad passing;



(3) further recalls that in 1999, she was the IFP's Premier candidate for Gauteng and she represented the IFP in the Gauteng Legislature where she was the Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, Scopa;



(4) acknowledges that she also served as the IFP Women’s Brigade Gauteng Provincial Secretary and later the IFP Youth Brigate Publicity Secretary before being elected IFP Secretary General;



(5) further acknowledges her immense contribution to the IFP as well as the country as a very competent and dedicated Member of Parliament; and



(6) extends its most sincere and heartfelt condolences to her mother, Mrs Angelina Nkomo, her brothers, her only daughter Mrs Zama Awuzie, and the rest of her family and friends.



Agreed to.






(Draft Resolution)



Mr S N SWART: Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House -



(1) notes with great concern the increased violence perpetrated against vulnerable women and children, and in particular, the recent murders of, among other women referred to by other parties, Jesse Hess, Lynette Volschenk and Meghan Cremer;



(2) agrees with President Ramaphosa that the assaults, rapes and murders of these women and so many others are, I quote: “A stain on our national conscience”;



(3) calls on the SAPS to leave no stone unturned in bringing the perpetrators of these attacks to book;



(4) further calls for the denial of bail and harsher sentences to be imposed in such cases; and



(5) expresses its deepest condolences to the family and friends of those who have lost their lives through violence and prays that they will be comforted.



Agreed to.







(Draft Resolution)



Ms B N DLULANE: Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House -



(1) notes with sadness the death of veteran football analyst and journalist David Kekana on Sunday, 25 August 2019, after a long illness;



(2) recalls that David Kekana was a long-standing activist, sports journalist, presenter and analyst having worked in the media industry for over 20 years;



(3) remembers that Kekana joined SABC in the year 2000 and formed an integral part of the SABC sports team as a researcher and script writer for various productions, including Fifa World Cup tournaments, the Olympics, All Africa Games and Africa Cup of Nations;



(4) acknowledges that prior to becoming a journalist, he worked as a teacher and his love for sport saw him volunteering his time to participate in school sports;



(5) further acknowledges that he also worked for the Gauteng government as a member of the province's social cohesion



games to build social cohesion amongst various communities;



(6) believes that his contribution to football analysis spans close to two decades and his commitment to sports development will be sorely missed;



(7) further believes that this country has lost one of the greats and finest in the sports industry; and



(8) conveys its condolences to Kekana’s family.



I thank you.



Agreed to.







(Draft Resolution)



Mr A M SHAIK EMMAM: Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House -



(1) notes that approximately R240 billion is lost annually as a result of corruption at local, provincial and national level as a result of not receiving value for money or corruption;



(2) further notes that despite current measures in place, looting continues unabated;



(3) also notes that despite the NFP party repeatedly drawing the attention of various stakeholders, including this House to the challenges, the Ministry of Finance, the Office of the Treasury and the Auditor-General has not put in mechanisms to prevent this looting;



(4) calls upon this honourable House to put in mechanisms to prevent the over-invoicing and looting of state resources;



(5) further calls on this House to ensure that those responsible face the might of the law and are exposed.



Agreed to.






(Draft Resolution)



Dr L A SCHREIBER: Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House -



(1) notes that the government owes South African businesses over R7,1 billion in unpaid invoices older than 30 days;



(2) further notes that the Department of Human Settlements, Water and Sanitation is the single biggest offender, owing businesses R492 million, followed by the Department of Agriculture, Land Reform and Rural development and the Department of Police;



(3) recognises that provincial government owe businesses an additional R6,5 billion with Gauteng and the Eastern Cape having failed to pay for services to the tune of R2,6 billion and R2,1 billion, respectively;



(4) acknowledges that the failure to pay service providers within the prescribed 30 days is a vicious assault on the prosperity of local businesses that are the engine of economic growth; and



(5) calls on the Presidency to introduce penalties for the accounting officers of government departments that fail to pay invoices within the prescribed 30 days.






Not agreed to.






(Draft Resolution)





Mrs M R MOHLALA: House Chair, on behalf of the EFF, I move without notice:



That the House –



(1) recognises that the attacks on our brothers and sisters from Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, Malawi, Mozambique and other African countries, is motivated by self-hate - the hate of one’s own and the misguided belief that anything African is bad;



(2) realises that there is no reason why we should go out to attack our own brothers and sisters, disrupt their livelihood and call on them to go home;



(3) understands that Africa is their home, South Africa is their home, they are us and we are them, and we should protect one another from criminality;



(4) further understands that the political freedom we enjoy today is because Africans all over recognized that their independence from colonization was incomplete without dignity and freedom of all Africans including in South Africa;



(5) agrees to issue a strong statement in one voice to call for an end to xenophobic and afrophobic attacks; and to adopt a declaration signed by all members of the Assembly calling for an end to xenophobia and afrophobia; and



(6) calls on government to commit to programmes that foster cohesion with other Africans where we have seen attacks. Thank you.



Not agreed to.



Ms N V MENTE: On a point of order Chair, we would like to hear him very loud. We didn’t hear him. Is he objecting or is he just saying something? [Interjections.] Is it an objection? We want



to know whether he is saying that we must kill our African brothers here in South Africa. [Interjections.] We want to know that. If this Parliament says Africans must be killed in Africa, we want to know. [Interjections.] We are not going to have Africans slaughtered in Africa because of the ANC. [Interjections.] It’s not going to happen. [Interjections.]





member! [Interjections.] That is supposed to be an objection and correct processes will be followed. The motion will be converted to a notice of a motion.



Ms M O MOKAUSE: House Chair, I rise on a point of order. House Chair, together with your benches, isn’t this concerning you to have such a weak Whippery ... [Interjections.] ...



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): Hon member that is not a point order. I am requesting you to sit down. [Interjections.]



Ms M O MOKAUSE: ... sitting there, just listening to useless people objecting to issues of national importance. This is very much concerning as a ruling party to have such a weak Whippery.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): Hon member if you continue with this kind of behaviour ... [Interjections.]



Ms A MOTAUNG: Point of order, hon Chair.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): ... If you continue


with this kind of behaviour hon member, I will have to switch you off. I wouldn’t want to do that but I will do it because you seem to be consistence with that. [Interjections.]



Ms A MOTAUNG: Can I rise on a point of order hon Chair?



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): Yes, hon member. What is your point of order?



Ms A MOTAUNG: Chairperson, one thing that we should not allow ourselves as this House; is the cat fight amongst women when we



have gender-based violence. [Interjections.] The last thing we want to hear is women throwing words at each other and it can’t happen in this Parliament. It can’t happen in this parliament and we fold our arms.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): Hon member, equally I will not allow it. That is not a point of order, thank you. Sit down!



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Chairperson, with due respect, can we get it clearly if the ANC objected or they didn’t object because we need to know. We need it to be on record. We need to be in Hansard. Did you object on the killings of Africans in South Africa, ANC? Please be clear.








Ms H O MKHALIPHI: The country needs to know if the ANC is objecting on the killings of Africans in South Africa?



[Interject.] No please! Tell him to object clearly Chair. We want to know. [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): Hon ... [Inaudible.]


... you are not assisting. What is your point of order hon member?



Dr M C C PILANE-MAJAKE: On a point of order Chair, it is very clear that the ANC has actually objected to the motion. [Interjections.] And that is based on the fact that procedure in terms of the motion has not been followed. [Interjections.] Thank you.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): Hon member, thank you very much. [Interjections.] Hon members, order! Hon members! [Interjections.]



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Chairperson! Chairperson!



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): Just before you hon member. We have agreed that there should be no qualification. I



am sure we have agreed to that so I would expect it not to be done again. What is your point of order hon member?



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: No Chair, I wanted to be very happy that the ANC has come on record to object on a motion of the EFF saying that there must be no killing amongst Africans, thank you very much. [Interjections.]






Ms H O MKHALIPHI: The country is watching ANC saying Africans must slaughter each other in South Africa. The country is watching. [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): I think hon member, Mkhaliphi, you are out of order. So are your members because they encourage you to go ahead with a debate and this is not the time for debate. Your concern has been noted but the manner in which you go about it is totally unacceptable. Shall we go ahead hon members? [Interjections.] This is an opportunity for the ANC.







(Draft Resolution)



Ms N G TOLASHE: Hon Chairperson, the ANC moves without notice:



That the House –



(1) notes with sadness the death of nine people in a multi- vehicle accident on Saturday, 24 August 2019, near Rafiri village in Limpopo;



(2) further notes that 27 people sustained serious injuries and were taken to different hospitals for medical treatment;



(3) understands that a Nissan bakkie was allegedly overtaking another motor vehicle when it collided head-on with a Toyota Quantum;



(4) further understands that another Toyota Quantum and a Mercedes Benz sedan were also involved in the accident;



(5) calls for all motorists in the country to exercise patience and tolerance on the road to avoid similar incidents; and



(6) conveys its condolences to the relatives of the nine people who perished and wishes those injured a speedy recovery. I thank you.



Agreed to.





have GOOD in this House? In the absence of GOOD ... [Interjections.] It’s not GOOD? COPE!



Mr S N AUGUST: Sorry Chair, GOOD was not on the list to speak.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D NTOMBELA): Okay, thank you. No,


there is GOOD here. Do we have Cope?





Mna W MADISHA: Ke gona, ga ke bolele kgoši.






Nk M S KHAWULA: Ayikho!










(Draft Resolution)



Ms R M M LESOMA: House Chair, the ANC moves without notice:



That the House –



(1) notes with sadness the death of the construction businesswoman, Dr Thandi Ndlovu, who died alongside three others in a collision on the N4 highway in Rustenburg on Saturday, 24 August 2019;



(2) recognises that Dr Ndlovu made her name in the construction business and served as the president of the Black Business Council for the Built Environment;



(3) recalls that she sacrificed her education to join the ANC and its military wing, uMkhonto weSizwe, at an early age and later became a senior political commissar, responsible for literacy and education; and a military commander;



(4) further recalls that after her return from exile, she ran a private medical practice before establishing Motheo Construction - one of South Africa’s first black female- owned construction companies;



(5) remembers that she has been at the forefront of almost all women empowerment initiatives and pioneered black economic empowerment;



(6) further remembers that she played a key role in promoting dialogue for sustainable peace and development in the Great Lakes region;



(7) believes that her contribution to the country was immeasurable and will she be sorely missed; and



(8) the ANC conveys its heartfelt ... Thank you House Chairperson. [Time expired.].



Agreed to.






(Draft Resolution)



Mr L M NTSHAYISA: Hon Chairperson, I hereby move without notice on behalf of the AIC:



That the House –



(1) notes the introduction of the 5G network by a South African based company, Rain;



(2) further notes that Rain will be the only network provider offering data in the South African market, and will inadvertently speed up the allocation of spectrum;



(3) realises that Rain partnering with Huawei pushes up our country’s efforts to open up our markets, tapping into the Fourth Industrial Revolution space at breakneck speed;



(4) recognises that Khaya Ndlanga, who is part of the Rain company, was the brain behind this cutting edge, technological advancement; and



(5) acknowledges that the 5G network will provide a competitive, cheap and reliable data, the benefits of which will see South Africans having the option to choose their preferred data provider, without having to think



twice about the non-existence of cheaper forms of data from the data service providers. Thank you very much



Agreed to.






(Draft Resolution)



Ms R C ADAMS: House Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House —



(1) notes that South Africans are fully behind the squad of


31 men named by Springbok coach, Rassie Erasmus, in Johannesburg on Monday, 26 August 2019;



(2) confident that the Springboks are well-prepared to compete in the Japan Rugby World Cup, are physically fit, in good spirits and mentally ready to conquer and be victorious in Japan;



(3) recalls that the Springbok team is fresh off from winning their maiden Rugby Championship three weeks ago in Argentina;



(4) also confident that the Springboks will triumph and make us proud; and



(5) calls upon all South Africans to rally behind our national team Amabokoboko.



(6) wishes the Springbok rugby team well in their preparations for the 2019 Rugby World Cup in Japan taking place from 20 September to 2nd November 2019;



Agreed to.







(Draft Resolution)



Mr C MACKENZIE: House Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House —



(1) notes the passing of Mr Frederick Gordon Brownell, the designer of the South African national flag, at the age of 79 on 10 May 2019;



(2) recognises that Mr Brownell managed to heed the call by the Transitional Executive Council to create a flag that symbolizes unity, interlinking and convergence;



(3) recalls that Mr Brownell hoped that the flag would find its way into the hearts and minds of the population at large, and become a unifying symbol, as symbolised by the convergence of the three- armed design representing the convergence of different cultures in our country;



(4) further recalls that Mr Brownell served as South Africa’s state herald from 1982 to 2002, during which time he approved the design and registration of coats of arms of provincial governments, badges and flags of the republic;



(5) further notes that Mr Brownell also designed the national flag of the Republic of Namibia;



(6) acknowledges the importance of inclusive national symbols that resonate positively in the hearts and minds of all South Africans; and



(7) conveys its heartfelt condolences to Mr Brownell’s family and friends.



Agreed to.







(Draft Resolution)



Mr M G E HENDRICKS (AL-JAMMAH): House Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House —



(1) notes that Imam Abdullah Haron was detained on 28 May 1969 and 123 days later, after much torture, died in detention on 27 September 1969;



(2) acknowledges that this month also marks the 50th Commemoration of Imam Abdullah Haron and 40 years Commemoration of Steve Bantu Biko, both killed in detention;



(3) recalls that since 1963 until 1988, there were 11 other killings in detention during the months of September;



(4) recognises all widows who have borne and still bear the sufferings of the oppressive apartheid regime;



(5) believes that the Haron family calls for re-opening the inquest into the brutal killing of a beloved husband and father will be heard;


(6) trusts that the National Director of Public Prosecutions will review the evidence gathered by the family which



could possibly lead to the Minister of Justice’s decision to re-open the inquest; and



(7) hopes that this will also bring justice to the families of Steve Biko, Mapetla Mohapi, Dr Neil Agget, Hoosen Haffejee and many others killed at the hands of security branch officials employed by the apartheid regime;



(8) further notes that the family of Chief Albert Luthuli has also expressed an interest to find out how he died an untimely death.



Agreed to.






(Draft Resolution)



Mr A M SEABI: House Chairperson, I move without notice:



That the House —



(1) notes the official activation of the 2019 Heritage Month Celebrations on Monday, 2 September 2019, at the National Library of South Africa in Pretoria;



(2) acknowledges that Heritage Month will be celebrated this year under the theme, “Celebrating South Africa ’s literary classics in the year of indigenous languages”;



(3) further acknowledges that the theme is in line with United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, UNESCO, declarations of 2019 as “the Year of Indigenous Languages” to afford the international community an opportunity to develop, promote, and to collectively celebrate indigenous languages;


(4) welcomes this month-long programme of activities aimed at addressing challenges pertaining to the development and promotion of South Africa’s indigenous languages and systems; as well as the promotion and preservation of the



country’s rich and diverse heritage, national identity, nation-building and social cohesion; and



(5) calls on all South Africans to participate in the celebrations.



Agreed to.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: House Chair, may I address you in terms of rule 132(5) of the National Assembly Rules if I may.



According to what I can see there is only two members of the Cabinet here and I think there is three Deputy Ministers here which is completely unacceptable. This is part of our oversight model – member’s statements. It’s one of the ways we hold executive to accountable to fulfill our constitutional mandate. And to frankly have two Ministers here... [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon member, it is only now that we are going to make the statements. Members will



make their statements and it’s only at the end of it where Ministers will be requested to respond.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: ... But sorry House Chair, how does a Minister respond to a statement if they were not in the House to listen to it? They have got to be present to listen to the statement surely to respond to it.



I would like to finish my point of order, if I may. This is something that the 5th Parliament Presiding Officers let slide and it got worse and not better. I am really urging that this makes mockery of member’s statements to have so few Members of the Executive in the House. The Presiding Officers need to take a stand in protecting Parliament’s oversight and accountability role and Parliament adopted model by taking it up with the leader of government business to ensure that the Members of the Executive are here to be held accountable. Otherwise this process becomes a joke. We are making member’s statements to each other in the House with no Members of the Cabinet to have to respond here.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Thank you hon member, it will be taken as such.



Ms H O MKHALIPHI: Chairperson, I rise on a point of order.        Just to make your job easy, there is a programming whip here who is responsible for doing this programme and we attended as political parties and we all agreed that we must do member’s statements. She must then respond as to where are the Ministers who are going to respond to the member’s statements.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon members, your concerns are noted. It will be communicated to the Speaker. Shall we continue hon members.



Ms N V MENTE: Chairperson!



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon member, what is your point?



Ms N V MENTE: You are rendering the processes of this House very useless. The only purpose of reading member’s statements is for



the Cabinet to be hear our frustrations and concerns of South Africans. If they are not here to respond to the concerns of South Africans whom have sent all of us here, what is the purpose of reading them? Why should we be reading statements to ourselves when there is no one to respond to the issues of South Africa? That is why we have an ANC that can easily object to xenophobic attacks.



There is only the Minister of International Relations here. Are you saying she is going to respond to 50 member’s statements in this House? That is not possible. You are making a mockery of this House and you are mocking us as Members of Parliament.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Thank you very much hon member.



Mr B A RADEBE: Chairperson! Chairperson!



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): I will come back to you.



Mr N SINGH: Chairperson, I just want to agree with my colleagues who have raised the issue of the absence of Members of the Executive. I think it is not the first time that we have done it, it’s ad nauseam. But it just seems to fall on deaf ears. We are talking to a wall that is not even echoing back to us. And we cannot have this kind of a situation in this House, Chairperson.



We were promised that in the 6th Parliament Members of the Executive will be here. There is only a few Ministers and Deputy Ministers. It is just not good enough. If it’s 50% or more it is fine. But it’s just two of them. At one time there was only one member. At least Minister Nxesi came in. The only one Minister that is always here is Minister Pandor. I give her ten out of ten. If she can do it why can’t the others?





Chairperson, as the Whippery we took note of the concerns and we are also concerned about the situation in which we find ourselves. We have consulted with the office of the leader of government business and they promised ... [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon members, Order! Can you just hold on! Hon members, you have raised a concern and I want to agree with you that it is a valid concern. Not only you EFF, but the IFP also has expressed that concern. Could you please listen to what the response is no matter you don’t agree with it. But please do listen. Hon member, please continue.





Whippery notes the concerns raised in this House and we have consulted with the office of the leader of government business to make sure that some of the Ministers be in the House to respond to those statements. However, we are also sure of the capabilities of those who are in this House including the Deputy Ministers that they will for today respond to the statements by Members of Parliament.



It is not only the opposition parties who are concerned but all of us sitting in this House, we are concerned. So we want to apologies on behalf of the ANC and that we will make sure that our Members of the Executive are in the House. Thank you.



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Thank you very much hon member. Hon Mulder what’s your point of order?



Mr C P MULDER: Hon Chairperson, I am very happy to hear that the ruling party also is concerned about the situation. It is not about the hon Ministers who have done their duty. Today it is the first time that we deal with member’s statements in the 6th Parliament and we should set the example as from day one. I therefore would like to formally propose that member’s statements stand over for today and if need be, that we take a vote that we make the point. We can deal with this after we have done that, we should not proceed today. I formally move that it stands over and if need be, let’s take a vote.



Mr S N SWART: Chairperson, on behalf of the ACDP we welcome the apology of the ANC and we welcome that they also share those concerns. Therefore, I am sure that they will support the motion by the FF Plus which we also support that statements should stand over considering that it is for accountability and oversight. So we would second the motion of the FF Plus.



Ms N V MENTE: Chairperson, we second the motion that member’s statements must move over to Thursday provided also that instead of two on that day, we are going to have an additional two, which moves from this day. Whatever number was allocated to a specific party would have double of those motions accordingly.

Thank you.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: House Chairperson, on a point of order: I would concur with the sentiment that these are held over because it really is quite pointless for us to them but I think it must be ... [Interjections.]



AN HON MEMBER: Sabotage! Sabotage! [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon member, continue.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Thank you. Thank you House Chair. That, what happens when we do what we have done today is that the executive, by being absent, win because if you do not want to answer member’s statements you just do not come to Parliament and so the message has got to go out very clearly and



that is why I asked that ... it is actually not something for the ANC Whippery, it is actually for the Presiding Officers because the Presiding Officers, who are the custodians of Parliament, to take this up and express their greatest displeasure.



And that is why I would concur with the hon Mente that, rather than getting off by not attending, that there is some pain that is felt by the executive and that is to listen to double the number of the member’s statements on Thursday. And in that way, Parliament expresses its displeasure at the executive’s tardiness about being here today and I would really support that but just holding it over to the next member’s statements day, I do not think it is going to be sufficient of this House expressing its displeasure of what has happened here this afternoon. [Applause.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon members, your concerns have been noted. Hon Emam.



Mr A M SHAIK EMAM: House Chair, I have a point of order. The NFP will concur with my colleagues. This matter must stand down for Thursday but yes, indeed, both sets of the member’s statements must be tabled on Thursday, however, our concern is – and which we believe must be dealt with as a matter of urgency – the nonavailability or presence of the members of the executive in responding member’s statements. Thank you. [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon members! Hon members, can I then make a ruling? Oh ... hon Chief Whip.



The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: House Chair, on a point of order: It is indeed concerning us as well and as my Deputy Chief had said that we are going to make it a point that in the next seating - not condoning what has happened today – we are going to make it a point that Ministers and Deputy Ministers are here to respond to the member’s statements. Again, we apologise that there was this inconvenience caused to this honourable House.

Thank you, Chair. [Applause.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon members, by the look of things, there seem to be unanimity and this matter will be taken to the Chief Whips’ Forum to be thrashed out. Thank you very much. [Interjections.] Oh! Hon member.





Chairperson, on a point of order: While I do not object to your ruling, I hope the members won’t hold it against me; I don’t think I will be here on Thursday. [Interjections.]



The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M L D Ntombela): Hon members! Hon members, order! Hon members, order! Hon members, may I take this opportunity to share with you what stands in the Constitution, that is:



Members of the Cabinet are accountable collectively and individually to Parliament for the exercise of their powers and the performance of their functions



I hope today’s happening will not repeat itself. [Interjections.] [Applause.] Thank you very much. Shall we



continue? So, the programme for the day is not changing. [Interjections.] Hon members, thank you very much. Having agreed, we then move to the next item, which is the last item, notices of motion.









notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the ANC that we debate the recent criminality spring across some our cities in the country, which is now construed as xenophobic attacks.



Mr M WATERS: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the DA that we debate the pandemic of femicide currently gripping the Republic.



Mr P P KEETSE: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the EFF that we debate the dilapidating infrastructures in the institutions of higher



learning, particularly in TVET colleges and other previously disadvantaged institutions.



Ms M L DUNJWA: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the ANC that we debate building capabilities of co-ordination across government, including provincial and local government structures, for effective inter-governmental co-ordination.



Mr M HLENGWA: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the IFP that we debate the reinstatement of the death penalty as a deterrent to heinous crimes nationally.



Mr S N SWART: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the ACDP that we debate the underlying reasons for the first quarter contraction in gross domestic product and the subsequent 3,1% growth in GDP in the second quarter of this year.



Ms N F SHABALALA: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the ANC that we debate the training of teachers and public servants on how to deal with all forms of discrimination and promote study of history in schools.



Ms H JORDAAN: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the FF-Plus that we debate the effect of the national minimum wage on increasing unemployment, specifically with regards to the ability of SMMEs to contribute to employment opportunities.



Mr A M SHAIK EMMAM: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the NFP that the House deliberates and resolves on the immediate unconditional downgrading of the South African Embassy in Israel to a liaison office until Israel respects international law, respects the rights of Palestinian people to exist and comply with all international resolutions and agreements.



Ms S P KOPANE: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the DA that we debate  the state of incomplete government infrastructure projects in  our country and their impact on service delivery.



Mr V PAMBO: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the EFF that we debate the release and pardon of Khaya Cekeshe and all Fees Must Fall activists who fought for free decolonised education.



Mr B M HADEBE: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the ANC that we debate supporting municipalities to transform spatial apartheid  legacies and inequalities.





Moh G K TSEKE: Modulasetilo wa Ntlo, ke tshitsinya gore mo kopanong e e latelang ya Ntlo, ke tlhagisa mo boemong jwa ANC:



Gore Ntlo e ngangisane ka go dira mmogo go ka tokafatsa kitlano ya setšhaba le go nna le ponelopele ya go samagana le dikgwetlho tse di tsamaisana le go kitlanya setšhaba.



Mr G G HILL-LEWIS: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the DA that we  debate government’s proposal to introduce a regime of assets prescription in South Africa and the effect that this will have on the private pension savings of millions of hard working people.



Ms S T XEGO: I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House, I shall move on behalf of the ANC that we debate gender-based violence and its impact on almost every aspect of life.



Notices of motion concluded.



Business concluded.



House adjourned at 18:09.






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