Hansard: NA + NCOP - Unrevised Hansard
House: National Assembly
Date of Meeting: 16 Mar 2016
Summary
No summary available.
Minutes
UNREVISED HANSARD
JOINT SITTING
Tuesday, 16 February 2016 Take: 10
TUESDAY, 16 FEBRUARY 2016
PROCEEDINGS AT JOINT SITTING
___________
Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at 14:06.
The Speaker of the National Assembly took the Chair.
The Speaker of the National Assembly requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation.
The SPEAKER
START OF DAY
|
DEBATE ON THE PRESIDENT’S STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS
The SPEAKER: Order! Before I ask the Secretary to read the Order of the Day ... Just in case you were wondering whether we were ever going to come in: we had a ride up to the fifth floor, courtesy of the parliamentary lift, and then, when it was coming back, it stopped at every floor. Therefore, our apologies. The Secretary will read the Order of the Day.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Hon Speaker ...
The SPEAKER: What point are you rising on, hon Deputy Minister?
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Hon Speaker, please indulge me. I want to rise on a substantive point of order. Last ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Yes, hon Deputy Minister.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Hon Speaker, during the opening of Parliament on 11 February last week on Thursday, there was a political incident that happened in the House, which is that there were members of the House who displayed, in the full glare of those who were in the Chamber and those who were watching at home, contempt for the national anthem. Now ... [Interjections.]
Mr J S MALEMA: Hon Speaker, on a pointer of order: He is not citing which Rule he’s speaking on. He must rise on the Rule.
The SPEAKER: He cited the point of order and I’m still listening. Hon Makwetla?
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Speaker, Chapter 1 of the Constitution: the Founding Provisions, section 4, provides for the national anthem. When Members of Parliament take office there’s an oath that they’re sworn to ... [Interjections.] ... and the oath involves members taking responsibility ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon members! Allow the hon member to finish. Just finish, hon Deputy Minister.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: When we take office we are sworn to uphold the Constitution. [Interjections.] And upholding the Constitution also involves upholding all the symbols of the Republic. It is my submission that it is an obligation of hon members, at all times, to uphold the laws and the Constitution of the country. [Interjections.] [Applause.] But because the incident took place in the Joint Sitting, my recommendation is that this matter be referred to the structures in both Houses of Parliament where the members belong for the matter to be addressed there. I don’t think it’s an incident that should be left unattended, because you will be setting a precedent. [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Thank you, hon Makwetla. Hon Makwetla, can we finish on this one ... if you can just take your seat. I would like you, hon member, to put that point in writing and submit it so that it can be fully considered, especially because you raised it in the context of constitutional ramifications.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Thank you for the advice, hon Speaker. I shall do so. The second point of order that I want to rise on, Madam Speaker ... [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Hon Speaker ... Speaker!
The SPEAKER: Hon member, I’m listening to the point of order and I will recognise you but ... [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Hon Speaker, can you just ... [Inaudible.] ... as you ... point of order. [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: ... I am dealing with a point of order and I would like you to take your seat.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Can you at least ... [Inaudible.] ... of this point of order. I’m rising about the person who’s speaking now.
The SPEAKER: No, hon Shivambu. Allow me to come to you. Allow me to arrive at a point when I come to you. Allow the Deputy Minister to finish what he’s raising. Proceed, hon Makwetla.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: The second point of order, Madam Speaker, relates to what is just happening now: One of the very basic rules of this House is that, in order for the business of the House to proceed smoothly, when the presiding officer calls a member to order, the member shall resume his or her seat. The presiding officer will address the member, and only after the presiding officer has finished addressing the member can the member rise to continue with the point he was making. Now, hon Speaker ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Makwetla, I’ve heard you.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Hon Speaker, in the sitting last week, there was what was almost a mockery in this House. This was because the presiding officer was busy reading out to the House what she wanted us to take note of and, at the same time, there was a member who was at the microphone, who continued talking at the same time as the Speaker. Of course, this never used to happen before. [Interjections.] The point that I want to raise is that the presiding officers have switch-off buttons at their disposal. I want to know: At what point are those buttons used against members who show total ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: You are asking a question and we have heard your question. Please take your seat now, hon Makwetla.
Mr J S MALEMA: Hon Speaker ... [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: There’s one more point – the third - that I want to rise on, Madam Speaker. There’s a third point. [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Hon members, we should learn to be patient with one another. I said that I was coming to the hon Shivambu. That’s what I said, and I will indeed come to him. Hon Makwetla, please wrap up.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: It’s my last point of order with due respect, Madam Speaker. It is convention in all gatherings and meetings that speakers will always enjoy the protection of the Chair in a meeting. Now, I want to ask the question. Regarding the laissez faire attitude of the presiding officers not to protect us, what are we expected to do? Because if we are not protected by the Speaker or the presiding officers when we are on the floor ...
Hon Speaker, I was making the point that if we are not protected by the presiding officers when we are on the floor, we are going to ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Makwetla, this is no longer a point of order; you are now throwing questions at the Chair. Please take your seat, hon Makwetla. I would like to recognise the hon Shivambu.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Madam Speaker, just before I sit down let me make the point that ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Makwetla, you are now just venting.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: I demand respect from Thabang Makwetla; he must sit down. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Now, Speaker, the tradition of this House is that if there’s a violation of a Rule, you immediately stand up to raise a point of order. It is not a tradition of this House, when a point of order or a violation happened two weeks ago, that you come here and try to be relevant like Thabang Makwetla, who’s trying to be relevant on raising his points of order out of context ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu, you are also not raising a point of order.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: E-e, I’m dealing with the issue which ... you allowed Thabang Makwetla to speak for such a long time. And the second component, number two ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: No, hon Shivambu, he raised a point which the presiding officers are going to go and look into. He then later raised other issues which I have addressed myself to.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: You allowed him. Let’s deal with those issues before we proceed.
The SPEAKER: No, we will not deal with those issues because they are not on the agenda.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Points of order are raised ... [Inaudible.] [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: No, hon Shivambu.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... violation. It is not allowed that you must leave it until the next meeting. If there’s a letter which he is going to give, it’s going to be irrelevant because it’s not part of this particular process.
The SPEAKER: No, hon Shivambu, take your seat. Hon members, I would now like to call on the Secretary to read the Order of the Day. ... The Secretary advises me that the Order has been read.
ANNOUNCEMENT
THE SPEAKER
|
SPEAKER RECEIVED A COPY OF PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS OF 11 FEBRUARY 2016
The SPEAKER: Hon members, I have received a copy of the President’s address delivered at the Joint Sitting on 11 February 2016. The speech has been printed in the Minutes of the Joint Sitting.
THE SPEAKER
ANNOUNCEMENT
|
CONFIRMATION OF JOINT RULES GOVERNING DEBATE ON STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS
The SPEAKER: Hon members, before we proceed with the business of the day, we confirm that the sittings on the debate on the state of the nation address take place in terms of the sixth edition of the Joint Rules, together with the Joint Rules adopted by the Joint Rules Committee on 11 November 2015, and subsequently by the Houses on 26 November.
Further, we wish to bring the following to the specific attention of members: In terms of Joint Rules 13 and 14(u), members may only speak if recognised by the presiding officer. Speaking without being recognised is an abuse of privilege of freedom of speech. [Applause.] Joint Rule 14(e) provides that whenever the presiding officer addresses members during a debate, any member then speaking or seeking to speak shall resume his or her seat and the presiding officer shall be heard without interruption.
In terms of Joint Rule 14(c), no member may interrupt another member while speaking, except to call attention to a point of order or a question of privilege. [Applause.] We have emphasised in the past that a point of order or question of privilege is only allowed if it calls attention to a transgression of a Joint Rule or an acceptable parliamentary practice or privilege. Freedom of speech is one of the privileges that members enjoy in the exercise of their constitutional obligation to represent their constituencies. This privilege is subject to the Rules and orders.
Hon members, privileges are provided for in the Constitution and in the Powers, Privileges and Immunities of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act. Spurious points of order are an abuse of the Rules and privileges of freedom of speech. Improperly interfering with or impeding the exercise or performance by Parliament of its authority or function constitutes a breach of privilege. Other breaches include improper interference with the performance by a member of his or her functions as a member, or threatening, or obstructing a member proceeding to or going from a meeting of Parliament or a House or a committee. We do this, hon members, as an attempt to ensure that the debates take place in a manner consistent with the decorum of the House and to avoid the acrimony that unfortunately tends to characterise our proceedings lately. I now call upon the hon Minister of Trade and Industry, the hon Davies. [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY / NN/A N N(ed) / TAKE ENDS AT 14:20
The SPEAKER
|
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Thank you, Madam Speaker. Mr President, in your state of the nation address you did not seek to hide the fact that South Africa will face very serious economic challenges in the year that lies ahead. We will continue this year being battered by an unresolved global economic crisis that has taken on new features that threaten to strike economies like ours right in our soft underbellies. Demand for mineral commodities has slumped, with consequent sharp falls in the dollar prices of almost all mineral commodities. With 36% of our total exports consisting of precious stones and metals, ores, iron and steel, we have been and will continue to be seriously affected.
The price of gold in January this year was one third down on the corresponding level of 2013. Platinum was 40% down, and iron ore at $42 a ton was only one third of the $135 it was in early 2013. While these effects are partly being mitigated by the devaluation of the rand, they have had and will continue to have very serious dampening effects on our economy. On top of that, this year we are facing an El Niño which is associated in Southern Africa with drought. What is more, the World Bank says this particular El Niño this year “may be the strongest since detailed data have been available”.
I make these points because I suspect that a number of speakers who follow me will attempt to portray our economic challenges as emanating solely or mainly from actual or alleged errors by this government. The fact is, however, that all mineral-commodity exporting countries, which are developed or developing, have been and continue to be affected. Canada has just emerged from recession. Australia is experiencing its most oppressed conditions since the 1960s, and, as you pointed out in your state of the nation address, Brazil and Russia are forecast by the International Monetary Fund, IMF, to be in recession this year. Many African mineral-exporting countries including oil producers are also facing tough times. An appreciation of these realities is also important to underscore the point that anyone who tells us that they have a quick fix capable of delivering high rates of economic growth or dramatically curtailing unemployment in the immediate future is misleading our people. They are the equivalent of snake-oil salespeople offering a quack remedy that does not work. [Applause.]
But, President, you told us in the state of the nation address that ours is not to lament the global conditions, nor is it to offer these as excuses for not doing what we can do better to whether the storms ahead. You said, and I quote, “We cannot change the global conditions but we can do a lot to change the local conditions.” The circumstances – not of our making – that we are confronting right now require at least four kinds of responses from us. Firstly, we need to make inescapable but often painful adjustments to maintain a stance of fiscal prudence. The President gave something of the flavour of these in the state of the nation address, and this will be further elaborated on in the Budget Speech by the Minister of Finance next week. Secondly, we need to correct mistakes and make improvements in our performance in a number of areas. A good example of what we have done in this regard is in the energy sphere. This time last year we were in the midst of load shedding. Through improvements in the performance of Eskom and the bringing into force of alternative sources of energy, including renewables supported by one of the internationally recognised best programmes, that is the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer procurement programme, or the Renewable Energy IPP procurement programme, we have achieved greater stability even though we are not yet out of the woods.
Thirdly, we will need to act to mitigate the effects of these challenges in vulnerable sectors, including in mining and agriculture and particularly the impact they will have on workers and families dependent on those sectors for their livelihoods. Fourthly, we will need to identify available sources of growth and job creation and to build on these.
Mr President, a number of analysts and commentators who look at South Africa point out that while we are confronting the challenges of the sort I have outlined, South Africa actually has a number of strengths and achievements that we can build on. The Oxford Business Group, for example, which launched their report earlier this year, said that South Africa faced many of the same global challenges as other developing markets including lower commodity prices and the risk of rising interest rates, but that this country had reason to be upbeat. Their take on South Africa was that in the long term the country’s fundamentals were very encouraging and that there was a lot in South Africa’s favour but that right now was a tricky time. Two examples of the things they said we could build on were the renewable energy programme and the automated production and development programme which had created certainty in the automotive sector.
The report went on to say - and I think that this is quite significant - that the pessimism of local business in the country was not necessarily shared by those outside. I think this is telling us something in that what we need to do as South Africa is to find the opportunities that we have and to build on those. In other words, we have strengths and capacities that we can build on.
Since the start of this administration we have followed the objectives of the National Development Plan, a programme that can be characterised by six i’s: infrastructure, industrialisation, investment, innovation, inclusion and integration. Advances that we have made in all of these areas give us significant building blocks in our attempt to promote higher levels of inclusive economic growth. For example, Mr President, with the onset of the global economic crisis, we launched a much higher impact infrastructure programme which has been given more effect by the establishment of the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission, an infrastructure programme which delivered in the last term of government double the amount that was actually spent on infrastructure at any time in this country’s history.
The Nine-Point Plan, which was enunciated in last year’s state of the nation address and which was reaffirmed this year, identifies priority actions to unlock bottlenecks and address weaknesses, as well as to build on the strengths we have.
In the time that is left to me I want to speak on just three elements or components of the Nine-Point Plan: a higher impact Industrial Policy Action Plan, minerals beneficiation, and investment. The premise that underpinned the Industrial Policy Action Plan was that even in the best of times, when high rents were being earned from record mineral commodity prices, an importer of finished goods - located in the global division of labour as a producer and exporter of primary products - was not in the best place to be located. Most of the jobs in global value chains are to be found in value-added productive activities and associated high-quality services.
Moving up the value chain, industrialising and diversifying were identified even in the good times as a path that not just South Africa but the entire African continent needed to follow. Now that we are being challenged and we are no longer in the best of times as far as commodity prices are concerned, moving in this direction has become even more imperative.
We can acknowledge that the macro statistics for manufacturing performance remain erratic. But in the third quarter of last year, manufacturing delivered 6% growth quarter on quarter and was responsible for saving our economy from two quarters of negative growth. This kind of performance is not sustained across the sector as a whole. The reality is that the fortunes of important manufacturing subsectors are closely tied to those of mining. Other subsectors, such as the iron and steel value chain, are facing additional problems, such as the global glut of steel which has created challenges that I can say government is working on - we are close to finalising an agreement in the sector on this.
But within the mixed picture there are some quite significant successes. In the clothing and textiles sector, which was in terminal decline, we took steps based on the Clothing and Textile Competitiveness Improvement Programme such that between 2010 and March 2015 we supported R3,7 billion worth of competitiveness-raising initiatives in the sector. As a result, 68 000 jobs in this sector have been retained and 6 900 new jobs were created. Twenty-two new factories in the leather and footwear sector have been opened. The sector has been successfully stabilised and is steadily regaining its domestic market share and beginning to grow exports. A sign of this is that retailers such as Foschini have been happy to invest in productive clothing companies in this country because they realise that there is value to be had. [Applause.]
Four vertical clusters have been established involving successful value chains, and textile companies and a power manufacturer are poised to move further ahead as time goes on.
In the automotive sector we have seen in the past five years R25 billion of investment by automotive companies. Last year, following the successful review of the automotive production and development programme and indications of early work on its successor programme, BMW announced the largest single investment – at the time - in the automotive sector of R6 billion. Within a few weeks they were followed by an announcement by BAW, or Beijing Auto Works, of a R12 billion investment. The trend is continuing. Last week ... [Interjections.] ... Mercedes-Benz announced that new truck products would be manufactured at its East London plant. [Applause.] I can assure this House that there are further investments that will be announced in the auto sector in the weeks that lie ahead.
In addition to manufacturing passenger vehicles, we are now also manufacturing public transport vehicles in this country. Minibus taxis, which in 2007 were wholly imported, are now increasingly being manufactured in South Africa. [Applause.] As late as the Fifa World Cup, all procured buses to transport passengers for that event were fully imported. Now, all the buses that are being procured for the Bus Rapid Transit System have their bodies manufactured in this country. [Applause.]
In the case of infrastructure-driven industrialisation, we have seen significant investments by companies that have come to South Africa and invested in this country to manufacture railway equipment. General Electric, for example, announced a R700-million investment to create railway equipment in this country. And so successful has our programme been that the African Union has decided that South Africa should become the rail production hub for the African continent. [Applause.]
In the oceans economy a number of things have happened, and one of them includes shipbuilding. We have had shipbuilding announcements by a number of companies. [Interjections.] Well, let me tell you: The SA Shipyards won a tender for R1,5 billion to build nine tugboats for the Transnet National Ports Authority. This will create jobs for 600 people directly, and a further 3 000 jobs will be created by other subcontractors.
In agroprocessing we have supported and facilitated a number of projects. They have included facilitating an agreement between Nestlé and chicory growers in the Eastern Cape to procure chicory from local production sources. That agreement was signed in the Ndlambe Municipality last year, and I am pleased to be able to report that as a result of this local chicory production is replacing the imports that were there before. [Applause.]
International companies in the fast-moving consumer goods sector, such as Unilever and Procter & Gamble, have seen that there are markets for their products not just in South Africa but in the rest of the continent and that South Africa is well placed for them to support manufacturing activities here. In the television manufacturing sector, companies like Samsung and Hisense have invested in this country. Hisense made exports valued at $6 million in 2014, and the value in 2015 rose to $20 million. They are targeting exports with a total value of $200 million in five years’ time with localisation and supply-and-development operations announced by the company. [Applause.]
Regarding the film programme, since 2004 the rebate programme which we have been running as government has supported 583 productions; 336 are South African; 86 are co-productions. They have also included attracting major international film studios. One of the Oscar nominees this year is for a film that was made in South Africa with location scenes in our neighbouring country, Namibia. [Applause.] Right now this week, the final filming of one of the largest and most ambitious TV series is concluding here in Cape Town. These productions are employing local crews, supporting local companies and investing in this country and paying taxes. For an incentive amount of R3,3 billion over this period, we have actually brought into this economy a value of R15,2 billion.
I could give similar stories in other sectors. What I want to say though is that all of these successes have been the product not just of incentives, which have been provided by government, but also of the policy framework we have put in place, including the developmental stance we have taken on tariff setting and the work we have done on standards to defend our borders against the influx of substandard products. And these successes have also been the product of the designations that we have made which have supported localisation and other support measures, which have been tailored to the needs of particular subsectors. [Interjections.]
Mr M Q NDLOZI: Speaker ...
The SPEAKER: What point are you rising on, hon Ndlozi? Hon Minister, please take a seat.
Mr M Q NDLOZI: Madam Speaker, respectfully I wanted to check if the hon Davies would be willing to take a question.
The SPEAKER: Hon Minister, do you want to take a question?
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: No, I won’t I’m afraid. [Interjections.] You can come to the portfolio committee and you can ask your question there.
Mr M Q NDLOZI: You just said that you’ve created 6 000 jobs but there 8 million people that need jobs, and you are celebrating that.
The SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi, he is not taking a question. Please let him finish his speech.
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: I said that he can come to the portfolio committee, but then I saw a report that your party doesn’t attend portfolio committee meetings. [Applause.] [Laughter.] So, maybe you can ask me in the corridor.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Speaker, on a point of order.
The SPEAKER: What is the point of order, hon Shivambu?
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: The Minister is deliberately misleading the House. I sit in Trade and Industry. I do not miss meetings; I go on oversight visits; I make inputs. I make submissions every day on a proper industrial policy than what he is saying and waffling about here. So, he must not mislead the House about nonattendance because we are always there. He is celebrating mediocre jobs. ... [Inaudible.] ... because he is ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu, we have heard your answer to his information. I think that you can now safely take your seat. Hon Minister, can you correct that?
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Well, I will show them the NGO report afterwards that I am basing my remarks on. I know that the hon Shivambu does come to the portfolio committee - let me acknowledge that.
The SPEAKER: So the record has been straightened. Proceed, hon Minister.
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Let me say that during the course of this year we will be introducing, as we have been, a new Industrial Policy Action Plan which will cover the actions of this year. One of the new features is that we will be introducing gas industrialisation, but we will also be focusing ...
The SPEAKER: Order! Order! There is a hand. Is that a point of order, hon Singh.
Mr N SINGH: Hon Speaker, it is a point of privilege.
The SPEAKER: What is the point of privilege which you have not alerted us to ahead of time?
Mr N SINGH: The hon Minister has referred to an NGO report as his source for the attendance of meetings. That report is completely inaccurate. So, I would like the Minister to know that and bring it to the attention of Parliament at an appropriate forum. Thank you.
The SPEAKER: Thank you, hon Singh. Hon Minister?
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Okay, let me not fight over an NGO report that I saw. Let me not fight. Let me get to the real issues. What I wanted to say is that in addition to new areas like gas industrialisation, we will also be focusing on labour-intensive sectors, taking forward the work on the clothing and textile sector, on agroprocessing and so on.
The higher level of localisation that we have achieved has been achieved in the sense that we now have firms that would have supplied us with imports that are now coming into South Africa investing and producing here. But we are not at a point in localisation where we have a sufficient number of local companies, particularly companies that are owned by the majority of this country’s population who are driving industrialisation. It is for that reason that we have launched a targeted black industrialist programme. When the President mentioned this in the state of the nation address the other day, I heard mumbles from members on this side to the effect that this was more looting by politically connected cronies. [Interjections.] Absolutely not. The definition of who is eligible to be on the programme is tight. You will have to be in a company that is actually involved in manufacturing. That company will have to be majority owned or controlled by black people. Those black people will have to be directly involved themselves and taking risk. The black industrialist funding forum that will be created will be attended exclusively by officials responsible for funding decisions from participating development finance institutions that will also be responsible for the final decisions on funding. They will also provide nonfinancial support and identify potential access to public and private procurement opportunities. I am happy to indicate that we already have pledges of over R30 billion from institutions like the Land Bank, the Industrial Development Corporation, the Small Enterprise Finance Agency, the Development Bank of Southern Africa and some provincial organisations like the KZN Growth Fund. We have already received applications, and I am pleased to be able to say that the funding forum will hold its first meeting next month.
On mineral beneficiation, we have moved from saying that we need to do this to actual action. We are working in a number of priority areas. They include platinum group metals, titanium, iron and steel where there are very significant challenges, polymers and mining equipment. On platinum group metals, South Africa already participates in jewellery and autocatalyst manufacturing. But the frontier industry in this sector is in fuel cells. If you find that your existing customers are demanding less for your product and paying you less, it is prudent - since we have 77% of the world’s platinum - to find new uses for this. As a consequence, government has already spent more than R600 million on the development of new platinum industries, the largest part through the creation of the company Hydrogen SA, supported by the Department of Science and Technology.
The Department of Trade and Industry is also involved. Last week I participated in the announcement by Isondo Precious Metals of a support programme, which will enable the manufacturing of equipment to take place in South Africa. Some operations will start in the industrial development zone around O R Tambo International Airport, revitalising that long-declared, but moribund, special economic zone.
We have also said that before the end of this year we will proclaim a dedicated platinum value special economic zone in the North West province. Also this year we anticipate that a metallurgical and training special economic zone will be established in Musina, Limpopo.
On investment, we have sought to improve our investment facilitation. We have established Invest SA as a one-stop shop. This is a one-stop shop which will include an intergovernmental clearing house of all the various agencies that are involved in taking regulatory decisions that could affect investment. This will be overseen by an interministerial committee which is chaired by the President.
Mr President, hon members, clearly we need to do more and we need to do it better. This will be achieved by engaging stakeholders, business, labour and our communities and engaging them better and more effectively than we have done up to now. As we do this, we will seek to unite our people around the more positive narrative on this economy, which actually, as I quoted earlier, many people outside this country have done already to a greater extent than some of us have done in this country. This will be a narrative that recognises that we have challenges, that recognises and frankly admits that we have those challenges, but also recognises, celebrates and showcases our successes and our capabilities. This is the path that successful economies have followed, and it is that path that this ANC government is committing to travelling with with our people as we confront the challenges that lie ahead.
Mr M Q NDLOZI: Speaker ... I am very sorry, hon Davies.
The SPEAKER: Order! Order! What is your point, hon Ndlozi?
Mr M Q NDLOZI: The Minister of Police is sleeping in Parliament. [Laughter.]
The SPEAKER: Hon member, that is not a point of order.
Mr M Q NDLOZI: No, it is. I am disturbed. We pay this guy. I do not even think that he is a Member of Parliament, yet he comes and sleeps.
The SPEAKER: Hon Ndlozi, please take your seat now.
Mr M Q NDLOZI: But can you call order, hon Speaker? [Interjections.] Surely he can’t come to work to sleep on the people’s time. [Interjections.] Do not sleep, chief, take us seriously.
The SPEAKER: Take your seat, hon Ndlozi. Hon Minister, please finish up.
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Thank you very much, Speaker. I have less than a minute to go, so I think everybody can wake up. We can throw stones at each other and, no doubt, many will be thrown in this debate.
Where criticisms are warranted, we need to respond to them and to do better, but we can’t be distracted by grandstanding and histrionics as we too often are in this Chamber. The economic issues are just too important to the people of this country to allow them to be used as political footballs in agendas of people that really do not have any answers to the substantive challenges faced by our people. We have serious work to do and this ANC government is committed to doing it. I thank you. [Applause.]
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION / JN / TAKE ENDS AT 14:49:38
The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY
|
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, President, hon members and fellow South Africans: bagaetsho, dumelang, molweni, goeiemiddag.
Before I begin, I would like to offer my thoughts and prayers to the families of the workers trapped underground at the Lily Mine in Mpumalanga. [Applause.] We cannot imagine your pain and anguish these past 11 days. We stand with you as a nation, and I hold you and your loved ones in my prayers.
Last week, while razor wire was going up around Parliament and stun grenades were dispersing the crowds, the President was tucked safely away somewhere on Planet Zuma. Planet Zuma is a place in a parallel universe, far, far away from the lives of ordinary South Africans. [Applause.]
Planet Zuma is a place where a swimming pool can be called a fire pool. It is a place where all the continents of the world fit into Africa. [Laughter.] It is a place where the Finance Minister flies economy class, but the President buys himself a R4 billion jet. [Applause.]
Planet Zuma is a place where the President can replace an excellent Finance Minister with a backbencher that nobody has ever heard of. [Interjections.] Hon members, it is a place where an international fugitive wanted for genocide is welcomed and given refuge. Planet Zuma is a place where young people who stand up for their right to learn are dismissed as part of a “third force” and charged with treason. It is a place where mineworkers can be massacred by the police, without an apology and without compensation for their families. Planet Zuma is a place where our President lives in a galaxy far, far away from the lives of ordinary South Africans. [Applause.]
In his speech on Thursday, we learnt more about Planet Zuma than the country we live in. You see, on Planet Zuma there is no jobs crisis. This is why, in the President’s speech, we didn’t hear anything about the 8,3 million South Africans who are jobless. On Planet Zuma all children have access to a quality education. This must be why the President didn’t once mention basic education.
On Planet Zuma our state-owned enterprises, SOEs, are, in the words of the President, “performing well”, and on Planet Zuma every problem can be solved by setting up a committee, a task team or a commission of inquiry.
The President lived up to our expectations on Thursday. We expected to hear the empty words of a man out of touch with the people and that is exactly what we got. We knew what to expect but we came to listen anyway and we stayed until the bitter end, because this is what the South African people expect of us. They expect us to be here in this Parliament, making it work.
Let me be clear: we came to listen to the President out of respect for the Constitution and the office he holds, but we did not come out of respect for Jacob Zuma. [Applause.] We cannot respect a man who puts himself and his rich friends first while the people of this country suffer. We cannot respect a man personally responsible for the building of Nkandla and the firing of Nhlanhla. Madam Speaker, Jacob Zuma is not an honourable man, because if he was an honourable man he would do the honourable thing and resign. [Applause.]
The President is not alone on Planet Zuma. Its gravitational pull is so strong that the entire ANC ...
Mr H P CHAUKE: Point of order ... Speaker ...
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Sorry, can you pause the clock?
The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member, what is the point of order. Hon Leader of the Opposition, could you take your seat.
Mr H P CHAUKE: My name is Hlomane Chauke. Speaker, I’m saying that even if we differ we have to maintain respect. He still remains the president of the ANC. [Interjections.] Even in whatever way you may differ ... Hey, hey! No matter what you say he remains the president of the ANC. [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: The hon President is actually the President of the Republic of South Africa. Proceed, hon Maimane, but do respect the hon President of the Republic of South Africa. [Interjections.]
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, it is very difficult to do when the President’s own counsel has admitted that he misled this House. The President ...
The SPEAKER: Hon Maimane, I would love us to stick to matters of these proceedings and leave issues happening outside ... [Interjections.] ... there. Please proceed.
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: The President is not alone on Planet Zuma. Its gravitational pull is so strong that the entire ANC has been sucked into its orbit and it cannot escape. The party that was once the defender of freedom has now become the defender of just one man. [Applause.]
Make no mistake: there are many good people in the ANC and many of them sit in these benches, and there are still some excellent Cabinet Ministers who do a good job in a difficult circumstance. So, when the President spoke on Thursday night we could see how painful it must have been for the hon members seated on my right. We noticed the glum faces and muted applause in the ANC benches. We saw Cabinet Ministers wince as the President laboured his way through his speech, and who can blame them? Every hon member on this side knows the damage that this man is doing to this country and their party. [Applause.] But not one of you, not one of you has the guts to speak out against what is happening. [Interjections.] It is simply a failure of leadership. You should be ashamed.
IsiXhosa:
Aninalo uvalo.
English:
In 1983, the great novelist, Chinua Achebe, said the following about his native Nigeria:
The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example, which are the hallmarks of true leadership.
Mr Achebe could have been writing about our own country because, hon members, there is nothing wrong with the South African character. There is nothing wrong with our country and the people who live here. However, there is a lot wrong with our leadership.
Mr President, let us rewind to a few days before the state of the nation address when your Nkandla case was heard in the Constitutional Court. You weren’t physically in the dock but you may as well have been. You were on trial for subverting our Constitution, corrupting our Parliament, undermining the Office of the Public Protector and violating your own oath of office. After all those years of lying, ducking and diving ...
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Speaker, on a point of order.
The SPEAKER: What’s the point of order, Deputy Chief Whip? Hon Maimane, can you take your seat?
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Speaker, the matter that he is referring to is in a court of law. There is no judgment on that matter ... [Interjections.] ... so why is he raising it in the House?
The SPEAKER: Hon members, on the issue of matters that are sub judice, in terms of Joint Rule 14(q), no member shall reflect on the merits of any matter on which a judicial decision is pending.
To be sub judice means a matter must be awaiting adjudication or be under adjudication by a court of law. Hon members, the Chair has a responsibility to apply this Rule in such a way as to impose the minimum limitation on open debate and the right of members to freedom of speech.
The practice has therefore been to allow members to refer to matters before the courts in general terms, but not to discuss their merits or to refer to the matter in a way that could prejudice the case. Members are therefore cautioned to refrain from saying anything that attempts to anticipate the outcome of the case or comment on the merits or matters that are part of evidence before the court.
So, hon members, what we are saying and the position we are taking and reflecting on here is also out of respect for the principle of the separation of powers. I therefore appeal to you, hon Maimane, to stay out of issues that are still before the courts.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, I think you are being very restrictive in your interpretation and it flies in the very face of a ruling delivered by yourself in this House during the Fifth Parliament. Madam Speaker ...
The SPEAKER: How am I being restrictive, hon Steenhuisen?
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: I think you are overrestricting your warnings to the hon Leader of the Opposition, Madam Speaker. The rulings before had reference to the case in the courts and to the facts in the cases; to quote you, Madam Speaker, would not be a violation of the sub judice rule. That’s available in Hansard, and I have it here to show you. Madam Speaker ...
The SPEAKER: Hon Steenhuisen, I’m reminding you in this ruling. I am making exactly the same point: that you must steer clear of the merits of the case and therefore I am cautioning hon members.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Well, Madam Speaker, I would say ...
The SPEAKER: Please take your seat now, hon Steenhuisen.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: ... I would say to you that you are being overly restrictive in your interpretation.
The SPEAKER: I am not being restrictive, hon Steenhuisen.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: You are.
The SPEAKER: Please proceed, hon Maimane.
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: After all of those years of stalling, lying, ducking and diving, it took the court just hours to unravel your web of defiance and deceit. Through a string of extraordinary concessions in the court, your legal team effectively relegated your caucus to its current position – under the proverbial bus. Before that bench of esteemed judges, there was simply nowhere to hide.
Now that you have been exposed in the nation’s highest court, it remains to be determined how much you will pay. Because here’s the thing: whatever the amount, it will be nothing compared to what the people of this country have already paid for your presidency. [Applause.] Instead of redressing the structural inequalities of apartheid, you built yourself a big house on the backs of poor South Africans. Instead of breaking down the barriers that keep young, black people excluded from the economy, you introduced black economic empowerment codes that keep empowering the connected few. And instead of dismantling bantu education, you have allowed the education of the African child to deteriorate.
The people who have paid the highest price of all are those who can afford it the least. Every single poor child stuck in our failing education system, who will never escape the poverty trap in their lifetime, you cost them their future, President Zuma. The 8,3 million South Africans who cannot find work have paid more for you than you will ever know. They paid with their dreams. I know, because I’ve heard their heartbreaking stories.
IsiXhosa:
Amabali afana nebali likaThemba Lukhoto oneminyaka engamashumi amabini anesithoba. Uneminyaka elishumi engafumani umsebenzi Kwaye esithi lelona xesha libi ngakumbi kunentolongo.
English:
There is 41-year-old Robert van Wyngaardt who lost both his legs and has been without work for the past six years. He and his unemployed wife struggle to provide for their little daughter and can’t make a living on social grants.
There is also 28-year-old Cherice Minnaar who has a college diploma but has been unemployed for the past six months. She feels her children deserve a better mother because she cannot raise them on love and water.
Setswana:
Kgotsa Mbusi Cele wa dingwaga dile some-a-mabedi le bobedi, o nang le masters degree mme gaise a bone tiro mo dingwageng di le pedi a re o setse a ineetse mo botshelong.
English:
There are many who are just like them. We simply couldn’t fit the 8,3 million into this book, but, Mr President, here are some of their stories - the people your government has long forgotten about.
I believe every single person has a conscience. Mr President, my question is: How do you live with yours? [Applause.] You call yourself a champion of poor black South Africans. You talk big about the twin evils of racism and structural racial inequality. So why then, Mr President, do you govern as though black lives don’t matter? Why do you govern for the elite few and not for the many that live in poverty?
President Zuma, we are acutely aware of the structural legacy of apartheid. We know that unemployment, poverty and inequality are the results of a deeply unfair history of exclusion and oppression. But your job is to fix this. Not overnight. Nobody is expecting miracles. We just expect our country to move in the right direction.
Fellow South Africans, there is one part of our country moving in the right direction. It is a place where the life of each and every citizen matters. It is a place where the structural inequalities of the past are being rolled back. It is a place where, every day, progress is being made towards a fair society. It is a place where the DA government cut the perks and privileges of politicians. [Interjections.] [Applause.] It’s a place where the cost of ministerial vehicles was slashed in half; where blue-light brigades were banned and economy class flights are the norm. Please note, President Zuma, these cost-cutting measures were implemented not because the economy was in meltdown, but they were implemented because we don’t think politicians are more important than other people. It is a place where over two thirds of the City of Cape Town’s budget is spent in poor communities ... [Interjections.] ... and where the poor ... [Applause.] ... receive the most generous package of free water and electricity.
Afrikaans:
Dit is ’n plek waar die regering vir al die mense werk. [Applous.]
English:
It is a place where, to grow the economy and create jobs, the government focuses on getting the fundamentals right: clean government, policy certainty, infrastructure development, support for entrepreneurs and an aggressive targeting of investment. It’s a place where fewer people are unemployed and more people are hopeful of finding a job. It is a place where the inequities in the health system are finally being undone, not by an unaffordable new scheme that will bankrupt the system, but by sound, clean government that delivers health care for the poor. It is a place where the first new hospitals built by the DA government were in Khayelitsha and Mitchells Plain – areas neglected for decades by the ANC. [Interjections.]
Mr G S RADEBE: Hon Speaker ... Hon Speaker ... Point of order, Speaker.
The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member, are you rising on a point of order?
Mr G S RADEBE: Hon Speaker, I just want to check whether it’s the DA’s policy to retain racist people ... [Inaudible.] [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: No, hon member, there’s no such point.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Point of order, Madam Speaker. You see this is the problem in the House. When we in the opposition stand up and make what you term frivolous points of order, we are dealt with in a very severe manner. Yet that gentleman at the back there is continuously allowed to rise on frivolous points of order and you ignore him.
The SPEAKER: Hon member, I’ve ruled him out of order.
An HON MEMBER: Harshly!
The SPEAKER: So please ... How harshly is harsh? Proceed, hon Maimane.
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: It is a place where getting the basics right pays dividends; where the matric pass rate last year improved to 84,7% ... [Applause.] ... the highest in South Africa, while the pass rate in every other province declined. It is a place where the pass rate in schools in the most impoverished areas increased from 57% under the ANC to 73% under the DA. [Applause.] It is a place where this year, for the first time, every matriculant who passed qualified for access to some form of tertiary education and half of them for university entrance. [Applause.]
Mr President, while you and your cronies are on Planet Zuma, we are here where the people are. We are improving people’s lives step by step, day by day, and we are making progress.
James Baldwin, the renowned American novelist and civil rights activist, once said, “The most dangerous creation of any society is the man who has nothing to lose.” Mr President, your neglect has created 8,3 million jobless people, many with nothing to lose. The time is coming soon when they will sweep you and your cronies out of office, and vote in a new government ... [Interjections.] ... a government committed to building a fair society, where every child has a chance to be the best they can be.
When we deliver our inaugural state of the nation address, it will sound very different to yours, Mr President. We will announce a number of measures to turn our economy around and lift people out of poverty. We will cut the size of your bloated Cabinet in half, saving R4,7 billion. [Applause.] We will privatise our failing state enterprises, beginning with SAA and Eskom that guzzle billions of rand every year. We will make South Africa a nation of entrepreneurs by cutting red tape and providing more support and training for businesses. We will improve black economic empowerment so that it rewards companies that invest in their workers and create jobs, instead of simply re-empowering the connected few.
We will turn Basic Education around before we lose another generation of black children. We’ll do so by giving teachers the support and training that they need to equip our children to compete in a global economy. We will increase the National Student Financial Aid Scheme funding for poor students so that no qualifying student is denied further education because they cannot afford it. We will make communities safer by putting 250 000 properly trained police officers in the streets. We will fight gangsterism and drugs by reinstating the Narcotics Bureau ... [Interjections] ... and building more rehabilitation centres. We will save R30 billion a year by cutting corruption and firing corrupt officials. We will invest 10% of GDP in the infrastructure vital for economic growth. We will dedicate an extra R10 billion to speed up land reform, provide training and support for emerging farmers and roll out farm equity schemes that give workers ownership of the land they work on. We will accelerate the issuing of title deeds to give people assets and redress past landownership. We will declare the drought a national disaster so that we can urgently protect our food security ... [Applause.] ... because we understand that helping our farming communities is more important than buying new cars for traditional leaders or remodelling Ministers’ offices.
This is how we will build a safe, prosperous and inclusive South Africa, and prepare our country for a changing world. We will harness the full potential of the South African people. Because, against all odds, ordinary people are achieving extraordinary things. It is the teacher who works hard every day to uplift poor children. It is the policeman who risks his life to safeguard his community. It is the entrepreneur who battles impossible regulations to keep her business afloat. It is the unemployed parent who doesn’t stop looking for a way to take care of her family. Imagine what they could do if they had a government that worked for them instead of against them.
Mr President, in your parallel universe I’m sure your state of the nation speech would have been just fine, but here in the real world it did not cut it. On Planet Zuma you can pretend the schools are working, that investors are lining up, and state-owned enterprises are thriving. But in the real world none of that is true. On Planet Zuma you can carry on dismissing the aspirations of young, black South Africans. You can keep betraying their hopes for a brighter future and govern as if their lives don’t matter. But, here, in the real world, each one of those lives really matters.
Here, in the real world, we need a President and a government that serves all the people of South Africa. We need a President with a vision and the power to unite people – black and white – in striving for this vision, because we are better together. We prosper together. We need a President who is an example to his government and to the nation. [Interjections.] We need a President who is in touch with the people of this country. We need a President who puts people first and himself last. You, sir, are not that President. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr J S MALEMA / TH (Eng&Afr) / Tshego (Setswana) / Ntsha-Ntsha (Xhosa) TAKE ENDS AT 15:19
|
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION
The SPEAKER: Hon members, can I ask that even when you are heckling, which you are allowed to do, you don’t drown out the speaker.
Mr J S MALEMA: My time! My time!
Hon Speaker, we thank you for the opportunity to speak to South Africans, Africans and the world about the issues confronting our people. We shall make it very clear that we do not want to debate the state of the nation which was presented here by an illegitimate President. [Interjections.]
We refuse to legitimise the morally and politically compromised President of the ANC. We do not recognise him, due to his incapacity, lack of direction, association with criminal elements, unaccountability and pure disregard for the Constitution and the people of South Africa.
We are here to speak about a country where more than 26 million of its population live in absolute poverty and suffering. We are here to speak about a country where more than 8 million of its capable workforce cannot find jobs because the state, under its current leadership, cannot provide jobs.
We are here to speak about the many capable children who do not have access to quality and free education, because the state cannot provide free, quality education for all. However, we are comforted by the militant structures, like the #FeesMustFall movement, the #RhodesMustFall movement and the EFF Student Command because they are keeping the dream of decolonisation and free education alive. [Applause.]
We must not forget that we are in a country where the black majority – more than 80% of the population – is congested and squeezed into less than 20% of the land, because the rest of the land is owned and controlled by those who colonially took it from the African majority through committing black genocide. We must not forget that we are in a country where settler colonialists and white monopoly capital is in control of almost all sectors of the economy. The white minority own and control every section of the economy, including the maize meal which feeds the majority of our people, because the former liberation movement betrayed its founding principles. [Interjections.]
We must not forget that we are in a country where the African majority continue to be slaves and suppliers of cheap labour to the white minority as cleaners, garden boys, domestic workers, car guards, petrol attendants, security guards, rock drill operators, and everything that pays low wages. The ANC has destroyed the nursing, teaching and police professions by paying those workers peanuts.
Our people are hungry for land. Land hunger is a reality. Our people are misled into celebrating the so-called middle class and the black executives who are nothing but credit-worthy and indebted blacks who do not own and do not control anything.
We are here to ask the whole of South Africa to listen to the voices of the struggling masses of our people in the informal settlements, like Thembelihle, Stjwetla, the Winnie Mandela squatter camp, the Chris Hani squatter camp, the Joe Slovo squatter camp, Diepsloot, Alexandra, Marikana, and all the dejected and neglected areas where poor black people live.
Fellow South Africans, the majority of our people in townships live in a state of indignity and congestion. They live like pigs when they are alive and even when they are dead. The majority in eThekwini, Sebokeng, Hammanskraal, Soshanguve, Umlazi, KwaMashu, Mdantsane and in many other areas are still forced to share a small piece of land when they are alive. Even in death, they are still forced to share graves, where more than two people are buried in one grave. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
My brothers and sisters, let’s show solidarity with rock drill operators, mineworkers, metalworkers, ironworkers, workers of Shoprite and all the retail stores who are underpaid and some employed through labour brokers. Twenty-two years after so-called democracy, less than 10% of the land has been redistributed. We want to reveal the obvious fact that, if it takes 22 years to redistribute 10% of the land, it will take the ANC 100 years to redistribute at least 50% of the land.
Our economy is just a consuming economy. We are unable to manufacture and produce even basic consumer goods and services, such as phones, televisions, cars, many food items, teaspoons, matchsticks, toothpicks and clothes. What kind of self-respecting country fails to produce food for itself, despite the availability of arable land? More than 10 million workers who wake up every day to sell their labour do not get any living wage and do not qualify for houses, cars, clothes and education for their children. Many black South Africans die because they cannot afford medication. We speak of these realities because the so-called President of South Africa never pointed to those realities.
An HON MEMBER: Yes!
Mr J S MALEMA: We are aware that during your so-called state of the nation address, you did mention the relocation of Parliament to one city. We welcome that move because the fact that South Africa has separate capital and administrative cities is as a result of colonial compromises and the settlement of the Anglo-Boer War. While many Africans died in that war, they were not part of the ultimate political settlement in the early 1900s.
More than money, it is politically correct for South Africa to have one capital city to affirm its own identity as a post-colonial, political territory, not unworkable capital cities that waste the resources of our people.
We want to make it clear to the hon Thabang Makwetla that we will never sing Die Stem. [Applause.] Die Stem is another compromise, which is not justifiable. No ruling, and neither a court, nor prison can force us to sing a song of the apartheid murderers.
HON MEMBERS: Yes!
Mr J S MALEMA: On 11 February 2016, we decidedly and courageously refused to be addressed by an illegitimate and morally compromised human being who happens to be President of the ruling party and our country.
In our previous life, we uncritically accepted so many lies, fictions and conspiracy theories created about you, Mr Zuma, and our fear of a third term also misled us. But the signs were there. Your questionable political life and the events that led you to become President were signs, indeed, that we should have opened up to those signs.
All those signs were clear that you are not capable of being a President. [Interjections.] This is the man who knowingly had sex with an HIV-positive woman and later explained to the court that a shower would lessen the chances of contracting HIV. [Interjections.] We are now the laughing stock of the world. This was another sign shown to us that you are incapable of becoming a President, but we ignored that.
This is the man who knowingly impregnated a friend’s child, despite his having many wives at home. This was another sign that you are bad with judgment. [Interjections.]
This is the man who did not take any decisive action when the Gupta family landed their plane at the Waterkloof Air Force Base. Actually, instead of taking action, this is the same man who embraces the same family and attends all their events, despite the fact that those people compromised the security of this country.
This is the same man ... [Interjections.] Wait a bit! [Laughter.] [Applause.] I was going to say “Cheers!” but, hey, I remembered you are the wrong man. This is the same man who appoints Ministers with close relationships with Gupta’s family - and those Ministers immediately start negotiating business deals for the Guptas and his son. [Interjections.] I am speaking from experience!
In my previous life, when I was a friend of the Minister of Sport and Recreation, he received a call from the Guptas. [Interjections.] He was still the Deputy Minister of Police, and they told him that he was going to be the Minister of Sport and Recreation. That was during the time he still had courage. He went to the National Executive Committee, NEC, of the ANC and raised this matter. He was so angry and he even cried about it ... [Laughter.] [Applause.] ... asking why we were being appointed by unelected leaders into positions of responsibility. I hope, one day, my former friend will find himself and continue to fight this just cause.
This is the man who, in December, exchanged Ministers of Finance in South Africa, gave misleading and wrong reasons and accelerated our country’s currency into junk status. This led to the loss of more than R500 billion. The crisis caused by mindless and unexplained changes in National Treasury are not some elite or palace battles. It is critical in that it has got a direct impact on the lives and livelihoods of ordinary South Africans.
When South Africa’s currency is weak, it will become more expensive for South Africans to buy basic consumer goods and services from other parts of the world. As we speak now, in the context of the drought, South Africa has to import more than 6 million tons of maize meal, which is the staple food for more than 80% of South Africans. A weak currency will mean that everything we import from other parts of the world will be expensive and unaffordable for many families. All this, because of one man!
Our country is being relegated to a junk country because of the actions and decisions of one man. This one man called a President is responsible for the many ills affecting our country and he blames all of this on the global economy. There are challenges in the global economy but Mr Zuma is responsible for the many ills confronting our country.
Alongside Mr Zuma’s unforgiveable blunders are Ministers and premiers who learn from the best and replicate the same form of corruption and unaccountability in the department and provinces. The Premier of the Free State, Ace Magashule, is the most corrupt premier in South Africa. He is not accountable to anyone. The man is untouchable.
The Premier of Mpumalanga province is the most corrupt premier in South Africa who plays a part in the disappearance of his opponents in his province and loots as he wishes. The Premier of the North West is also corrupt. He plays a part in the disappearance of opponents in his province and is not being held accountable. These, and many others engage in these activities with the knowledge and endorsement of one man, who we are all expected to treat with respect.
Alongside these ills caused by him is a family who are business partners of his son and business partners of his political subjects - the Gupta family. The Gupta family’s influence and capture of the South African state and government is not fiction, and the reasons we have provided are just the tip of the iceberg. The Guptas are party to the institutionalisation of mediocrity here in South Africa, and this is shown by the mediocre media houses and other businesses that are parasitic on the state.
South Africa, we stand here, bound and obliged by constitutional and moral obligations and call for the immediate removal of Mr Zuma as the President of the Republic of South Africa.
HON MEMBERS: Yes! [Applause.]
Mr J S MALEMA: Mr Zuma has caused so much damage and he is in the process of causing more damage. Under his watch, a huge amount of money from the police slush fund disappeared, and that was money meant to fight crime. Under his watch, money keeps on disappearing in the State Security Agency. We cannot stand back and do nothing when one individual is accelerating South Africa into further decay.
The man is accepted to have breached his oath of office and the Constitution. The reality is that, in no time, and under Mr Zuma’s watch and supervision, we will be left with no country and no systems with which to hold our people accountable.
We are here today, once again, to apologise to former President Mbeki for being part of those who removed him on the basis of lies, rumours and gossip spread by the sitting President. In his letter, President Mbeki stated, “I did not tell who was misleading us.” We were misled by this man - the President of the Republic of South Africa! [Applause.]
I remember, I had a meeting with President Zuma ...
Mr H P CHAUKE: Madam Speaker ...
Mr J S MALEMA: ... after the Nicholson judgment ...
Mr H P CHAUKE: Madam Speaker ...
Mr J S MALEMA: ... where President Zuma said to me ... [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Order! Order!
Mr J S MALEMA: ... he doesn’t want to work with President Mbeki.
The SPEAKER: Order, hon Malema! Please take your seat. [Interjections.] Yes, hon member, on what point are you rising?
Mr H P CHAUKE: Hon Speaker, on a point of order: I would request that you ask the gallery there to stop participating in our debates. [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Indeed, we always repeat this - and have, on numerous occasions in the past - that we ask and appeal to our guests in the gallery please not to participate in the proceedings of the House by clapping their hands ... [Interjections.] ... or in any other way participating in the proceedings, because we want to welcome you all to be part of this Joint Sitting only by sitting and observing in an orderly fashion. Thank you very much. Proceed, hon Malema.
Mr J S MALEMA: I led the charge on the removal of President Mbeki after the meeting I had with President Zuma, during which he made it very clear to me that he was not prepared to work with President Mbeki. This is despite the fact that the former President of the Youth League, Mbalula, called me from the mountain and encouraged me not to participate in that activity of removing Mbeki because it would cause a problem. [Interjections.] That is why I know that Mbalula has got the capacity to see wrong things. He just needs to come around. [Interjections.] [Applause.] Had we listened to him, we would not be in this state. For those who do not know, Mbalula discouraged us from calling for the removal of President Mbeki.
We apologise to President Mandela for allowing Mr Zuma to ruin his legacy and turn South Africa into a junk country. We never and will never agree with the economic policies pursued by both President Mbeki and President Mandela. But at least they knew what they stood for – unlike him, who stands for nothing ... [Interjections.] ... and who always gets persuaded by the Guptas to take the wrong decisions; a man who prioritises himself and his family.
If all of you doubt that, then you must refer to the presentation that was made in the Constitutional Court where all of you were dumbed by the President. This is a man who can single-handedly destroy what used to be the movement of the people. A man who, when he says, “I will not pay,” the whole movement says, “He must not pay.” A man who, when he says, “Now, I will pay,” the whole movement says, “He will now pay.”
Think, comrades! You are participating in destroying the organisation of Chris Hani, Luthuli and O R Tambo, an organisation that never believed in the politics of a personality cult. You are more Zuma members than being members of the ANC! [Interjections.] [Applause.] You need to discover yourself.
To all South Africans, our message is clear and simple: Freedom is coming. The EFF is the last hope for jobs and service delivery. [Interjections.] We are the last hope for massive industrialisation development to create millions of jobs. We are the last hope for free, quality education for all. We are the last hope for quality health care, sanitation and better services. We are the last hope for the war against corruption.
The EFF is the last hope for the people of Stjwetla, Mdantsane, Umlazi, Soweto, Mahwelereng, Bushbuckridge, Orange Farm, Gugulethu, Khayelitsha, Mthatha and all areas where there are no jobs and basic services for our people. The EFF is the last hope for the workers of Toyota in KwaZulu-Natal, of all metalworkers in Nelson Mandela Bay, Buffalo City and Tshwane. We are the hope of all mineworkers in Marikana, on the entire platinum belt, in Kuruman, Kimberley, the trapped workers of Lily Mine, and all the areas where workers face brutal exploitation.
Mr Zupta, your legacy can be summed up into three things: Umshini Wami, Nkandla, Guptas. [Applause.] I am leaving. I can’t sit here to debate what you presented here because you are not a legitimate President. Bye-bye! [Interjections.] [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Malema, as you leave, I want you to know that, as you know, what you did was wrong. [Interjections.] You should have done it in the form of a substantive motion. [Interjections.] You did it, knowingly. It was wrong, and it shall be expunged from the Hansard. [Interjections.]
Prince M G BUTHELEZI/Robyn/ TAKE ENDS AT 15:39
Mr J S MALEMA
|
Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker, His Excellency President Zuma, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members, at the beginning of this year, the Cape Town Press Club invited me to deliver an alternative state of the nation address, revealing what South Africa really needed to hear. I noted then that although I served under our two presidents as Acting President more than 20 times and although I have debated with four different presidents over the course of 21 years in this House, I have never had the onerous task of doing what Your Excellency did last Thursday. I also said that what we most needed to hear was a good dose of honesty about the economy, the fracturing of social cohesion and the dire situation our people face because of the drought.
To my mind, it is better to be frank with our people so that they will know how long the night will last and whether the dawn is actually coming. Our people are remarkably patriotic and have been enduringly patient. It is morally reprehensible therefore to feed them empty promises; it’s eminently dangerous, in fact.
I must therefore commend the President as his address on Thursday was at least frank. It indeed acknowledged the grim circumstances of our country. He did not shy away from the fact that despite the hopes expressed in the National Development Plan, the NDP, by all parties that we could achieve a 5% economic growth rate by 2019, this will not happen.
This forces us to face the fact that there is no prospect of turning our economy around in the foreseeable future. That 5% growth rate was our only hope for creating the level of employment that South Africa needs. Regardless of the myriad of challenges put forward to justify the difficulties our economy faces, the closing line of the President's address was honest, and I wish to quote you, sir: “We cannot change the global economic conditions but we can do a lot to change the local conditions.”
In this regard, the IFP welcomes the establishment of an interministerial committee dedicated to enhancing investment, and we welcome greater co-operation with the private sector in the hope of placing our country on a growth path. I suspect that South Africans welcome the Back-to-Basics approach on local governance and the SA Police Service. Our people certainly welcome the announcement that there will no longer be lavish dinners following departmental budget speeches and that the need for constant travel between two capitals is no longer considered feasible and must be addressed.
But when one listens to the President's choice of words when announcing cutbacks and efforts at better financial management, the conclusion is inescapable that the government has indeed gone too far in abusing state resources. It is a damning admission but a true one.
I refer here to statements from the President’s speech. “We have made an undertaking to spend public funds wisely,” and, “I invite premiers and mayors to join us as we begin eliminating wasteful expenditure in government.” I ask the question: Is this too little too late? Is it enough to restore our nation's confidence in the present leadership of the country? Undoubtedly, it is not enough to pull us out of our economic distress. That would take bold policy decisions.
When the President addresses the disastrous financial situation of state-owned enterprises by saying, “We have heard concerns but some of them are doing quite well,” it is clear that nothing will be done to plug the fatal drain of state-owned enterprises like SA Airways. I remember that even when I sat in Cabinet some 10 years ago we were constantly being asked to bail out SA Airways. Why are we still doing it? Too often it comes down to poor policy decisions. The President, for instance, applauds the recent changes in visa regulations in order to boost tourism and enhance investment. What he doesn't say, however, is that these changes were required because visa regulations were passed against all good judgment. They did enormous damage to our tourism industry.
We’ll struggle to attract foreign investment, in my view, as long as there is policy uncertainty. For instance, on the issue of land reform, we heard the President say during his state of the nation address in 2015 that foreign land ownership would be barred. He has now repeated this in 2016. For the past year, foreign investors have been in limbo as to when and whether this policy would be implemented.
At times, the President seemed to spend more time describing the way things should work and what they look like when they are working, than explaining how we are going to get from here to there. He made a statement on the drought, for instance, that I find quite discouraging. He said, “Government provides relief to affected communities.” What does that mean to the millions of people struggling without sufficient water? What does it mean to the farmers whose livestock are dying every day? Is it a statement of what a government in general does, or a promise of what this government will do? The effects of this drought on our people must be taken more seriously. Food security is threatened for many families, and livelihoods are being lost.
Just days before the state of the nation address, the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, the IJR, released some shocking results from the Afrobarometer survey, and I will mention just three. It spoke about support for democracy having dropped to 64%; that two thirds of our citizens would willingly give up the right to vote in exchange for a nonelected government that actually delivers; and that 10% of black South Africans would willingly welcome back the government of the old South Africa.
What is happening to our country? We are abandoning our most cherished values because the exercise of those values has failed us. Democracy, political franchise and freedom, values for which my generation fought and died, are becoming worthless commodities to a disillusioned people. We cannot let this happen. I have asked myself what my response should be as a patriot and as a leader of my people. I have considered the leadership we admired in the giants of our past. And I cannot avoid the conclusion that we must emulate their example in that we must be cerebral rather than emotional. The battle of the present demands it. In the present economic situation, it is so easy to whip up emotions to indulge in demagoguery. A revolution is not very hard to start. But is it wise to do so? Is it the right path for our country to start a revolution, if our intended destination is the restoration of peace, stability, hope and cohesion?
I’m reminded in all of this of the meaning of the words “inkatha” and “kgare” in Zulu and Sesotho respectively: a tightly plaited grass coil designed to help carry a heavy burden on one's head. Symbolically, the IFP continues to aim to maintain balance, assisting and protecting our people from the heavy social and economic burdens they bear. As our country faces such dire challenges, that is the role, Mr President, we will continue to play. Msholozi. [Applause.]
Ms D CARTER: Hon Speaker ...
The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member?
Ms D CARTER: Hon Speaker, I didn’t want to interrupt the hon Buthelezi, but I would like to just ask you a question. Members rose on frivolous points of orders earlier on. At no point was any member asked to withdraw anything. I’m just asking: In terms of which Rule are you going to remove a speech from Hansard?
The SPEAKER: Thank you, hon member. I will rule later.
Ms D CARTER: Hon Speaker ...
The SPEAKER: On what point are you now rising?
Ms D CARTER: Hon Speaker, you made a ruling about 15 minutes ago, now you are saying you are going to rule again?
The SPEAKER: Yes, I said I am going to rule on what you are raising.
Ms D CARTER: But I just need ... In terms of which Rule ... [Inaudible.] ...
The SPEAKER: Hon member, I am not having a debate with you. [Interjections.] I am not refusing to rule; I’m just saying that I will rule later.
Ms D CARTER: I want to remind you about the fact that you said we must have patience ...
The SPEAKER: Please proceed, hon Masualle. Hon member, please take your seat.
Mr P MASUALLE / TAKE ENDS AT 15:51/VW//
Prince M G BUTHELEZI
|
The PREMIER OF THE EASTERN CAPE (Mr P Masualle): Hon Speaker of the National Assembly, His Excellency Mr President, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members of this assembly ...
Mr W M MADISHA: Hon Speaker ... Hon Speaker ...
The SPEAKER: Are you nostalgic for the EFF? [Laughter.] Hon member of Cope - Madisha?
Mr W M MADISHA: Speaker, you have already made a ruling. Now we want to understand: Regarding what is being raised here, what is the ruling?
The SPEAKER: I am repeating, hon Madisha. Your honourable colleague rose on a point of order. I listened, and I am saying I will rule later. That is what I am saying and I repeat that. So, please take your seat. Take your seat, hon Madisha. [Interjections.]
Mr W M MADISHA: You have ruled already.
The SPEAKER: Hon Madisha, take your seat.
Mr W M MADISHA: But you have ruled already.
The SPEAKER: Hon Madisha, take your seat.
Mr W M MADISHA: You are out of order yourself. [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Madisha, please withdraw that.
Mr W M MADISHA: Withdraw what?
The SPEAKER: Withdraw your saying that the Chair is out of order.
Mr W M MADISHA: No, you are out of order, because ...
The SPEAKER: Hon Madisha, I am not going to argue with you. If you do not want to withdraw that, then I will have to ask you to leave the Chamber. [Interjections.]
Mr W M MADISHA: We withdraw. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Thanks very much. Hon Masualle, please proceed.
Mr W M MADISHA: ... the truth. [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Masualle, please proceed.
The PREMIER OF THE EASTERN CAPE (Mr P Masualle): Thank you again, hon Speaker, for the privilege and honour to stand before this august House to be part of this debate. We dare not forget that history has given us the honour to serve our people and change their life conditions.
Last week’s state of the nation address by the President was very concise in leading the charge on what needs to be done to address South Africa’s challenges. More than that, the underlying message of the President once more appealed to all South Africans to ask not what South Africa will do for each one of us, but what together we can do for our land to prosper. [Applause.]
I may just digress and say it’s really ironic ... It never stops to amaze me why it is that we stood before the electorate on 7 May - each of the political parties had the opportunity to present themselves before the electorate and indeed the electorate passed its verdict. But, in the House, somehow an impression is created that those who had garnered the least votes are the ones who represent the majority out there. [Applause.] I think it is a matter that somehow needs to be debunked.
This House would also recall that during the state of the nation address of February 2015, the hon President unveiled a nine-point plan to respond to the sluggish growth in the economic environment. The President provided the vision and, through our actions, we followed with concrete programmes to support that vision.
I wish to spend a few minutes talking about the area of energy supply. In the perspective of the Eastern Cape province, we asked ourselves: What would our own contribution be in realising this vision? As early as 2013, we took a decision to position ourselves as the energy hub for the rest of the country, particularly focusing on cleaner forms of energy. We did so cognisant of the fact that the future of our planet and its inhabitants is dependent on how well we care for our scarce, precious natural resources.
As we speak, part of the manganese corridor development linking the Northern Cape to the Eastern Cape, with its manganese export facility in Coega, is on track with the manganese smeltering facility to be located at the Coega Industrial Development Zone. [Applause.]
Our partnership with the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University in the area of shale gas research is at an advanced stage that will lead to the use of our gas reserves in the Karoo basin, thus contributing further to the energy mix that the President spoke about, particularly the area of clean energy. These are partnerships that we value, that are in themselves committed to moving our country forward.
To date, we are making progress in the footprint of wind and solar farms, as the Minister of Trade and Industry alluded to when he made his address earlier. We have now a total of 17 such projects with a total investment value of more than R33,7 billion. These projects create much-needed job opportunities and contribute more than 611 megawatts of power tool to the national grid.
The province has also received an additional boost to its energy security when the 335 megawatt Dedisa Peaking Power Plant Station achieved commercial operation, thus playing role in reducing the load shedding that we were speaking about a few months ago.
In the past year we saw wind farms awarded to the former homeland areas for the first time in South Africa. In Ngqushwa phaya ePeddie we now have such located wind farms. [Applause.] All this, as I have alluded to, has been captured in the nine-point plan that the President unveiled.
In his state of the nation address the President also alluded to the centenary of our premier education institution, the University of Fort Hare. We pay tribute to its visionary founders and former alumnae. As the breeding ground of many of the leadership in this room and beyond, we pride ourselves in being the majestic jewel in the crown of knowledge of this continental institution. May it continue to breed and groom excellent leaders that will take our country into the next century.
We therefore look forward with great anticipation to the national celebrations that will be hosted in our province on 20 May 2016, and we can assure you that it will be an event which shall properly celebrate the historic contribution of that institution. [Applause.]
Taking our cue from what the President has said, we agree that a resilient and a fast-growing economy is at the heart of our transformational agenda. When the economy grows fast it delivers jobs. In the area specifically of agri-parks the President spoke about last week, the location of these agri-parks, the regional enterprise development hubs and the cultural production facilities in our province seek to improve the agroprocessing capacity of the province, notwithstanding the detrimental effects of drought that we are experiencing these days. As the province we are determined to complement the President’s efforts by increasing primary production, not only in Ngqurha, as the President mentioned last week, but also in Lambasi, Sundays River Valley, Butterworth, Matatiele, Sterkspruit, and Senqu.
Women and our young people have been identified as beneficiaries of these programmes. On top of this, Port St Johns has been identified as one of the vegetable production hubs, which will ultimately support the Kei Fresh Produce Market around the King Sabata Dalindyebo Municipality. [Applause.]
It has warmed our hearts to hear the President acknowledge the work that we are doing through the industrial development zones based at Coega and East London. As a follow-up to what we have been doing since the call was made to maximise our oceans economy, we have formulated our provincial maritime skills development plan with partners in the sector.
This year, to give effect to some of the decisions we have made through the department of education, we have already established maritime schools or streams in the curriculum of our schools. Schools like George Randell and Ngwenyathi High Schools have started with a Grade 10 curriculum to help our learners access the necessary skills. [Applause.]
We commit, Mr President, to taking care of the two bulk carrier vessels that have been registered in Port Elizabeth under the South African flag. We are also pleased that the very friendly city has been hosting the armed forces this week in the Armed Forces Week, which will culminate in the national celebration on 21 February 2016.
Furthermore, the development of the aquaculture zones at Coega have commenced and this initiative has an estimated value of close to R2 billion, with the potential to unlock at least 5 600 jobs. This initiative will provide space for abalone, fin fish, seaweed and tilapia farming.
We are also proud, Mr President, to register progress in your plans to expand the Coega dairy and Coega cheese plants aimed at increasing milk export volumes by 200% at least. This will also see an increase in cheese export production to well over 60%.
In conclusion, we are well on track with our road infrastructure development, Mr President. Indeed, it is correct that the SA National Roads Agency Limited, or Sanral, is one of those public institutions, or state-owned enterprises, SOEs, that is doing remarkable work and it is doing remarkable work in our province. [Applause.]
This year alone an investment amount annually in our road infrastructure exceeds R5 billion and indeed this is beginning to unlock the potential of economic development in other parts of the province.
We take on the President’s challenge that South Africa should strive to become a financial centre of Africa. In our province we have many institutions which can produce capable men and women who can contribute to this vision — compatriots who will ask not what South Africa will do for them, but what we together can do for our country. Now is not the time to lose hope, but indeed, to look ahead, forge ahead and move the country forward. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M L SHELEMBE/TSHEGO//nvs / TAKE ENDS AT 16:02
The PREMIER OF THE EASTERN CAPE
|
Mr M L SHELEMBE: Hon Speaker and members of the Houses, the state of the nation address delivered by President Zuma on Thursday last week is an insult to each and every South African. Apart from a slight mention of the economic crises we are faced with, very little was said to give the people a true account of the state of our nation.
Once again, we were spoon-fed ANC propaganda about how good life is in South Africa. No mention was made of service delivery protests, which are flaring up all over the country on a daily basis. Not a word was said about the drop in our matric pass rate, and the President was silent about the drought which is crippling our economy and threatening our food security.
The President made mention of the weak economy, but did not take any responsibility for the weak performance. Rather than admitting that he made a serious error when he appointed Van Rooyen as Minister of Finance to appease the Guptas and, in doing so, wiping out almost R700 billion of wealth in South Africa, the President remained silent.
This is the crux of the problem with President Zuma. He never takes responsibility for things that go wrong. The Guptas landed at Waterkloof and President Zuma knew nothing. Millions of rand were spent to upgrade Nkandla ...
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: We don’t know who he is referring to as “Van Rooyen”. In this House, we have “the hon Van Rooyen”. Thank you.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Shelembe, when ...
Mr M L SHELEMBE: Hon Van Rooyen.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes. Thank you.
Mr M L SHELEMBE: The Guptas landed at Waterkloof and President Zuma knew nothing. Millions of rand were spent to upgrade Nkandla, but President Zuma maintained that there was nothing wrong with spending such lavish amounts for his private benefit, until he was forced to acknowledge the wrong in front of our Constitutional Court.
The NFP questions the integrity of President Zuma. Why did he not do the honourable thing and pay back the undue enrichment when the Public Protector made her report available? Why did he deem it fit to manipulate Ministers and Parliament to shield him from accountability? Why did he do his level best to discredit the Public Protector and, in doing so, launch a vicious attack on the integrity of a Chapter 9 institution, which has been established to protect South Africans against abuse by those in power?
South Africa deserves a state President who will put South Africa first and not his political party. We deserve a state President who will protect and defend our hard-won democracy, and above all, we deserve a state President who will treasure the core values of good governance which are transparency and accountability. President Zuma has failed dismally to uphold these values and he does not deserve to hold the highest office in the land.
South Africa is in a deep economic crisis and the governing party has no solution to tackle this crisis. The NFP is saddened that the state President failed to tell us how we are going to strengthen our economy and to provide us with concrete solutions to steer our country’s credit rating away from junk status.
The cost-cutting measures announced are welcome but, unfortunately, are too little, too late. We trust that President Zuma will lead by example in reducing the number of overseas visits and the number of people he takes with him on these trips abroad. More importantly, the NFP believes that the President himself should be the first to explain to the hard-hit taxpayers what benefit there has been in leading a massive delegation of 53 members to Davos recently, at an estimated cost of close to R40 million.
The NFP would also have liked to see some enthusiasm for a national minimum wage in the state of the nation address. Sadly, for millions of South Africans who are poor and barely making a living, the President offered no warm comfort, just another vague undertaking once more, without any tangible details. A national minimum wage will go a long way towards addressing workers’ basic needs and reducing working poverty and inequality. Yet, President Zuma chose to make cautious remarks about the implication of such a national minimum wage, selling out workers once again to placate business groups and rating agencies.
The time has come for ordinary South Africans to take a stand and demand a state President who will lead us forward. We need a biblical Samson who will fight the just cause of the ordinary people against the Philistines - the ANC led by Zuma. [Interjections.] Enough damage has been done by a state President who puts his party before the country, a state President that sees no wrong in undue enrichment for himself, his family and his Gupta friends.
We need a state President that will carefully consider his actions and not give in to external pressure from business associates, as he did with the appointment of the hon Van Rooyen. We need a state President who will address the real challenges of drought, crime and unemployment, which we face on a daily basis, and a state President that will address our education crises with vision and vigour.
Zuma is not the state President that we deserve ... [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: President Zuma.
Mr M L SHELEMBE: President Zuma is not the state President we deserve, and the ANC must take the blame for forcing such an incompetent leader on the country. This year, we are having local government elections, and now is the time for South Africans to show the ANC that they have had enough.
The time for change has come. The time has come for Zuma and the ANC to go. The time has come for democracy to be defended. Zuma must fall. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Dr B H HOLOMISA
Mr M L SHELEMBE
|
Dr B H HOLOMISA: Deputy Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and hon members, the South African economic situation demands that we adopt an approach that is all-inclusive and pragmatic.
One of the credits to our country is our ability to resolve challenges through dialogue. Perhaps in resolving the current economic crisis, we need to borrow from our recent past. The Convention for a Democratic SA, Codesa, delivered political liberation with more still to be done on the economic front, so that we can have a binding consensus on the macroeconomic policy of the country.
In this regard, the UDM suggests that an all-inclusive national summit be convened to develop and adopt a framework to guide all role-players towards a national economic transformation indaba, whose resolutions will result in progressive amendments to the current legislative regime.
The proposed economic indaba must emerge with a comprehensive blueprint of a road to be traversed by the country in dealing with matters such as land, education, skills development, black economic empowerment, etc.
The security of the workers’ pensions needs immediate attention, given that the Public Investment Corporation, PIC, seems to be a source of questionable deals for cronies of the ruling elite through, amongst other things, consortiums like the Kilimanjaro Sakhumnotho and some not-for-profit organisations like the Global Fund for Christ.
In this regard, the UDM suggests to all contributors to the pension and provident funds to consider establishing an independent national fund forum to, amongst other things, monitor investments, auditing and usage of their monies by the PIC and other financial institutions.
We further propose that a task team, led by a retired judge, be established to investigate all complaints from ex-mineworkers who have been marching to Parliament and the Union Buildings, demanding information on their provident funds, allegedly not paid either by the state or their employers.
A widely publicised offer by the President to bring the Nkandla issue to finality, in the interests of national unity, has been noted by us. There is no doubt in anybody’s mind that the Nkandla saga has affected many individuals and institutions adversely, owing to the manner in which he handled the saga contary to much advice. As we speak, this has affected the trust and confidence of many public representatives in this House, who felt abused or betrayed during this process.
In this regard, we appeal to his revolutionary consciousness as a patriot with unquestionable struggle credentials to place the interests and unity of the nation first and vacate the office with dignity. Give us a mandate, Msholozi, to handle your exit in a dignified manner.
Further - and to avoid another embarrassing sitting President, scoring own goals - the House must demand the long-time promised ministerial handbook for scrutiny.
South Africans, whilst the state of the nation address was very lean on corruption, billions of rand that were supposed to help improve our social ills in this country is being looted left and right. A new phenomenon has emerged through Setas, or sector education and training authorities, which are used to divert skills development funds to bottomless private pockets. Employees who are suspected of blowing the whistle on alleged corruption against the CEO of the construction Seta are either expelled and/or suspended in droves.
To make things worse, some of these employees ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Holomisa, your time has expired.
Dr B H HOLOMISA: ... were paraded and humiliated when they were taken by the CEO and chairperson of the board to an outsider ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Holomisa, your time has expired.
Dr B H HOLOMISA: ... the secretary of the South African Communist Party, SACP, in KwaZulu-Natal. The victimised employees have appealed to the Presidency without success. [Interjections.]
IsiXhosa:
Animameli, ningxola gqitha.
SEKELA SOMLOMO: Nguwe lo ongamameliyo lungu elihloniphekileyo, hlala phantsi.
Gq B H HOLOMISA: Nizizixhobo nje zokusetyenziswa. Ebenyanisile laa mfana kaZibi xa esithi aniphatheki. Niyasetyenziswa nje. Nitye imali apha kodwa anifuni ukuba sinixelele. [Welewele.]
English:
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you are being contemptuous. This is contempt of the first order. [Interjections.] I now recognise the hon Van Damme. Before you start, hon member, can we appeal to members ... We don’t sit here to police members. Members realise when they are infringing on obvious Rules. I do appeal to members not to do what the hon Holomisa has done here. He is out of order. It is inappropriate for anyone to want to be told what to do when you’re an adult.
Ms P T VAN DAMME / Src /
Dr B H HOLOMISA
|
Ms P T VAN DAMME: Hon Deputy Speaker, the President’s state of the nation address last week made it patently clear that the ANC does not regard issues facing young South Africans as significant or urgent. In his speech, the President did not present a single plan devoted to improving the lives of South Africa’s youth. He made no mention of basic education, the #FeesMustFall movement or youth unemployment - the three most significant issues facing young South Africans today.
It is alarming in a country where the population is largely made up of young people that the President would not devote a significant portion of his speech to this sector of society. This shows a President that is not only completely out of touch, but simply does not care about young people.
The only time the President mentioned young people was when he asked us to register to vote. This is how the ANC sees young people, as voting cattle, and not as a sector of society whose views need to be taken seriously and needs catered for.
Millions of young South Africans look to you, Mr President, to provide certainty and hope for the future. Young South Africans yearn for bold, innovative, comprehensive and workable plans to move the country forward. Your speech, sadly, provided none of these for our young people.
I am sure that it has become clear, even for ANC voters, that the only way in which a better South Africa will be achieved is not only when President Zuma is gone, but the whole of the ANC.
Fellow young people, there is no messiah who will bring change to the ANC, not Deputy President Ramaphosa, nor Dr Dlamini-Zuma – no one. It is time to vote the whole of the ANC out of power. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
It is absolutely possible to build a better South Africa for our young people: a South Africa where the extraordinary potential of all our people is realised; one where the structural inequalities caused by colonialism and apartheid are dismantled; a South Africa that is dynamic, vibrant and a leader in the developing world; a South Africa we can all be proud of.
But before we provide the solutions to our young people, we need to understand their problems. What are the conditions under which our young people are living? According to the University of Cape Town South African Child Gauge 2015, the spectre of poverty haunts South Africa’s children before they even leave the womb. Half of our young people live in poverty. This poverty is experienced not only in the form of financial deprivation, but in the form of a lack of access to basic services, health care, quality education and protection from crime.
Last year’s #FeesMustFall movement sharply demonstrated the problems of access to higher education. The insensitive and out- of-touch comments from some ANC leaders on the legitimate concerns of our students were absolutely disgraceful. Some, like the president of the ANC Women’s League, Bathabile Dlamini, claim that the #FeesMustFall movement was funded by foreign forces, and others, like ANC Youth League president 34,9 Collen Maine, accused students of treason.
The DA today stands in support of all students that have called for additional funding to be allocated to universities. No South African should be denied the opportunity to pursue tertiary education, because they do not have money. The manner in which our universities have been underfunded is one of postapartheid South Africa’s greatest tragedies. A greater tragedy is how R361 million has been pilfered from historically disadvantaged institutions to fund last year’s moratorium on fee increases. The ANC really governs sometimes like young black lives do not matter.
The DA looks forward to the announcement on university funding by Minister Gordhan, as promised by President Zuma in his state of the nation address. However, it is unfathomable how this funding will be found, given that the only budget cuts that were announced during the state of the nation address were minor and will do very little to meet the estimated R7,8 billion needed to cater for the so-called missing middle.
If you really want to find funding for universities, Mr President, you would cut your number of Ministries to 15, that is already a R4,2 billion. Put your money where your mouth is: Cut the number of Ministries and provide that money to universities.
The next higher education crisis looming is at our technical and vocational education and training colleges, or TVET colleges. The syllabi at these institutions are generally out of date, markers are unqualified, and exam papers are largely inconsistent. It is a disgrace, Minister Nzimande, that over 100 000 students are still waiting for their certificates, and some students have been waiting since 2013. Fix our TVET institutions before it is too late.
Another key problem facing young people is unemployment. The unemployment rate amongst our young people is more than twice that of adults. In 2015, as many as 5,4 million young people were unemployed, with young women forming the bulk of this.
Post-recession increases in employment for adults between the years 2011 and 2014 were not matched by equivalent increases amongst the youth. In fact, in 2011 and in 2013 youth unemployment increased, and it was young black youth that suffered the most as a result.
The ANC governs like young black lives do not matter. [Interjections.] These, Mr President are in a nutshell just some of the problems that face South Africa’s young people. There are many, many more.
The solutions to these challenges are really quite simple. It requires political will, dedicated leadership, laser-like focus and having the right plan. The DA’s five-point plan for jobs is an all-encompassing plan, which, if implemented, would not only create employment but also result in increased investment in energy, transport and ICT, and give more people education and skills, reform radically the labour regime, provide direct incentives for job creation and create a nation of entrepreneurs. Through implementing these and other policies, the Western Cape is now the best place to live if you are a young person. [Interjections.]
At 29,9%, the DA-run Western Cape has the lowest youth unemployment rate in the country, compared to provinces such as the Northern Cape and the Eastern Cape, which have rates of 45,1% and 41% respectively.
The Western Cape also has the highest absorption rate of people into the economy at 43,2% and the lowest amount of young discouraged workseekers at 1,2%. This means that more young people are finding employment in the Western Cape than anywhere in the country, and have more hope of doing so.
By focusing on improving the quality of education, the Western Cape achieved a pass rate of 84,7% last year, the highest in the country. It is the only province that had an improved pass rate – and where every single learner who passed matric passed with access to higher education. The Western Cape is not only better in terms of education and employment, but the lives at home of our young people are also better than those of young people in other provinces. [Interjections.]
According to the 2014 Non-Financial Census of Municipalities, the Western Cape has the highest proportion of households benefiting from free basic water, electricity, sewerage and sanitation, as well as solid waste management. It is therefore no wonder that thousands of young South Africans will, for the first time, vote DA in their municipalities this year, and the ANC stands to lose support as the old age home that it is. The DA governs well and it governs better. [Applause.]
The ANC has shown through its President’s state of the nation address that it is an out-of-touch, old age home that does not care about young people, that it is completely out of touch and is on its way out. Goodbye. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF MINERAL RESOURCES / AZM MNGUNI///MS
Ms P T VAN DAMME
|
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF MINERAL RESOURCES: Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly, hon President Zuma, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, comrades and friends, today, 25 years ago, on 16 February 1991, Comrade Bheki Mlangeni, an ANC human rights lawyer of Soweto, was killed by a Walkman bomb. He died instantly, leaving behind his wife Seipati and a young child. He was only 35. Eugene de Kock, an apartheid hit squad leader, has since confessed to the gruesome murder.
The President also highlighted in his state of the nation address and on the occasion of the ANC’s January 8 statement, the significance of 2016, as it marks historical anniversaries of great importance that we as a nation need to appreciate, cherish and embrace.
By acknowledging and remembering the sacrifices of so many, they remain our lighthouse to guide and strengthen our democracy so that all may enjoy the freedom of equality, dignity and respect. This freedom was indeed not for free.
Today is the 11th day since the tragedy that befell our people at Lily Mine in Barberton, Mpumalanga. Please let us keep Comrades Yvonne Mnisi, Pretty Nkambule and Solomon Nyarenda and their families in our prayers. Regrettably, rescue services had to be suspended due to further major fall of ground and we are still awaiting further information.
We also wish to acknowledge the proactive leadership of Minister Zwane who has been seized with this matter from day one. The co-operation between mine management, trade union leadership and rescue teams has been remarkable, and the support from the Premier of Mpumalanga and the interministerial committee, consisting of Ministers Zwane, Shabangu and Dlamini, was a welcome relief to the community. For now we can only hope for the best outcome and prepare for the worst.
In the nine-point plan to turn around the economy, President Zuma enunciated, amongst other things, advancing beneficiation as an integral part of our radical economic transformation agenda. Let us utilise both our comparative and competitive advantages in mining to realise the true meaning of this transformation. After all, without mining our mineral resources sustainably, the nine-point plan may be difficult to realise. Everything around us is either mined or grown.
The intersection between mining and farming is what has sustained humanity over many years and will remain as such for many more years to come. The ANC has further instructed us to advance people’s power in whatever we do, and we dare not fail this glorious movement and the society it leads. The ANC leads and the ANC lives. [Applause.]
I think it is important at this juncture to also recognise, Mr President, that peaceful revolutionaries have nothing to offer. They are a typical analogy of the left brain and the right brain: in the left brain there is nothing right, and in the right brain there is nothing left. They are gone. [Interjections.]
Hon Maimane, the sod turning and building of the Mitchells Plain and Khayelitsha hospitals were done by the ANC Western Cape under the leadership of Premier Lynne Brown ... [Applause.] ... and National Treasury paid for those hospitals. You quoted Chinua Achebe - please claim no easy victories. We want to work with you to eliminate the incidence of drug abuse all over the country, including in the Western Cape and in our churches. This is what we have to do. [Applause.]
Unfortunately, the cowards from the EFF have left. [Interjections.] You see, the hon Malema is trying to sell everybody wherever he goes. He tried to sell out the hon President Mandela in London, and he received a backlash. Now, he comes here ... He was a friend to you, hon Minister. He has tried to sell out on issues that you discussed in secret What kind of sellout is this? Judas! [Interjections.]
Let’s come back to mining. On the occasion of the 104th annual general meeting of the Chamber of Mines in 1994, former President Mandela said, and I quote, “South Africa is blessed with an exceptional geological heritage.” Indeed, our country has the most beautiful geology and endowment of various mineral resources. South Africa simply rocks!
Notwithstanding the 100 years of formal mining, we are assured of another 100 years-plus of continuous mining given our country’s estimated R50 trillion of nonpetroleum untapped resources. It is important, therefore, to utilise our knowledge, experience, lessons of history and mining expertise to approach the next century of mining differently. Working together on this front, we should be able to push back the frontiers of poverty, unemployment and inequality.
Despite the current global economic challenges, there is still a great deal of investors who see the economic potential right now and latent in South Africa and the continent. This was evidenced during the recent Annual Mining Indaba held last week in Cape Town where over 6 000 participants gathered from across the world.
It is stating fact and the obvious that the world is in the throes of structural change. Global financial imbalances continue to cause material and sustained volatility. Growing complexity in the geopolitical arena further increases uncertainty in key regions of the globe, complicating investment and business parameters worldwide.
A key manifestation of this evolving and unsettling global order is the ongoing currency volatility with massive swings, particularly in the currencies of emerging economies like ours. Our currency has not been immune from such dynamics either. Whilst the rand depreciation entails a number of undesirable effects on financial and business aspects of our economy, it nonetheless assists our struggling mining industry. Given the down-cycle of commodities and the fall in resource prices, many of our mining operations would face much tougher conditions had it not been for substantial rand depreciation. Many more thousands of jobs would have been at real risk.
In our analysis of the viability of the mining industry, we need to bear in mind that it is the net effect of commodity prices, adjusted for rand depreciation, that matter for investment and sustainability of operations in our mining sector. Clearly, there is no uniformity in the sector. Commodities have their own market dynamics.
Nonetheless, it is safe to argue that one thing common across all mining operations is the fact that business operations and corporate structures need to respond to the new and prevailing order in this sector. Business as usual can no longer be sustained.
Going forward, the competitiveness of our national mining industry will, to a large extent, depend on the degree to which it adopts green technologies, sound environmental practices, humane labour practices and effective health and safety standards.
Let me reiterate what you said, Mr President, in your state of the nation address and I quote:
... our country remains an attractive investment destination. It may face challenges, but its positive attributes far outweigh those challenges. We must continue to market the country as a preferred destination for investments. This requires a common narrative from all of us as business, labour and government.
Let me also assure you, Madam Speaker and Deputy Speaker, that we are not resting on our laurels. Through the Council for Geoscience - an institution that is over 100 years old and that also has a massive reservoir of information about our geology - we have successfully bid for and been awarded the privilege of hosting the World Cup of Geology right here in Cape Town, in August this year.
We will continue to encourage a mineral development pattern that reverses the spatial inequalities of the past. We are thus focusing our resources on identifying relatively underdeveloped regions for quality mineral deposits that we can develop. These include the enhanced exploration of the Tugela terrain of KwaZulu-Natal and the Northern Cape. The next phases will focus on areas in Limpopo and Mpumalanga.
Let me repeat this: The mining industry remains the foundation of our country’s economy and will continue to be central in achieving government’s objectives as expressed in the National Development Plan and the African Mining Vision.
Let me emphasise that this industry is a long-term value business and, notwithstanding the above stated challenges, the African continent leads investment in project development in this industry, with 30 large mining projects being commissioned on the continent between 2015 and 2018. This immediate investment amounts to $18 billion, of which South Africa has the lion’s share of 29%.
The projects range from nickel, through platinum, gold, copper, diamonds to other minerals. This is a demonstration of the resilience of the mining industry, which is generally not a beneficiary of incentive support by host governments like other sectors of the economy are. The Gross Fixed Capital Formation in the mining industry reached R80 billion in 2015, confirming the confidence of the investment community in the business environment, right here in South Africa.
We want to talk about the jobs. To stem the tide of job losses in the mining industry, government, labour and business came together last year in August to develop an intervention strategy to minimise job losses, and to ameliorate the impact on affected employees. The interventions, as agreed upon, range from delaying the implementation of retrenchments to investment promotion and market development. There are eight plans that I don’t have time to enunciate.
Out of the 32 000 jobs under threat, close to 3 000 were already saved between August and December 2015 – unlike the dollarised economies of Australia for instance where, in November last year, it was reported to have lost 60 000 jobs, and in the USA where 15 000 were reported to have been lost. So, here we have a situation in which we talk about these things and correct them, as we did in the past.
The facilitation by the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration, the CCMA, the Department of Labour, the Department of Mineral Resources, the mining industry and labour has paid some dividends. The good news, Mr President, is that commodities like gold are now starting to do very well. Diamonds are picking up, and platinum is stabilising in terms of capital investment in the medium term. However, out of the 53 commodities we are mining at approximately 1 700 mines and quarries, iron ore and coal are still lagging behind.
The Department of Mineral Resources has been working tirelessly in collaboration with the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform, the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, the Department of Trade and Industry and the Department of Labour to strengthen collaboration between mining and farming for economic development.
One such success is the roll-out of macadamia plantations in the Eastern Cape. The main purpose of this project is to assist in alleviating the plight of rural communities and ex-mineworkers, hon Holomisa, in labour-sending areas by creating alternative economic activities.
So far, two sites have started growing macadamia nuts in the Eastern Cape based on a partnership between communities, the private sector and government. The business model is based on 300 hectares, and every 300 hectares generates 300 sustainable jobs. Those jobs can be sustained permanently for eight years.
The first site at Ncera is at an advanced stage of implementation, with 60% of the land cultivated and planted out of which 80 hectares have already been sending tons of macadamia nuts to the global markets since 2013. This site has also created 150 sustainable jobs and has a five-star graded nursery which supplies trees to the macadamia industry in general.
The second site at Amajingqi on the Transkei Wild Coast, in Willowvale, started planting trees in November 2015 and will have 7 500 trees planted on 300 hectares by the end of this year, 2016. The first group of 63 employees have secured sustainable jobs and more jobs are to be created as the project progresses. [Applause.]
South Africa is leading the world in producing the highest tonnage of macadamia nuts, followed by Australia and others. Currently, the biggest macadamia-nut-producing provinces in South Africa are Limpopo, followed by Mpumalanga, then KwaZulu-Natal. The Eastern Cape is joining the industry through such an innovative model which has attracted the attention of the mining industry, ex-mineworkers and the Department of Mineral Resources. This is viewed by the Department of Mineral Resources as an ideal approach to empower ex-mineworkers.
The chief executive officers of the mining industries will be visiting the Premier of the Eastern Cape tomorrow. The macadamia initiative is among the key initiatives to be shared with the mining industry. The current initiative in the Eastern Cape is poised to create 1 200 new sustainable rural jobs with the potential to create another 3 000 jobs if the Eastern Cape were to exploit its full macadamia potential. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
Another example that we are looking at, amongst other examples, is the Mogalakwena Agricultural Community Co-operative Project. This project by the Mogalakwena Platinum Mine pioneered a co-operative training farm and training centre for the benefit of 32 villages with a population of 400 000 people. [Applause.]
On beneficiation, Mr President, transformation in this industry also requires the integrated development of mineral resources through greater levels of value addition. Consequently, the department is working with the Department of Trade and Industry and the Department of Science and Technology in implementing actions to advance beneficiation.
Through the Council for Mineral Technology, Mintek, government has spearheaded the commissioning of a rare earth minerals-refining pilot plant and has 20 more successful beneficiation projects, most of which are rooted in townships and rural communities.
We have also started in earnest the investigation of the possibility of establishing a trading centre or bourse for key minerals, and will begin consultations on this shortly.
The beneficiation of minerals does not only support our industrial development aims in line with the National Development Plan, or NDP, it also supports our aims and plans as regards food and energy security. The Department of Mineral Resources will, to this end, be prioritising, through the Council for Geoscience, the assessment of uranium, thorium and related mineral resources in South Africa to support the diversification of our energy mix.
Now that time is not on my side, let me deal with the issue of fuel cells. We have many successes, for instance in platinum fuel cells, such as the Naledi Trust Community in Kroonstad which has been powered by a 60-kVa peak-power fuel-cell system via a mini grid. The system was designed, integrated and assembled in South Africa by local engineering companies. The fuel cell plant mini grid and reticulation were done by local companies including the fabrication of methanol tanks.
Government also supported the demonstration of a 100-kilowatt fuel cell plant at the Chamber of Mines. In addition, we commissioned fuel cells in three schools in Cofimvaba, in the Eastern Cape, to provide primary and standby power to rural schools that are piloting the Department of Science and Technology’s Technology for Rural Education and Development programme, Tech4Red.
These fuel cells provide power to enable uninterrupted e-based learning at the schools. The local fuel cells company, Clean Energy Investments, co-owned by the Department of Science and Technology, also installed a fuel cell for standby power at the Windsor East Clinic, enabling uninterrupted service to patients. There are many more examples to demonstrate our local capabilities.
Let me talk about the ex-mineworkers because the President has touched on the issue of regulatory certainty, but also to say that strengthening the participation in the mining and petroleum sectors remains a priority for this government.
Through the African Exploration Mining and Finance Corporation Bill, we aim to clarify and strengthen the role of the State-Owned Mining Company, Somco. The State-Owned Mining Company Bill has been published for public comment. The Bill establishes legislatively the existing African Exploration Mining and Finance Corporation, which already holds a healthy portfolio of mining and prospecting rights, including an active coal mine that started operating in 2010.
This company received its rights in terms of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act. However, it is an opportunity for established companies to establish joint-venture operations with this company, consistent with the public-private partnership model that proved successful here in South Africa and in other sectors as well. In African jurisdictions, such as Botswana, Namibia, Morocco, Niger and others, the state actively participates on a 50:50 basis and it stands that this company will also make this success.
The question of transformation has been touched on; I will skip it. On the ex-mineworkers, let me say the following. We have continued with the activities covering the provision of health and safety compensation services and access to other social protection benefits to ex-mineworkers especially in the labour-sending areas. We were supported by the Chamber of Mines and we had outreach programmes in the Eastern Cape, the Western Cape, the Northern Cape, Limpopo, KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga and Gauteng. Yesterday, we were at Engcobo in the Eastern Cape, and, Minister Sisulu, the family sends their regards.
Another milestone that is still to be realised is the strengthening of policy and legal frameworks for the compensation of occupational injuries and diseases for mineworkers, which remains a major challenge for the government.
The last point that I want to make, Mr President, is that, under the leadership of Dr Motsoaledi, we have also started a process of integrating the compensation laws in the country. We are on track on this matter to ensure that we only do the best for the workers of this country.
So, hon members, because my time is up there were areas I didn’t touch on, but I thank you very much for your attention. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you, hon Oliphant. Hon Radebe, the hon Deputy Minister is quite able to finish his own sentences. So, in future, don’t help him when he doesn’t ask you.
BUSINESS SUSPENDED AT 16:44 AND RESUMED AT 17:06.
The MINISTER OF TOURISM /kn / TAKE ENDS AT 16:46
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF MINERAL RESOURCES
|
The MINISTER OF TOURISM: Deputy Speaker, Your Excellency President Zuma, hon members, hon President, let me start by quoting two short sentences from your state of the nation address: “We are proud of our democracy and what we have achieved in a short space of time. Our democracy is functional, solid and stable.” [Applause.] In this hard-fought-for democracy of ours there have been many impressive achievements.
One of these great achievements is the way tourism has grown over the past two decades. Tourism arrivals in South Africa have grown from 3,9 million in 1994 to 8,9 million arrivals in 2015. [Applause.] That is phenomenal growth! Tourism has truly become an immensely valuable treasure chest for our people, filled with precious gems and opportunities.
And, right now, the opportunities in tourism are probably greater than ever before. But, before I get there, a word or two about our economy. We do have challenges; there is no escaping that. Commodity prices have fallen dramatically, as Minister Rob Davies highlighted earlier in this debate, and we are experiencing one of the worst droughts our country has ever experienced. Not surprisingly, our economic growth is just not where it should be. We all know that. But we are sometimes guilty of seeing just the negative. Our economic policies have stood up to the harshest of tests. Our economy has proved to be very resilient. Growth is far too low, but it remains positive. Two of our Brics partner countries, that is the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa group - both very big economies - are in recession.
Having said that, the fact is that growth is not where it should be to address the challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality. We need to respond in the right way to reduce our debt and to get our economy on a higher growth path. That is precisely what our ANC-led government is doing. In the midst of these challenges we continue improving our roads and port infrastructure. We continue building houses for our people and constructing dams. We are building hospitals and schools. That is the good news. You will hear more about that tomorrow from Minister Patel. Minister Pandor will tell you more tomorrow about the Square Kilometre Array telescope, the biggest radio telescope in the world by far designed by South Africans. [Applause.]
But we do need to identify opportunities to get out of this sluggish growth rate and get onto a healthy growth path. And that is truly where tourism comes into the picture. As it stands today, across the value chain, about 1,5 million people are employed in the tourism sector, directly and indirectly. According to the Statistics SA Satellite Account, 655 000 people were directly involved in producing goods and services provided to tourists in 2013.
We are confident that tourism can grow rapidly, offering more of our people work and livelihood opportunities. We are working closely with the Ministry of Small Business Development to stimulate the establishment of new SMMEs. Some of these small businesses will become the big and successful big businesses of the future.
Comrade President, in your address to the nation on Thursday you said that “SA Tourism will invest R100 million a year to promote domestic tourism, encouraging South Africans to tour their country.” Your emphasis on the importance of domestic tourism came as music to the ears of all of us who are working in tourism, who so passionately believe in the great value tourism offers our country.
We can assure you, Mr President, that we are putting a great deal of effort and resources into domestic tourism. We are determined to make our iconic attractions accessible and affordable to all our people.
More people should be able to travel to the Kruger National Park to see the biggest wildlife extravaganza on earth. Our people must have the opportunity to take the ferry to Robben Island and experience the story of the triumph of the human spirit over oppression.
Many more schoolchildren should be able to visit Mapungubwe and to take pride in the history of this ancient African civilisation that cast the Golden Rhino long before Africa was colonised. This is our heritage, to be shared by all our people.
It is fitting that your words, Mr President, were spoken on the day that we were commemorating the release from prison of our first president, Nelson Mandela. This is exactly what our icon and leader, Madiba, would have wanted for his people: that all South Africans, regardless of economic status, should be able to enjoy our beautiful country and rich heritage. And, indeed, this is what this ANC-led government promises to work at, together with our partners in business.
We will soon announce some exciting new measures to make our world-famous tourism attractions and iconic sites more accessible to all South Africans. We will not be able to achieve this goal overnight, but we are deeply committed to making this dream a reality for all our people. We will apply the R100 million you referred to, Mr President, creatively, and it will be backed up by a vigorous marketing campaign.
Around the country, our hotels, B&Bs, restaurants and tourist attractions did a roaring trade over this festive season. You’ve seen it. Some of you went to restaurants, and some of you tried to make bookings and you couldn’t get in. The best news is that this recovery translates into jobs - a lot of jobs.
For every tourist who occupies a bed, there is someone to make that bed, to cook, and to serve meals. Behind every tourist is a long line of people who benefit from a long list of jobs. Some supply fresh produce to restaurants; others make furniture for hotels. Some are tourist guides who tell our remarkable story to the world.
With more tourists coming to South Africa and more South Africans touring their own country, we can help break the back of unemployment in our country. That is why every tourist counts. That is why it is so important for every person who has a job in tourism to do it well, and that is why the Department of Tourism is training our people in service excellence.
The Kruger National Park welcomed 6% more visitors last year than in 2014. In December, the astonishing rock formations at Bourke’s Luck Potholes attracted 40% more visitors than the previous December.
In the Eastern Cape, Premier, the Camdeboo National Park welcomed 20% more visitors this December compared to 2014. No less than 4 000 people experienced the thrill of bungee jumping at the Bloukrans Bridge last year, and about 200 000 people visited the nearby Khoisan Village for a unique cultural experience.
In the Northern Cape more than 12 000 people visited the Augrabies Falls in December - a 10% growth on December 2014. The Noord-Kaapenaars here will be pleased that the Northern Cape was named yesterday by Rough Guide as one of the top regions in the world to visit in 2016! [Applause.] Waar is julle, Noord-Kaapenaars? [Where are you, Northern Capers?] In KwaZulu-Natal, the number of visitors to the iSimangaliso Wetland Park grew by 8% over last year.
Tourists are increasingly seeking adventure and cultural experiences in rural areas, off the beaten path, and businesses are adapting to serve their needs. More people from around the world are eager to experience the amazing things we have to offer. This brings me, hon President, to another thing you said in your state of the nation address. You said: “We must take advantage of the exchange rate as well as the recent changes to our visa regulations to boost inbound tourism.”
Indeed, hon members, the exchange rate is making a Sho’t Left very attractive for South Africans. For visitors the exchange rate coupled with the recent changes to the visa regulations offer massive opportunities for growth in international arrivals. Everything points to 2016 being a bumper year for tourism in South Africa.
The Departments of Tourism and Home Affairs are working closely to implement the Cabinet decisions on visa regulations. Travel companies in China have already been accredited to submit visa applications on behalf of travellers. We expect very strong growth from the Chinese market in the future. The same visa application process will soon apply to India as well, and the same result is expected.
While it is true that many factors affect tourism numbers, these changes are important and in line with multilateral agreements in the United Nations World Tourism Organisation, the UNWTO, which advocates ease of travel as a means to promote tourism development and multiply its socioeconomic benefits, without compromising safety.
Last year: 2015, Mr President, indeed, was not a good year for tourism in our country. According to Statistics SA data, tourism arrivals from the top nine countries requiring visas saw a year- on-year decline of 20% in 2014 and a further 7% in 2015. However, in the last quarter of 2015 there was 14% growth in arrivals from these visa-requiring countries. This is good news ... [Applause.] ... and I have no doubt that tourism numbers will dramatically increase given the improvements in ease of travel and other conducive factors.
In fact, all indications are that we now have ideal conditions for growth in in-bound tourism. Growth means more decent jobs for our people. Tourism contributed R357 billion to our GDP in 2014, and supported 9% of total employment. The World Travel and Tourism Council estimates that by 2025 tourism will contribute R590 billion to our GDP and will support over two million jobs. Mr President, this is the World Travel and Tourism Council’s estimate; it’s not my view. Many of us are convinced that we can do even better than that.
Our ANC-led government knows what needs to be done to put our economy back on a stronger growth path, and it is systematically putting all the building blocks in place. We know what we have to do to achieve inclusive and sustainable growth in tourism. We so often forget what a special country we live in. Sometimes it takes someone from outside to remind us that we are so blessed to live in such a beautiful country. [Applause.]
Recently, the influential BuzzFeed site voted South Africa as the most beautiful country in the world. The most beautiful country in the world! [Applause.] Our African sister countries also fared very well: Namibia, Kenya and Tanzania were all on the top 10 list.
The people of Africa are rising. The continent is attracting investment from around the world and opening the doors for tourism. Tourism can convert the natural beauty and cultural heritage of our country and our continent into an astounding economic and social success for all our people.
We offer tourists unique and meaningful experiences. Tourists remember them forever, and they will tell others about them. And through the actual experience of our country, perceptions change.
Our eight World Heritage Sites, ranging from Mapungubwe in the north to Robben Island in the south, from iSimangaliso in the east to the Richtersveld in the west, each tell us a unique story of our rich natural and cultural history.
We have become known as a country that offers the most diverse and exciting tourism experiences. You can dive with sharks in the Atlantic Ocean off Cape Town. [Interjections.] The President is not here. I invite the Deputy President to join me in a bit of shark-cage diving. The President will be invited to do some bungee jumping with me. [Laughter.] You can hike in the silent magnificence of the Drakensberg Mountains, or cycle through the bustle of Soweto. While you’re in Soweto, you can experience the culture of Vilakazi Street, the only street in the world that was once home to two Nobel Peace Prize winners. [Applause.]
Hotels, high-end properties and game lodges were in great demand over the peak season. This suggests that there are attractive investment opportunities in these segments. Bookings from our core markets, including the United Kingdom, the United States of America and Europe, increased, and guests are booking longer stays and spending more money during their stays. Our tourism businesses have done well in difficult times. We commend them for their hard work and perseverance, and for their commitment to attracting more tourists to our shores.
Mr President, we have said consistently in our manifestos and our National Development Plan, the NDP, that it is through working together that we can make South Africa a truly great country for everybody. I am pleased to inform you that there is a healthy partnership between business and government in the tourism sector. We are jointly striving to achieve the inclusive growth of the sector and to create more jobs and opportunities for all our people.
Our excellent performance in business events shows what an important driver of growth this segment has become. South Africa has been ranked number one in Africa for international meetings and events, and we are steadily climbing up the ladder of international rankings for business events. [Applause.]
The growth of tourism depends on healthy co-operation between all three spheres of government. We are working together to create new experiences and to crowd in tourism activities around our mega attractions. To mention a few examples: the Departments of Environmental Affairs and of Tourism are collaborating to develop a Wild Activity Hub at Phalaborwa in the Kruger National Park. We have also joined forces with the Department of Trade and Industry to unlock the full potential of the Oceans Economy. And we have teamed up with the Department of Arts and Culture to improve the visitor experience at Robben Island.
We are pleased to announce, Mr President, that we have begun the work to install a solar energy system to replace Robben Island’s reliance on diesel generators. [Applause.] You can expect an invitation when we officially switch to the solar system later this year. We know that Robben Island is close to your heart. You lived there for a number of years, admittedly not by choice. Now, millions of people from all over the world want to visit this iconic World Heritage Site by choice.
Our country not only shares with the world a rich history of ancient civilisations, struggles of resistance, peaceful transition to democracy under the leadership of the ANC, but also tells the story of our shared ancestry and common humanity. It all began in Africa.
In Gauteng the discovery of Homo naledi resulted in a visitor rush to Maropeng in the Cradle of Humankind, which had a year-on-year increase in visitor numbers of 22%. This is one gem that will continue sparkling for decades to come.
Mr President, we are collectively buoyant, confident and optimistic about the growth prospects for tourism in our country. But we are not sitting back and waiting for it to happen. We are working hard to make it happen. [Applause.] We are removing the barriers that could stand in the way of tourism growth. We are training people to improve what is already an excellent standard of service in our country. We are working hard to enhance our destinations and our offerings to make our visitor experience an unforgettable one. And we are intensifying our marketing efforts to bring more and more people to our magnificent country.
We are striving to become one of the top 20 destinations in the world. And in the pursuit of these goals, we will create jobs and lasting benefits for millions of our people. Through tourism, we will share our proud stories of liberation and reconciliation with the people of the world. Through tourism, we will contribute to global peace and friendship. We will share with the world our warmth and our spirit of ubuntu.
We are acutely aware though, Mr President, that our tourism sector is not as inclusive as it should be - that there is a need for meaningful transformation in the sector. In this regard we are proud to announce that the new BBBEE codes are designed to accelerate transformation by including more black people throughout the tourism value chain, and that the Charter Council was the first to table these new codes. They will help us to develop black-owned suppliers and enterprises, which in turn will support jobs and grow communities. The codes will also help to empower black women to take up executive management and leadership positions in tourism. So, if you don’t make it back to Parliament, you know where to go. Go to tourism – there is a great career waiting for you. [Applause.]
We need constant innovation to convert our challenges into opportunities. We have excellent tourism assets, we have a good performance record and we have great potential for the future. More importantly, we have dedicated people in the tourism sector and in other sectors of our economy, who are working hard to make South Africa a better place for everyone. We must stand together to combat all attempts to derail us from moving our country and our economy forward.
One thing that should be said, Mr President, is that all the good work that this ANC-led government is doing stands to be undermined by illegal activities. Wherever this happens, we must all stand together and put our country first. Drugs rob our youth of their future. Illicit traders threaten our collective livelihood. Operation Fiela was launched to combat attitudes of impunity and intolerance that had threatened the rule of law in some parts of our county. Our government acted swiftly and decisively to stabilise the situation, and developed an integrated national action plan to reassert the authority of the state. Between April and November last year, over 3 000 operations were conducted under the action plan. Over 40 000 arrests were made, vehicles were impounded and firearms confiscated. Large quantities of drugs were found before they could make their way onto the streets and wreak their damage, especially among our young people. [Applause.]
Operation Fiela has helped to reinstate the rule of law in many communities, and our people and our visitors can now feel much safer. As we intensify our efforts around Operation Fiela, we are restoring an environment which is conducive to investment in tourism and the growth of our economy. “Well done” to our Minister of Police and all the dedicated policemen and policewomen who are carrying out this operation.
Getting back to tourism: With all the tremendous opportunities that tourism offers to help get our country on a stronger growth path, we must now stand together to build a tourism nation. That’s what we need: a tourism nation. We are all brand ambassadors for our sector and for our beautiful country. People who come to South Africa as tourists could well return as investors, if they believe that their investments will be secure.
Let’s not wait for BuzzFeed to declare us the most beautiful country in the world. Let’s shout it from our own rooftops and billboards. Tourism gives us hope for the future. We need to stay positive and keep doing constructive things to build the sector together.
To conclude: We do have challenges in our economy, and we do stand to lose jobs in the mining sector. That’s the reality. But we can more than compensate for these possible job losses by getting greater numbers of tourists visiting our country. That’s the truth! We must now remove all obstacles in the way of tourism growth. We must intensify our marketing efforts, and we must make the visitor experience a wonderful one. Thank you, Chair. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr R A P TROLLIP / LB
The MINISTER OF TOURISM
|
Mr R A P TROLLIP: Hon Deputy Speaker, what happened last Thursday might have created the misguided perception that the extent of state capture is driven by one family. The fact is it is not. The truth is that it has systematically been captured by a number of families in the senior ANC leadership echelon and their friends, led inimitably by Jacob Zuma and abetted by the ANC itself. This was declared unambiguously when the President said that the ANC comes first, and you all nodded. Therefore, it is safe to say that your President, due to his despicable political chicanery, has no one to blame but himself. [Interjections.]
Mr Z M D MANDELA: Hon Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: Perhaps the hon Trollip’s absence in the House has led him to forget that it is “His Excellency President Zuma” and not “Zuma”. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Go ahead, hon member. It’s “the President”; he’s right.
IsiXhosa:
Mnu R A P TROLLIP: Uyayazi ukuba iyandikhuthaza loo nto ...
English:
... because it shows that change does happen. Since I left this House some members have been convicted and converted.
IsiXhosa:
Inguqu ifikile. [Kwaqhwatywa, kwahlekwa.]
English:
Therefore, it is safe to say to your President that due to his despicable political chicanery he has no one to blame but himself for having to present his state of the nation address from behind unprecedented barbed wire and steel barricades.
IsiXhosa:
Lihlazo elo.
English:
The fact that your address did not live up to the nation’s expectations was best described by Aubrey Matshiqi who said: “You have not convinced the poor and jobless that anything will be better.” You will know this in August, hon President, when the elections will toll the end of your presidency. You ironically declared that some people don’t understand politics and that they move with the wind, being blown this way and that.
Afrikaans:
Die beskrywing is toepaslik vir u, want dit is u wat heen en weer gewaai word deur die politieke winde soos ’n rolbos in die woestyn.
English:
What you and your government have come to represent is like the Long Parliament of Oliver Cromwell had become when he brought it to an end, saying:
It is high time for me to put an end to your sitting in this place, which you have dishonoured by your contempt of all virtue, and defiled by your practice of every vice. You are the enemies of all good governance.
He went on to tell them and remind them, “You, who were deputed here by the people to get grievances redressed.” You, sir, like them, have not redressed the people’s grievances. You have compounded them and, worse, you laugh about it. To add insult to this neglect, you and your party have spawned a form of despicable and vitriolic racial fascism that has been fermenting in the ANC during your term of office, which is now sweeping across this country like a toxic red tide. [Interjections.]
IsiXhosa:
Ngabazukulwana benu aba. [Uwelewele.]
English:
You should be ashamed of undoing President Mandela’s example and legacy in this fashion. Your unabashed performance here last week, when you addressed us without so much as a hint of an apology for your premeditated deceit, was a disgrace. Yes, can you believe that? Can you believe that you could come here and present that without even so much as an apology? [Interjections.]
In this regard, I brought a handkerchief for your footman.
IsiXhosa:
Ndiphathele le tshefu uMphathiswa uNhleko ukuze akwazi ...
English:
... when Minister Nhleko has to tell the nation that what he described as a fire pool is, in actual fact, what we all knew it was: a swimming pool, he’s going to need this handkerchief. [Applause.]
IsiXhosa:
Nabanye kuza kufuneka ukuba bafumane iitshefu.
English:
The other people that need to get a handkerchief are the hon Nxesi, the hon Sizani, the hon Motshekga and the hon Frolic, and in fact, the rest of the ad hoc committee. They all need a handkerchief to wipe the egg off their faces. [Laughter.]
IsiXhosa:
Yima khe ndicebise maan, thengani iitshefu nonke ukuze nikwazi ukusula iqanda ebusweni benu. [Kwaqhwatywa.]
English:
The President had the temerity, after one long overdue meeting with business leaders, with the private sector, to come here and tell us about business and economics - when he and his tripartite partners malign business so easily at their meetings and rallies - that the reasons for the parlous state of our economy are the global headwinds of slowed growth and international recession.
The President clearly didn’t take this new-found economic wisdom into account when he fired Minister Nene and replaced him with his straw man, the now proverbial “weekend special”. [Laughter.] His response that the nation and the markets had overreacted is what makes whatever he said about fiscal discipline and prudence completely incongruent.
IsiXhosa:
Mongameli, awuthembakalanga wena kwimicimbi yezezimali.
English:
The President’s lack of credibility is sadly not only limited to the realm of economics. Politically, he has left a trail of broken promises and hamstrung administrations in all three spheres of government, especially in the Eastern Cape and Nelson Mandela Bay where I come from. Despite what the hon Masualle said here, I have seen no evidence of the nine-point plan to eradicate poverty and create jobs.
IsiXhosa:
Andikaboni kwanto mna. [Kwaqhwatywa.]
English:
The President’s lack of example and leadership has led to factional chaos and management ineptitude at all levels of government. In the Eastern Cape, the shame of blatant state larceny, that is: theft, in the name of none other than President Mandela’s fraudulent funeral saga, remains unresolved.
Your party insiders have also been directly responsible and implicated in the notorious multimillion-rand Siyenza Group toilet fraud scandal. [Interjections.] Here, too, there have been no consequences whatsoever ...
IsiXhosa:
... kwaba bantu babesitya laa mali.
English:
The President didn’t say one word to us about what he expects municipalities to do under the leadership of his newly retreaded Minister. Nelson Mandela Bay has an unemployment rate of 36,6% and youth unemployment of 47,3%.
IsiXhosa:
Abaphangeli abantu eBhayi.
English:
And this city has two major ports, an established motor industry, the Coega Industrial Development Zone, and the much- vaunted Phakisa initiative which is a potential tourism Mecca - maybe the hon Minister who was here should go and visit Port Elizabeth - and yet the ANC cannot create jobs in Port Elizabeth. Why? Because it is too busy navel-gazing and squabbling over political patronage. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng) / LN Eng&Xho/A N N/Eng(ed)
Mr R A P TROLLIP
|
Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): Hon Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly, President Jacob Zuma, Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, kindly allow me first to convey the sincere apology of the Premier of Gauteng hon David Makhura. The premier would have really loved to be here and I am glad to convey his apology. [Interjections.]
I feel honoured and privileged to be afforded a rare opportunity, a rare moment, to make a few remarks contributing to the state of the nation address. We congratulate and, without doubt, marvel at the remarkable excellence with which the President found the primary pulse for a radical economic turnaround of our country. This is consistent with the view of the ANC, shared by all its alliance partners, of a second radical phase of the national democratic revolution. We say this aware that there are those who are hellbent - and who have made it their preoccupation and point of daily obsession - on ridiculing and slandering in order to find fault with what the President says. These permanently doubting Thomases and prophets of doom are required by their paymasters to construct fault where they clearly cannot find one. [Applause.]
The President correctly articulated the economic challenges facing our country as a result of a number of factors, including external economic shocks. The hon President then made a profound call and said, “The situation requires an effective turnaround plan from all of us.”
The President further eloquently made a point in terms of what would certainly make a qualitative difference. He said, and I quote: ”First, our country remains an attractive investment destination. It may face challenges, but its positive attributes far outweigh those challenges.” This point was well articulated by hon Deputy Minister Oliphant.
Hon President, for us as the province of Gauteng, a province that is growing fast and urbanising fast, we are really interested in what you defined as the positive attributes that far outweigh the challenges that our economy faces.
Now, let me say that in Gauteng ... This is consistent, hon President, with an article that appeared in yesterday’s Business Report of The Star by Joe Brook, who indicated that the international trend currently to grow economies and create jobs was to look at a city-by-city point, and that there there were great opportunities for what you referred to, hon President, as the positive attributes for economic growth. In that regard, as Gauteng province, of course urbanising and having many cities, we want to agree, hon President, that the positive attributes to grow our economy lie in working with the cities. You will certainly agree, hon members: we have many in our province.
We have studied and analysed the immense opportunities for growth in each one of these cities and we are confident, hon President, that we will respond positively to your call for a turnaround and to make sure that we maximise the opportunities provided by what you defined as the positive attributes that far outweigh the challenges we have. [Applause.]
Hon members, allow me to articulate and to present to you the vision of our province, well presented by Premier David Makhura in the past two years, a vision that we call transformation, modernisation and the reindustrialisation of Gauteng as an internationally competitive city region.
In this regard, hon President, our province has achieved a lot thus far in the past two years we have been in office. Firstly, we have presented to our people what we call the Transformation, Modernisation and Reindustrialisation perspective, the TMR perspective.
We can say without any doubt that the overwhelming majority of the people in our province, the key role-players in the economy, have all welcomed - in the most popular and in the most resonating way - the TMR strategy in our province. We are very glad that the TMR strategy constitutes a point of hope for the overwhelming majority of our people.
Secondly, hon President, we have built a relationship of trust with our communities. This we did by establishing what we call the Ntirhisano Service Delivery War Room. To this extent, hon President, there are independent research organisations that have confirmed that we have politically stabilised the province of Gauteng. We have significantly reduced the number of protests, especially sustained violent protests in our province. Our province is very stable, hon President. [Applause.]
Thirdly, we have created technical capacity within organs of the state, working with our municipalities to make sure that we promptly respond to the challenge you outlined of a radical turnaround of our economy. As we speak, hon President, the Gauteng province has completed integrated planning with our municipalities to make sure that we roll out the TMR perspective across all our municipalities and in terms of what we call the five corridors of development.
Whilst appreciating that Premier David Makhura will lead the rest of the province on Monday in outlining all the packaged projects for radical economic transformation, let me just share with you two of the most important key infrastructure projects that we will soon be rolling out. In the Western corridor in the West Rand region, we have a project which we are going to launch, the first post-apartheid city in the area known as Syferfontein. This is the first democratic post-apartheid city that will make an impact on the city of Johannesburg, Westonaria, Randfontein Municipalities, Merafong and Mogale City Local Municipalities. [Applause.]
Now, hon President, we would like to invite government on all levels to partner with us to make sure that we realise the first post-apartheid city led by the democratic government.
The second major project we have is what we call the Kopanong Precinct. This is a multibillion-rand investment project to revitalise the inner city of Johannesburg. Working with the city and the private sector, we are going to invest in revitalising and renewing the inner city of Johannesburg. And we are definitely sure, hon President, that this mega-infrastructure project will turn around the economy of Gauteng. [Applause.]
Hon President, allow me to also say that as part of the TMR perspective in our province, we would like to invite you and, of course, the rest of Cabinet to engage with the province on the concept of the township economy. More often when we talk about township economy, people mistakenly believe that we are talking about minor interventions that will have no bearing on the outlook of the spatial legacy of apartheid in our townships. I must say, we as the provincial government of Gauteng, working with our municipalities, are going to leverage the government’s infrastructure investment portfolio to make sure that we radically turn around and change the balance sheet and expand the property assets of our townships, and, in that way, we are quite sure that we will create people’s property as a source of people’s power.
Now, let me conclude, hon President, by welcoming a very important intervention you mentioned. You actually invited Parliament to consider “a big expenditure item” that we would like to persuade Parliament to consider ...
The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Hon Chair ...
Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): ... is the main maintenance ...
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mamabolo, please take your seat. Hon Zulu?
The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Thank you, hon Chairperson. Would the member take a question?
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mamabolo, are you prepared to take a question?
Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): Yes, hon Chair, I am prepared to take a question.
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Zulu, he is prepared to take a question.
The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Thank you very much. Hon Mamabolo, I would like to ask you what you would say to the people of South Africa about the dishonourable, despicable behaviour ... [Interjections.] of the members of this House who continue to insult, disrespect and agitate against the President of the country. What would you say to that? [Applause.] [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Order! Hon Mamabolo, you are on the podium.
Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): Thank you, hon Minister, for a very profound question which ... [Interjections.] ... I am quite sure worries many of the people of our country. [Interjections.] But let me say that from the point of view of our province, we are deeply concerned and very worried ... [Interjections.] ... about the emergence of extremely backward, neofascist and racist tendencies that are degenerating ... [Applause.] ... the capacity of this House to serve our people.
We have observed that there are people who have made this their daily business. These are fanatics of violence, of racism, that have nothing to offer this House. [Applause.] All they provide are insults and violence. The majority of our people may not have the opportunity to express themselves, but they will do so during the next local government elections. [Applause.] They will send them to the dustbin of history, as has happened with many fanatics of violence. So, we are very pleased that history will treat them in exactly the same way it has treated the same people with the same tendencies. And we are confident that we will move forward.
Let me conclude by saying that the province of Gauteng is ready, hon President, using our infrastructure investment portfolio, to host what will be the first democratically constructed real people’s Parliament, which I hope you will come to. [Applause.] We are pleased to say ...
Mr J W JULIUS: Chairperson ...
Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): ... consistent with the character of what we have said in the province of mega human settlement.
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Mamabolo, please take your seat. Hon Julius?
Mr J W JULIUS: Chair, I just wanted to know whether the hon Mamabolo will take a question on the whereabouts of the Premier of Gauteng, whether he will not ... [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Julius, that’s not a question. Hon Mamabolo, please continue.
Mr J MAMABOLO (Gauteng): Thank you very much, hon Chair. Let me say that our province is ready to make sure that we host you. Remember that Gauteng has been declared the best province to work and live in. [Applause.] We are ready, hon President, for you to come to Gauteng, and we will build the best, most beautiful Parliament whose look and feel will make sure that hon members would be ashamed to disrupt and to make insults in. The quicker and faster you move the better, Mr President, because our province is ready. Thank you. [Applause.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, sir. [Applause.]
Mr I M OLLIS: Chairperson ...
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I now recognise the hon Davis.
Mr I M OLLIS: Chairperson, just on a point of order. I don’t ...
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Davis, please take your seat.
Mr I M OLLIS: I didn’t want to interrupt the previous speaker, nor the current one. Regarding the point you just ruled on, I am yet to be in this House when a person asks a question and it’s ruled as not a question. The procedure is normally to ask the Speaker whether or not they will take a question? Since when does the presiding officer decide on the content of a question? [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, hon member. Please take your seat.
Mr I M OLLIS: Could you reply to me, please? [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Please take your seat.
Mr I M OLLIS: I would like a reply, please. [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Please take your seat. [Interjections.]
Mr I M OLLIS: I have raised a point of order ... [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: You did.
Mr I M OLLIS: You need to rule. [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Take your seat, so that I can respond to you. [Interjections.] Order, members! The hon Julius did ask to put a question to the hon member who was on the podium. The question he put to the member on the podium was to ask the member to speculate as to where his premier was? And I disallowed that question. Hon Davis, please continue. [Interjections.]
Mr G R DAVIS / MALUTA/AR(ed)
Mr J MAMABOLO
|
Mr G R DAVIS: Madam Chairperson, today, as we debate the state of the nation, we stand in solidarity with the 8,3 million South Africans without jobs ... [Interjections.] [Applause.] ... and we recognise the role that education can play in job creation and in redressing the legacy of the past.
As the Supreme Court of Appeal said last year, basic education is the primary driver of transformation in South Africa. And yet, last week, in his state of the nation address, President Zuma said nothing about basic education. Nothing! We spend R203 billion per annum on basic education. It is the biggest line item in the budget, but the President had nothing to say about it. The matric results released last month showed a national decline from 75% to 70%, but the President said nothing.
Every province, except the Western Cape, performed worse than the previous year, but the President said nothing. And there were 22 schools across the country that recorded a pass rate of 0%. Imagine that: a school where not one learner passes, but the President remained silent. [Interjections.]
The President was silent on Thursday because he is not in charge of education. Minister Motshekga is not in charge of education. In most provinces, the MECs are not in charge of education. Because, in most parts of the country, it is the SA Democratic Teachers Union, Sadtu, that is in charge of education.
Three weeks ago, we visited rural schools in KwaZulu-Natal. Now, government officials there told us how Sadtu teachers drop their own children off at former model C schools in the morning and then go on strike for the day, depriving other people’s children of an education. One district director described it as, and I quote, “the highest level of cruelty”. We heard how, in the Ugu district, there was no teaching for seven months over the past two years because of a dispute between Sadtu and a district director. Seven months; no teaching. Is it any wonder that KwaZulu-Natal was the worst-performing province?
We visited Bhekisizwe High School in the Umzinyathi district. We heard how teachers go on holiday two weeks before the term ends, and come back two weeks after the term starts. And they get away with it. At Dumaphansi Secondary, 146 learners have written matric maths in the past three years, but not one learner has passed. And guess what? Not one teacher has been fired for underperformance.
The reason for the high failure rate in the province was summed up by a district director who told us, and I am quoting him, “Our teachers are not teaching; that’s the bottom line. Organised labour has taken over the system. Until we correct that, we are wasting our time.”
Now, there are many hardworking and dedicated teachers in our country, and we pay tribute to them. But we have to be honest about this: There are too many teachers who can’t teach, and there are too many teachers who won’t teach. And they are never held to account because they are members of Sadtu and Sadtu is an alliance partner of the ANC.
Minister Motshekga will soon table the so-called “jobs-for-cash” report in this House. It has taken nearly two years for the task team to complete its work, but we have reason to believe that the wait was worth it. The report will show how Sadtu-aligned officials arrange teaching posts for Sadtu members in exchange for cash. It will show how Sadtu has captured six of the nine provincial government departments. Six of them are under the control of Sadtu. It will show that, in these provinces, Sadtu runs a protection racket where underperforming teachers are protected because they are members of Sadtu. It will show how Sadtu uses militancy to exert pressure on its members to be unionists first and professionals second.
The conclusion is clear: For Sadtu bosses, loyalty to the union is prized over loyalty to the children of this country. And if you’re a Sadtu member looking for a promotion, it’s better to be on the streets picketing than in the classroom teaching.
President Zuma, we know this is a difficult time for you, and we know you need all the friends in the alliance you can get, but if you won’t put South Africa first, at least put the children of this country first. [Applause.] Break your silence on Thursday. Tell us what you will do to smash the Sadtu protection racket, so that we can improve the education of every child in our country. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr N T GODI
Mr G R DAVIS
|
Mr N T GODI: Madam Chair, Comrade President, comrades and hon members, the APC represents a historical, political and ideological current of Africanism. As the torchbearers of Africanism, the APC represents a continuum of the likes of Anton Lembede, A P Mda, Robert Sobukwe and that erudite Africanist intellectual, Peter Raboroko. Africanism, as understood and articulated by the APC, is Pan-Africanist in scope, socialist in content, humanist in orientation and creative in purpose.
I stand here in memory of the late Robert Simangaliso Sobukwe, a great patriot and outstanding leader who passed away on 27 February 1978, whose life and legacy the APC celebrates throughout the month of February. Through the force of example of his personal integrity, he serves as the embodiment of the best product of the liberation movement, of leadership and our responsibility to our people — as he said — completely subjugating the self and having a consuming love for our people.
Comrade President, we concur with you, racism is backward and hurtful. Let us take from Sobukwe’s teaching that there is only one race, the human race to which we all belong. This is what can save us from the racism that the majority of white South Africans ... and the xenophobic statements from one political party in this House.
The APC is concerned about the persistently high unemployment levels, poverty and inequality affecting the majority of our people. Whilst we appreciate the unfavourable international economic environment, the APC believes that, in this situation, taking the historical context into account, the state must enhance its role in the economy. Twenty-two years later, private capital has failed this democracy. The state must have the courage and determination to lead.
The grinding poverty of our people is a crisis that requires bold state action. Freedom must have material meaning to the lives of our people. We must never get used to the poverty and hardships of our people.
As Lenin said, “No amount of political freedom will satisfy the hungry masses.” The African people deserve better. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr S G MTHIMUNYE / Nomtha//nvs
Mr N T GODI
|
Mr S G MTHIMUNYE: Madam Chair of the NCOP, I want to correct one thing: The SA Democratic Teachers Union is not aligned to the ANC. [Interjections.] It is Cosatu that is aligned to the ANC. [Interjections.] I hope the poor member of the DA gets his politics correct. [Interjections.]
The second point I want to correct ...
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Don’t drown out the speaker on the podium.
Mr S G MTHIMUNYE: ... is that the matric exam results fluctuate all the time from province to province. We have seen that over the years. In 2014 we had the Free State leading the country in terms of matric results, but we never blew our own trumpet about it. The Western Cape therefore is no exception. We can only congratulate you ... [Interjections.] ... because we are not jealous as the ANC.
Change does not simply involve a slow and continual increase or decrease in growth. At a certain point new qualities emerge as a sharp rupture with the past and a leap into the future. The foregoing has been the political situation in South Africa in terms of the first phase of our democratic transition from apartheid and colonialism to a national democratic society. In the same vein, while not gainsaying the challenges we face, the second phase - whose focus is on economic transformation for the reversal of the legacy of colonialism of a special type - should demonstrate a quantitative incremental change culminating in a qualitative leap.
It is without doubt that the statutory pillars of apartheid or colonialism were felt by the adoption of the new Constitution of 1996. What is of critical significance with the Constitution is that in section 9(2) it entrenches substantive equality and further privileges for justifiable socioeconomic rights. It is noteworthy that while a positive obligation is cast on the state to promote and fulfil the rights as contained in the Bill of Rights, equality in this respect cannot, substantively, be removed from economic redress imperatives. The state is empowered by the Constitution to take measures designed to advance persons disadvantaged by the unfair discrimination of the past.
Madam Chair, the ANC-led government is pursuing economic transformation as inspired by the vision of the Freedom Charter and its second transition document: that the people shall share in the wealth of the country. There have been advances made in the provision of essential services to the people, but the structure of the economy remains largely untransformed, with monopolies abusing their dominance over small enterprises and sometimes driving them completely out of the market or into bankruptcy through anticompetitive practices that are well known by yourself and those you represent.
It is still correct to contend that the major part of the economy remains in private hands. The ANC is therefore committed to employment-creating economic growth and protecting the right to fair labour practices. The state is being capacitated to rely less on tendering and to deliver essential services to the people by itself. Economic development priorities favour local companies, co-operatives and social forms of ownership. There is an intention to ensure beneficiation of primary goods including strategic minerals in the country. State-owned enterprises, or SOEs, and the development finance institutions are being strengthened to ensure that they play a key role in economic development and facilitating service delivery.
Economic transformation requires steps that effect quantitative changes towards a qualitative leap into which prosperity is equitably distributed across racial and gender lines. To achieve economic equity, South Africa requires that steps be taken to transform the structure of the economy to render it broader and more inclusive. In transforming the structure of the economy, the developmental state must consolidate and advance development and ensure a better life for all in a South Africa that truly belongs to all who live in it, black or white.
The fact is the economy of the country remains in the control of private hands which are dominantly expatriate capital. The 70% of the economy in private hands by extension implies that there can be little economic transformation without private-sector co-operation. However, the private sector appears more driven by profit accumulation than it is by social transformation imperatives.
The ANC by character is biased towards the poor and the working class. However, the obtaining conditions at national and global spheres by far require the ANC government to be more cautious in advancing economic transformation. The vexing question therefore is whether the ANC is expediting the full emancipation of our people from the legacy of colonialism of a special type. Indeed, the dialectical nature of the ANC character, being the disciplined force of the left, neither bows to the market forces dictating that everyone should care only for themselves nor embraces the adventuristic antics of the extreme left that seek the immediate obliteration of capitalism.
South Africa’s role in the global arena extends beyond economic diplomacy to creating a more just economic world order. The ANC-led South African government secures national interests while contributing to building an integrated African economy through, amongst other things, regional economic integration. The Freedom Charter envisages peace and friendship amongst nations through social justice. It is in pursuit of this noble goal that the ANC-led government continues to build strong South-to-South relations and to promote North-to-South relations, while advocating for the transformation of global economic institutions like the World Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the International Monetary Fund.
South Africa and other African countries are in the process of transforming their economies from being predominantly reliant on the export of raw material to efficiently beneficiating their primary goods to prop up their export value. There is thus gradual economic growth and development on the continent, albeit from a low base for some countries. It should, however, be highlighted that some parts of the continent are politically unstable owing, in the main, to extremism, terrorism and external interference in domestic affairs.
The ANC believes therefore that there can be no meaningful economic development without peace and stability, hence our government’s involvement in peacekeeping and peacemaking missions on the continent.
South Africa is a member of a number of international bodies seeking to foster economic development across the globe. The balance of forces in bodies like the Bretton Woods institutions, which include the IMF and the World Bank, remains heavily tipped in favour of developed countries. However, South Africa and other member states have not relented in advancing the interests of developing countries.
South Africa has concurrently been strengthening South-to-South relations more especially through its membership of the Brics countries. The Brics countries have now launched the Brics Development Bank to avail funds for developing nations to advance their development agenda. The Development Bank is critical to funding infrastructure development to extend affordable and accessible services to the majority of citizens of both permanent and temporary residents of developing countries. Infrastructure development is also aimed at facilitating better conditions of business, thus stimulating economic growth and, by extension, employment creation and poverty eradication.
South Africa’s membership of the International Labour Organisation enjoins it not only to promote favourable employment conditions and ensure fair labour practices, but also to promote the creation of decent employment. In this regard, South Africa has an obligation to ensure that South African companies do not only observe fair labour practices when conducting business inside the country, but also that they do so even when conducting business in foreign countries. In other words, South African firms cannot pay living wages to South Africa workers whilst exploiting workers in or from other parts of the continent. I hope you will tell your friends.
Madam Chair, “The people shall share in the country’s wealth!” exclaims the Freedom Charter editorially. The 53rd ANC conference acknowledges that significant progress has been made in meeting the basic needs of the people - that includes the growth of the social wage and the provision of infrastructure. However, it further recognises that the redistribution of economic assets and the growing of job-creating industries have been minimal.
The ANC is committed to taking resolute action to overcome the triple challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment, which are at the heart of South Africa’s socioeconomic challenges. To this effect, the ANC government is transforming the structure of the economy through industrialisation, as empowered by its policies such as the Black Industrialists Policy, the Industrial Policy Action Plan, or Ipap, and many more.
The ANC’s most effective weapon in campaigning against poverty remains the creation of decent work, which itself requires faster and more inclusive growth. The triple challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality require that accelerated growth take place in the context of an effective strategy of redistribution that builds a new and more equitable growth path.
As I conclude, there is undoubtedly more to be done to achieve economic transformation and the distribution of the economy. The ANC is therefore committed to ensuring that the people are emancipated from the legacy of colonialism of a special type. It is also committed to co-operating with labour and the private sector to achieve employment-creating economic growth and strengthening regional economic integration for a more prosperous and united Africa.
Economic transformation is therefore an endeavour to realise social justice for a prosperous South Africa in a better Africa and a better world. The ANC therefore pursues a better life for all South Africans while working for a better world order, underpinned by equality and social justice.
There exists therefore a basis on which we say South Africa today is indeed better than yesterday. And there is hope that tomorrow will be better than today. [Applause.]
My last point before I depart from this podium ... [Interjections.]
IsiNdebele:
Ubab’uMalema wenze ihlazo elimbi khulu kwamambala. Mina lapha ngibuya khona siyawagcina amasiko. Siyawela, sikhamba nabobaba.
English:
It is mischievous and very derogatory in African culture for Malema to come here and make a mockery of it.
IsiNdebele:
Liyahlonitjhwa lel’isiko.
English:
You don’t just speak about it anywhere in any way. I thank you, Madam Chair. [Applause.]
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION / MS
Mr S G MTHIMUNYE
|
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, it was hardly surprising today that the ANC’s speakers’ list only came out a few moments before we came into the House. No doubt there was a lot of anxious coin tossing, drawing of straws and nail-biting bouts of rock, paper and scissors in the ANC caucus room to see who the poor souls were who would have to come out here today and defend this one man’s indefensible behaviour ... [Applause.] ... and his very poor speech yet again. But we did get some people out here, the B-team, admittedly ...
An HON MEMBER: The D-team!
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: ... but we started, of course, with Rob Davies, the Minister - more excuses, more handwringing, more apologies: “It’s not our fault; we’re buffeted by outside forces.” Snake oil indeed when one looks at the mismanagement that his department has effected over the African Growth and Opportunity Act and other key job-creating agreements that we have. He comes here and expects us to come and grovel before his mighty feet because he is fixing Eskom. Well, he broke it in the first place! Your government. Your policies. Your inefficiency. You mess it up and expect us to be grateful.
He goes on about the National Development Plan, NDP. Now let me tell you something, colleagues: he does not even believe in the NDP, and he expects us to think he’s going to implement it in his department - the nine-point plan. The selfsame nine-point plan that led to a 74% drop in foreign direct investment last year, Minister Davies.
He spoke a lot today about iron and steel. Well, let me tell you something: When it comes to the ANC, they iron over the problems and steal all the money. [Applause.] But you don’t have to take my word for it. I’d like to quote the lord of Luthuli House, Mr Gwede Manthashe. I quote, “Of great concern are the NEC members who are either charged or have pending cases of corruption against them.” As the numbers of these comrades grow, we will be unable to sustain the technical argument of innocent until proven guilty - an admission from your own people.
He comes here with his hocus-pocus economics and voodoo tricks to try to trick us into thinking that the BMW deal is something to celebrate. What he doesn’t say is they’ve withdrawn the 3 Series, which sells three times the models of the X5, and replaced it with the X5. Get real! That’s snake oil indeed. But you know what? I’d like to quote Lenin as well, as the hon Godi did, except I want to quote John Lennon. [Laughter.] He wrote the song called the Nowhere Man and it goes something like this: “He is a real nowhere man, sitting in his nowhere land, making all his nowhere plans for nobody.” Isn’t that Minister Davies? [Applause.]
We then had the Premier of the Eastern Cape. I see he has done a hit-and-run. The weakest province. How low can the bar go that this is the best that you can bring to the House today? The worst performing province in education: a pass rate of only 56%, mud schools, no furniture; with 45% unemployment and 46% of the national bucket toilets on his watch are in his province. He comes here with his Breitling watch, flashing it at the podium, and expects to fool us.
IsiXhosa:
Abantu bakujongile.
English:
Then the Deputy Minister of Minerals and Energy. Working for Minister Gupta must be hard - poor man is still trying to work out how he got appointed and why he’s here. He came here with slogans. But you know things are getting really bad when you duff up your own slogans at the podium. You’ve botched the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act, but I want to say I do agree with you, hon Oliphant, we do find common cause with you. You are absolutely right: the ANC has produced a lot of nuts. [Laughter.] Given the fact that mining investment fell by 74% last year, I’m not surprised you want to come here and talk about macadamias instead of minerals.
Minister Hanekom, shame, shame: another Planet Zuma inhabitant clearly. He forgets to talk about his tourism-killing visa regulations that he sat on his hands on. Isn’t it a shame that he could stand up against apartheid, but he cannot stand up against President Zuma? This mighty man reduced to processing the visas to Planet Zuma.
Hon Mamabolo, we know why the Premier of the Gauteng province isn’t here today. We know.
An HON MEMBER: Be honest. Be honest.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: We know why he sent you. He shuffled you to infrastructure from Cogta because of your poor performance. Even your own party doesn’t trust you, but you are here today. [Laughter.] And, frankly, your corny duet with the Minister there was so stage-managed it was like a cheap soap opera and about as credible as President Zuma on the economy. [Laughter.] But let me answer your question, hon Julius: the reason the Premier of Gauteng province is not here today is because he hates President Zuma ... [Applause.] [Interjections.] ... and he is in his province doing what South Africans across the length and breadth of this country are doing and that’s plotting to get this President out of office and rescue this country. That’s where the premier was today. [Applause.]
Hon Mthimunye, thank you very much. It was like reading a copy of the Business Day all over again. Not much substance there, I’m afraid. But you know what, we have seen this week how the President has thrown the ANC caucus under the bus. So instead of the struggle songs that we are going to hear going into the local government elections, I bet you they are taking lessons on the Wheels on the bus go round and round, round and round, round and round, because your own President threw the whole lot of you under the bus.
We now know why you guys bought those very large buses that don’t fit anywhere in Port Elizabeth: you needed something big enough, President, to throw your caucus under. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
Let me now say, there is a speaker who is going to come up here next. We know the venom and vitriol that’s on its way to this podium. Let’s talk about the first person in this Parliament who got thrown under the bus by President Zuma in his defence of Nkandla. Anyone know who it was?
An HON MEMBER: Who was it? Tell us!
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: It was our former Speaker, Max Sisulu - an honourable man, a deeply honourable man who has the respect of everybody in this House. [Applause.] He made the cardinal error of putting this Parliament first, his duty to the Constitution first – something all of you have failed at – and called for an investigation into Nkandla. What happened to him? He got thrown under the bus. Isn’t it ironic that the last person up today is defending the first person that got thrown under the bus, and she has something very familiar in common with him. The truth of the matter is that the ANC caucus has lost all credibility.
I leave you with the words of Dante who said, and I quote, “The darkest places in hell are reserved for those who maintain their neutrality in times of moral crisis.” Shame on you! [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS / EU/NM(ed)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION
|
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Hon Chairperson, to the esteemed chief clown here who has just left the podium ... [Interjections.] ... yes, indeed I have something in common with the man who you describe as the former Speaker, Max Sisulu, and it is honour. [Interjections.] That is something that we have in common. [Interjections.]
Madam Chairperson, Mr President, hon members, on a sober note, I want to start off by honouring the valour of a young South African woman, Thembi Nkadimeng-Simelane who, for 20 years worked tirelessly to track down the brutal apartheid killers of her sister, Nokuthula Simelane. [Applause.] She has finally won the right to have the killers of Nokuthula, who operated in the ANC underground in Swaziland, prosecuted. Thembi was only nine years old when her sister was heinously murdered. And we sit here and joke about everything else except that which is vital to our people: their dignity. The courage and bravery she has displayed gives me hope, Mr President, that our young people will continue our struggle for justice and everything we fought for.
There is hope in the future when there is somebody like Thembi. We have overcome many obstacles. We will rule this country until all our people have a better life, until we have a truly nonracial society, until these benches all around here are packed with people who treasure our liberation, and not trash it. [Applause.] We will get that society, and the ANC will still lead. [Applause.]
Those who came before us have bequeathed us with simple tools to characterise this particular debate we have had today. One of them is the tireless wisdom I would like all of you to remember at all times, when we have an occasion like this, and it says: “Great minds discuss ideas, average minds discuss events and weak minds - vacuous minds - discuss people.” [Interjections.] [Applause.] That is exactly what we have heard here. And I can add to that: Not only are they vacuous and discuss people, they have even created planets of their own imagination - Planet Zuma. That is the banality of these weak minds.
The President presented here a solid road map for the current period that we are in through his state of the nation address on Thursday. Not unexpectedly, the response to the President’s address can be grouped into two camps: one, the anti-ANC/anti-Zuma brigade, which was predictable. This camp found nothing, saw nothing, heard nothing, and learned nothing from the address. [Interjections.] This was exemplified by the hon Maimane and the hon Julius Malema who, thankfully has left. The air is cleaner without them here. [Interjections.]
The second group, which is the most important group, are the discerning citizens of this country. They not only listened but they also read the state of the nation address. The latter comprised mainly investors, businesspeople, economists, CEOs of companies, captains of industry and ordinary citizens wanting to hear about the future of this country.
In the Business Day of 23 February 2016, journalist Stuart Theobald speaks for many who are in the business of making sure that they understand what the President said. And this is what he had to say. I quote:
Senior business leaders have had three key meetings with senior government officials ... The effects were clear in Mr Zuma’s speech ... much that business has been asking for: promoting SA as an investment destination ...
[Applause.]
Indeed, while this is obvious for the broader business community and ordinary citizens, the message, sadly, is lost on all the anti-Zuma brigade that you find on that side – completely lost.
Given the past experience, I did not hold my breath or expect that perhaps sense would predominate in this debate. What we have heard from kortbroek - whatever it is: kortbroek Trollip - and everybody else is taking this country nowhere whatsoever. [Interjections.]
Mr I M OLLIS: Chairperson, on a point of order: it is “the hon Trollip”. We don’t refer to each other in the way that this Minister does. [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Your point is sustained, sir. Hon Minister, we have the “hon Trollip”.
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Oh, I am sorry; I thought he said hon kortbroek. [Interjections.] No?
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order, members!
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Okay, the point is made, “hon Trollip”. [Interjections.]
All we have heard today is the same repetition of moans and groans, which is within the grasp of everyone here ... is completely outside the grasp of the Western Cape province. Here where we are now is poverty, inequality, racial tension of the highest nature - right here in the Western Cape. [Applause.] [Interjections.] Now, Maimane comes here and tells us his grand plan – “hon Maimane”. He comes here and he tells us of his grand plan of how to fight gangsterism. It has been the worst here in the Western Cape. Why have they not done anything about it, right here? [Applause.] [Interjections.]
For us, therefore, the responses from the private sector, from the Banking Assocation of SA, Basa, and from the SA Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Sacci, and from ordinary citizens were very encouraging and supportive of the measures announced by the President. And here today we are also very pleased to have had supportive and constructive statements from hon leaders like the hon Buthelezi and the hon Godi over there. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
The hon Nkwinti once coined a phrase. He said, “Mr President, we are moving.” Siyaqhuba. But now we have gone beyond that in our delivery. We are sailing on ... sailing on. Sometimes it is on rough water, but our mast is aligned to the wind. We are doing exceptionally well in some areas, and it is time that we boldly take credit for what we have been able to achieve.
I want to give you one example: In his address on the occasion of the Sunday Times Literary Awards, Justice Edwin Cameron provides a lucid, objective assessment of the performance of our political dispensation. He notes:
Our polity is boisterous, rowdy, sometimes cacophonous and often angry. That much is to be expected. But after nearly two decades, we have more freedom, more debate, more robust and direct engagement with each other.
He continues, most importantly, saying: Much has been achieved, perhaps more than those who tend to be very hostile - more than they would ever be able to realise.
He continues:
Almost all violent crime is down. Compared to 1994, the murder rate has almost halved. Government’s housing programme has put many millions of South Africans into their own homes. In 1994, just over half of households had electricity. Now 85% do. In 1994, just more than one third of six-year-olds were in school. Now 85% are.
The income of the average black family has increased by about a third. And, through the system of social grants totalling about R120 billion every year ...
- is in place and although it does not cover everybody, it actually has afforded most of them some way out of poverty.
The long and short of Justice Cameron’s message and of those others is that we are on track. The wind blows behind our sails; and we are sailing on. Justice Cameron’s observation has been echoed by many other independent research institutions. This includes Goldman Sachs’ appraisal of South Africa’s 20 years of democracy, that of the World Bank, that of FastFACTS, a record of race relations, and one that I want to quote to all of you is that of a pamphlet entitled: “They huff and they puff but cannot blow this house down." Dealing with human settlements policy, the following are the facts. In 1996 there were 3 400 000 families residing in formal housing, but by 2014 that number had increased to 9 400 000. Can you hear that? [Applause.] This is an increase of 6 million houses that have been provided by this government. Now, can anybody beat that? Nowhere in the world have you ever had a record to beat that. These are not my statistics. These are statistics from the SA Institute of Race Relations.
Mr President, hon members, it goes on:
The view that the service delivery efforts of the government have failed and that living standards are only a little better than they were 20 years ago is untrue. On the contrary, service delivery, here specifically, referring to housing, must be judged as a success story in many respects.
[Applause.]
We are sailing. We are sailing. Mr President, it goes on to say that what we have achieved is an average of 912 families moving into a formal house per day since 1996.
Hon members, imagine this: Every day you go to bed, 912 African families have moved into a new house. We could never have outdone that anywhere at any other time, except under the ANC government. Think about that as you sit in comfort – that 912 of the poor move into a new house every night! [Applause.] What does the Western Cape do? It sits, folds its arms as Masiphumelele burns down. There is no emergency. It burns down every week; no emergency called because it is not Clifton, it is not Bantry Bay. It is of no consequence to anybody.
But what we do is make sure we can bring dignity to our people by providing them with some social network. We are a product of the liberation struggle and this is what we want to make sure - that we live in this House as we move on.
We created this democracy to ensure that our people no longer live with the scourge of inequality. We created this democracy in order that our people no longer live with racism. We created this democracy so that our people no longer live in poverty and humiliation. This is what defined us in 1994 and this is what defines us now. We stand here by the will of the people and do the best we can every day – every day - the best we can in the name of the ANC. [Applause.] It does not matter how hard you howl, how much you whinge or how much you grandstand. Our government and our policies have been lauded internationally, and, where we have erred, we have acknowledged it.
An HON MEMBER: No, you haven’t.
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: We have. [Interjections.] We have. [Interjections.]
This brings me to the issue that relates particularly to the DA, and this is the issue of racism. [Interjections.] We as the ANC were founded on the premise of making sure that the demon of the past is destroyed. We stand on the principle of nonracialism. The resolution of the race problem requires, amongst other things, that we understand racism from the perspective of the victim.
Nonracialism presupposes respect for other people. It calls for understanding and the appreciation of other people’s experiences. If we do not do that, we will be caught in a cycle of blame and political point-scoring, which is what has been happening here.
In his study, a US psychologist found that most whites refuse to acknowledge that racial discrimination remains and that it is widespread, and that it is especially dominant in white-controlled workplaces, in company boardrooms, in law courts, in schools and in other places. For some, racism is limited to the extreme prejudices of some people who are in the extreme. No, it lives in each one of us. Those who have lived through legislated discrimination have in us vestiges of that racism. And if we deny it, it is because it lives larger than the next person. You cannot have lived through apartheid and not have been affected by it. And if we don’t acknowledge it, there is something very wrong – fundamentally wrong - with us. I am aiming this at you, hon Maimane. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
Experiences of racial discrimination are not only painful and stressful; they also have a cumulative affect on individuals, their families and communities. For the majority of whites, however, acts of discrimination and acts of violence are isolated events. As a result, whites, unfortunately, often feel that we tend to overexaggerate, you know, overreact to some of these things. And they forget that blacks live with this on a day-to-day basis.
We in the ANC have interrogated this matter and have dealt with it over the years. We urge you to deal with the racism in your party, hon Maimane. [Applause.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Minister, please take your seat. Hon Nkoana-Mashabane? [Interjections.] Are you standing on a point of order, Ma’am? [Interjections.]
Order!
The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION: Is the hon Minister prepared to take a question?
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Minister, are you prepared to take a question?
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Yes, I will.
The MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION: As the hon Minister knows, South Africa has earned its own respect through the preamble to our Constitution if not through the entire Constitution. Would you say that the representation of people who voted for the DA is reflective of who is seated here representing the DA? [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Minister ... Order! Order! [Interjections.] Order, members! Hon Minister?
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: The DA loves waving the Constitution at us, at every step of the way, and talks down to us as though they are talking to some schoolchildren. Indeed, the preamble to the Constitution deals with this matter. And, indeed, the constitution of the DA itself and the cabinet of the Western Cape is the complete opposite to what the Constitution has declared for the Republic of South Africa. [Applause.] [Interjections.] And it is of no consequence ...
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon Minister, please take your seat. Hon member, yes?
Mr B M BHANGA: Speaker, can I ask the Minister a question? [Interjections.] Can I ask you a question?
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Can I ask you to allow her to finish responding to this one, and then we will give you the opportunity, if the Minister will allow it. Minister, will you take another question?
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: No, I will not. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Please continue, Minister. Order, members! Order! Please continue, Minister.
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: Thank you. Hon Chair, in an article entitled White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack, the author links racism with privilege and self-interest. She writes, and I quote:
As a white person, I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was meant to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, code books, visas, clothes, tools and blank checks.
That’s how she has come to experience white privilege. In case most of you have not understood this: Remove your knapsack, because this is what gives you the privilege that makes you sit there and be insensitive about the suffering of our people.
Hon Maimane, look very carefully at your party. The DA’s success in making inroads into black society will be determined by vigorous soul-searching within your party of how you have overcome prejudices that were held by the whites, especially on your side, before we gave them the freedom that they have today. You will not make any inroads into black society and you know that. [Applause.] [Interjections.] You know that. Look very carefully at everybody that you have around you, and, in fact, watch it. [Interjections.]
We came here in 1994 and deliberately transformed a stifled, exclusive Parliament into a people’s Parliament with the intention of making it an institution that is owned by the people. We opened it up to live television, but we did not do this to make it a people’s theatre.
What went on in this Chamber on Thursday last week was nothing more than a disgraceful display of tantrums and theatrics. At the last analysis of the ratings of television programmes, the parliamentary channel was rated one of the most watched channels. That is very good for television, but we are not competing with Idols here. Parliament was bound to be more vibrant because we have younger people and we expected that it would be more vibrant. But we did not expect it to deteriorate to the level that it did on Thursday.
Worst of all, leading is the pack is the hon Lekota. It is particulary disturbing that a man who has a background that he has would have done what he did. He stands up and says, the courts have decreed A, B, C on the President, and he knows it is not true.
Hon Chair, I would like you to look at the records and, in fact, call the hon Lekota to order, because what he said was not true and he knew it. [Interjections.]
I am very glad that the other hypocrites have moved out. As I said, there are no insults being hurled, except heckling from this side - also, perhaps with a bit of acid insults in it as well - but the air is cleaner without them.
In closure, we’d like to thank the hon Buthelezi. Clearly, he is one of a few opposition leaders who actually listened to the speech. The hon Buthelezi acknowledged what the President conceded needed to be done, and he conceded that the President had indicated that he was not too happy with our performance. Hon Buthelezi, we are equally very concerned about the drought. I’m glad that it was mentioned here, but tomorrow we will have the Minister of Water and Sanitation who will deal with the issue of this drought scourge.
Thank you very much to the hon Holomisa for the suggestion of an economic indaba resembling that of Codesa. The rest of the hon Holomisa’s ramblings are not worth mentioning here right now. [Laughter.] It was just very much like him.
Hon Van Damme, we are seized with the matter of the youth and I trust you are equally seized with the matter of your citizenship.
Mr M L W FILTANE: Point of order, Chair. Point of order. [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: What is your point of order, sir?
Mr M L W FILTANE: Chairperson, my point of order is that the statement that the hon Minister made is derogatory about my leader. You don’t talk like that about Holomisa. [Interjections.] Not in this House. You don’t do it.
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you, sir. Hon members, I will look at Hansard and come back to rule on this matter. Please proceed, hon Minister.
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: May I just assist the hon member? Holomisa is also my leader. He is also my leader. And what I said about him I say to him as well. [Interjections.] May I continue?
I was indicating that I hope that the hon van Damme is equally seized with the matter of her citizenship in the same way she is seized with the matter of the youth. [Interjections.]
Hon Trollip, I am glad that you mentioned Nelson Mandela Bay. We are taking Nelson Mandela Bay, I can assure you of that. Let me tell all hon members what the latest poll says about Nelson Mandela Bay: Danny Jordaan received 47,8% ratings. What did you get? Ten per cent. [Interjections.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Order!
The MINISTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS: To conclude, I revert to where I began. Great minds discus ideas, average minds discuss events and weak minds discuss people – which is what the DA has been doing throughout this debate. The hon Maimane has proved that he belongs to the latter category. As expected, he and his party offered no policy proposals or alternatives. [Interjections.] It only expressed its obsession with and its hatred of the President. Let me say this to you, hon Maimane, white supremacy triumphs when it transforms a promising young black man with priestly pretentions to proclaim with pride his hatred for the President. That is when white supremacy triumphs. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
What we heard from you was howling and baying without any dignity. [Interjections.] It does not add any dignity. No country has ever been built on hatred, hon Maimane and hon Holomisa.
In closing, great leaders like Nelson Mandela are exemplary, not only because they never faced enormous obstacles, but because they were able to rise in spite of those hurdles. Let us find inspiration in their spirit of no surrender, hon President. I thank you. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Debate interrupted.
The Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces adjourned the Joint Sitting at 18:48.
Thandie/END OF TAKE