Hansard: NA: Debate on Vote No 1 — The Presidency
House: National Assembly
Date of Meeting: 23 Jul 2014
Summary
No summary available.
Minutes
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
WEDNESDAY, 23 JULY 2014
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
WEDNESDAY, 23 JULY 2014
_________________
The House met at 14:05.
The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
The PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC
START OF DAY
APPROPRIATION BILL
Debate on Vote No 1 - The Presidency:
The PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC: Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President, Deputy Speaker, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, esteemed special guests, I thank the Presiding Officers for the opportunity to introduce the debate on Budget Vote 1, The Presidency.
Before doing so, allow me to thank the millions of our people who heeded our call to celebrate the legacy of President Nelson Mandela by participating in the cleaning-up campaign last week. In every corner of our country people engaged in various forms of community work, and this should inculcate a culture of service to our country and to humanity.
We have seamlessly completed the transition to the fifth administration, following successful national general elections, which further consolidated our country's democracy. It is an honour for the ANC government to continue to lead the country towards the creation of a truly united, democratic, nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous South Africa.
Over the past few days, government departments have outlined plans to further expand access to various socioeconomic services and programmes, informed by the ANC's manifesto and the National Development Plan, NDP. Collectively, the Budget Vote presentations indicated a government that is actively at work to promote an improved quality of life for all.
We will continue to prioritise five key areas this term. These are education, health, rural development and land reform, the fight against crime and corruption, and the creation of decent work. In doing so, we are informed by the successes scored in these five priorities over the past five years.
In the state of the nation address last month, I also outlined primary focus areas for government, which included measures towards achieving a 5% growth rate by the year 2019. These focus areas include, among others, infrastructure development, energy, manufacturing and mining. Progress is being made in these areas and in many others.
Various interventions aimed at supporting distressed mining towns are being implemented by various departments, following the announcement last month in the state of the nation address.
Our investment in infrastructure development is also continuing, under the leadership of the Presidential Infrastructure Coordinating Commission, PICC, chaired by the President. The PICC brings together Ministers, premiers and mayors to enable the central co-ordination and fast-tracking of project delivery.
An advantage of central co-ordination is that we are also able to integrate the build programmes. For example, the recently launched Mzimvubu Dam Water Scheme in the Eastern Cape integrates water and electricity provision with the building of roads, sanitation, schools, houses and health facilities.
Hon members, we announced our plans for a heightened energy-generation capacity last month. The Cabinet Subcommittee on Energy Security, which will oversee the development of the energy mix, will comprise the following Ministries: Energy, International Relations and Co-operation, Public Enterprises, Finance, State Security, Trade and Industry, Economic Development, Mineral Resources, Environmental Affairs and Defence. They will explore various options, including nuclear power, gas, solar, wind, coal, hydropower and fuel refineries.
Our co-operative governance framework provides for the existence of the President's Coordinating Council, PCC, a mechanism that brings together the Presidency, crosscutting Ministries, premiers and the South African Local Government Association, Salga, to discuss issues affecting the three spheres of government. We want to improve the performance and output of the PCC and, in particular, use the structure more effectively to build and support the local government sphere.
The journey towards prosperity and job-creating growth involves radical change in the manner in which we undertake planning, implementation and monitoring. On Saturday, 19 July, we launched Operation Phakisa, an innovative programme that brings together for the first time, many stakeholders to plan a major economic project. [Applause.] Operation Phakisa, an adaptation of Malaysia's Big Fast Results methodology, will be used to fast-track service delivery in various sectors, starting with the ocean economy.
Teams from government, business, labour and academia are working in Durban, discussing plans to unlock the economic potential of the ocean, which has the potential to contribute up to R177 billion to the country's GDP. The teams are focusing on four priority sectors. The first is marine transport and manufacturing activities, such as coastal shipping, trans-shipment, boat building, repair and refurbishment. The other three are offshore oil and gas exploration, aquaculture, as well as marine protection services and ocean governance. We will release the outcome of the exercise later this year, once the teams have concluded their work and have produced implementable action plans. Together we are moving South Africa forward practically, not just in words. [Applause.]
To achieve the goals of a better society we need a professional, people-centred, effective, efficient and disciplined Public Service. Through the Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation, we will keep track of progress made by departments to improve government performance and also to promote caring and responsive governance. Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa and I have been meeting with Ministers, Deputy Ministers and their directors-general to discuss the priorities and action plans of each department. The exercise will culminate in the signing of performance agreements by the President and each Minister. The Ministers will, in turn, conclude delivery agreements with the partners who will work with them to achieve their goals. These partners will include colleagues in the provincial executive councils.
Beyond the major projects and work of departments, we will also monitor the human aspect. We will assess the manner in which enquiries and complaints from the public are handled, the courtesy and friendliness of staff and the speed with which members of the public are attended to. In this regard, the Batho Pele citizen care programme is being revitalised and will be mainstreamed in every department to improve performance and services to the public.
The performance of the Presidential Hotline and other call centres serving the public in various departments will continue to be useful barometers of how government relates to the public.
A new priority this term – as we continue to build a participatory and responsive state – is the mainstreaming of communication in the work of government departments. We have established an Interministerial Committee on Information and Publicity, led by the Minister in the Presidency for Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation. The committee will promote and co-ordinate communication and marketing within government. The Presidency will also lead government in the programme of izimbizo, door-to-door campaigns and other mass-based platforms to promote two-way communication with the people.
We will also continue with hands-on monitoring through the presidential Siyahlola monitoring programme, through which the President visits communities for a direct assessment of service delivery. [Applause.]
The Deputy President will undertake the monitoring work through the antipoverty programme, which assists to promote food security and draw attention to problem areas.
Our public servants are our most important resource in meeting the delivery goals that will be outlined in the performance and delivery agreements. In the February 2013 state of the nation address, I announced the establishment of the Public Service Remuneration Review Commission. The Commission was formally appointed on 7 August 2013, with retired Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo as the chairperson.
The commission has conducted preliminary consultations with various key stakeholders such as labour unions, the Public Service Co-ordinating Bargaining Council and its sectoral bargaining councils, Ministers and members of provincial executive councils. I have extended the term of the commission to April 2015, due to the enormity of its brief, which covers more than 1,3 million public servants and over 200 public entities. It was also necessary to provide an extension due to the delays caused by capacity constraints, the December holidays and general elections. We urge stakeholders to support the commission in its very important task.
The Presidency is taking steps to institutionalise partnerships with various stakeholders through reconstituting the Presidential Working Groups, in order to promote partnerships for development and progress. The Presidential Business Working Group will bring together chairpersons and chief executive officers of major companies in South Africa, as well as key Ministers in the economic sector to discuss the performance of the economy.
We will also establish a Presidential Small Business Working Group, which will bring together organisations representing small business owners and government, to chart a path for supporting small enterprises. The Labour Working Group will bring together leaders of the major labour federations and key government leaders.
The Joint Working Group will bring together the social partners represented at the National Economic Development and Labour Council, Nedlac, namely business, labour, government and the community sector, to seek joint solutions to challenges facing all sectors. We have already placed some items on the agenda of this working group, such as the minimum wage proposal and the impact of strikes with a long duration.
We will also institutionalise the Presidential working groups on youth, women and religious affairs. We are establishing the new Presidential Working Group on Disability, which will enable the Presidency to champion and monitor the work of government departments and society involved with creating a better life for persons with disability.
We are also finalising plans to launch the Presidential Working Group on Communication and the Media, which will bring together government and organisations from the community and commercial media sectors. We stand to benefit immensely from the expertise of our scientists, academics and intellectuals in the new Presidential Working Group on Higher Education and Innovation.
Finally, we will convene the International Economic Advisory Panel, which will comprise owners and leaders of major corporations in the world to share their ideas on promoting investment and economic growth.
Our partnership with stakeholders to move South Africa forward will also be embodied in the work of the SA National Aids Council, Sanac, which is led by the Deputy President. Sanac will build on the successes scored by the country in the fight against HIV and Aids over the past five years and will enhance other areas of the fight, such as prevention.
The Deputy President, as the chairperson of the Human Resources Development Council, will also lead us in co-ordinating and championing skills development.
We look forward to good working relations between the executive and Parliament. The Deputy President, as Leader of Government Business in the National Assembly, will lead government in the interface with the legislature.
Hon members, we were encouraged by the overwhelming support for the NDP in the previous Parliament. The Deputy President chairs the National Planning Commission, and will assist us to take forward the good work being done in this structure.
This is a special year in the country, as we mark 60 years of the historic 1954 Women's Charter and 20 years of the Women's Charter for Effective Equality. We are mindful of these milestones as we take forward the mission of building a truly nonsexist society and to extend basic services to more women, who suffer most from persistent poverty, unemployment and inequality.
The Minister in the Presidency responsible for the Women portfolio has been given a mandate to lead, champion and monitor women's socioeconomic development, empowerment, rights and equality. The Department of Women will work closely with the Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation to keep track of the performance of government and society with regards to women's development. We will also gain from the expertise of various nongovernmental organisations working in this field.
Youth development is an important function in the Presidency and falls under the Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation portfolio. Minister Radebe, assisted by Deputy Minister Buti Manamela, will prioritise the tasks of mainstreaming youth development and empowerment. The responsibility of the Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation will go further than oversight over the National Youth Development Agency. It will include championing and monitoring youth development programme performance across government.
We will continue to lead the country's international relations programme, premised on building a better Africa and a more just world and to promote mutually beneficial relations with various countries and regions of the world.
We will contribute to building a stronger and more effective African Union, AU, so that it can drive the African Agenda. Our participation in the work of key AU structures will continue this term. These include the African Peer Review Mechanism, the Pan-African Parliament and the New Partnership for Africa's Development.
During the past term, South Africa championed the continent's infrastructure build programme, focusing on the North-South Road and Rail Development Corridor, a trade access corridor from Durban through Dar es Salaam to Cairo.
Our participation in regional integration efforts will continue within the Southern African Development Community, SADC, and the Southern African Customs Union, Sacu.
We also look forward to continued negotiations to establish a tripartite free trade area among the regional economic communities of the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa, the East African Community and SADC.
We are honoured to serve in key structures of the UN organisation. Last year, South Africa began serving a three-year term on the UN Economic and Social Council. Our priority is the articulation of the Post-2015 Development Agenda, led by the UN.
In January of this year our country was elected to the UN Human Rights Council, until December 2016. This honour reaffirms South Africa's commitment to the achievement of human rights locally and worldwide.
Our participation in the Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa league of emerging economies, Brics, forum continues to yield results. We attended the sixth Brics Summit in Brazil last week. The ground-breaking establishment of the New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement were the highlights of the summit. This development represented a major advancement for Brics and the developing world. We look forward to hosting the bank's Africa Regional Centre in South Africa, to be established concurrently with the headquarters in Shanghai in the People's Republic of China. [Applause.]
We will continue to participate in the India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue Forum, Ibsa, in further pursuit of global political governance reform and the promotion of socioeconomic co-operation among the three diverse democracies.
We value our participation in the G20 and will continue to use South Africa's role to promote and strengthen the interests of Africa and of the South. We will also continue to strengthen relations with key regions of the world such as Europe, North America, South America, the Caribbean, the Middle East, Asia, and Australia.
We look forward to the United States-Africa Leadership Summit, which will take place in Washington DC next month. The forum should open up new opportunities, especially with regard to trade and investment relations between the USA and Africa.
In further promoting partnerships for growth and development, the Global Smart Partnership Dialogue will be hosted in South Africa in October 2014. The Dialogue serves as a platform for heads of state, business leaders, scientists and academics to exchange ideas related to the role of science, technology and innovation in boosting socioeconomic transformation, development and growth.
We will continue to participate in peacemaking and peacekeeping missions on the continent, through the SA National Defence Force. Most importantly, we are honoured to be requested by other nations to share our country's negotiation and peacemaking expertise. In this regard, Deputy President Ramaphosa is South Africa's special envoy to South Sudan and Sri Lanka, assisting those two countries to overcome recent challenges.
Hon members, like all peace-loving people the world over, we are shocked and dismayed by the violence and tragic loss of life in Gaza. We call on the Israeli government to stop its ground and air offensive,... [Applause.] ... which continues to cause the loss of life and a devastating humanitarian crisis. We also call for an end to the firing of rockets on Israeli citizens by Hamas. [Applause.] We are also opposed to the veiled attempts by the Israeli government to use its onslaught on Gaza to undermine the Unity Government in Palestine. [Applause.]
There will never be a military solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The only solution lies in serious and genuine negotiations involving all parties. [Applause.] South Africa joins the UN Secretary-General, Mr Ban Ki-moon, in calling for an immediate ceasefire by all sides and the resumption of the flow of humanitarian aid to the suffering people of Gaza.
We appeal to the Egyptian authorities to open their doors to the injured and affected people of Gaza. With electricity, fuel and medical supplies running out in Gaza, the only lifeline for the people of Gaza is their brothers and sisters in Egypt. This is not the time to apportion blame but to focus on the needy and dying, especially defenceless women and children. South Africa will work with her Brics partners to develop a common position to this crisis.
Hon members, we have done well in consolidating democracy and building a new nation. However, we need to do much more work to build the soul of the nation, especially to promote unity, cohesion and a common nationhood. Programmes such as the promotion of the national flag and of the preamble to the Constitution in our schools will assist in building a national identity among our children and the youth at an early age. [Applause.]
We are currently engaged in processing outstanding work from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, to support the victims who were identified during that process, as part of the postapartheid healing process.
In building our new nation, we also need to confront difficult issues, such as the demon of racism. We welcome the global campaign against racism in sport, which was launched this week. It is a reminder of the need to continue to promote the building of a truly nonracial society, with zero tolerance for racism and prejudice.
Nation building must also involve working together to make our country safer for children. We were shocked and horrified by the manner in which four-year-old Taegrin Morris of Reiger Park in Johannesburg was dragged under a hijacked runaway car until he died. No child should be subjected to such brutality. We extend our heartfelt condolences to the Morris family and to the community of Reiger Park as a whole.
On Tuesday last week the country was shaken by the kidnapping of six-year-old Mongezi Phike, after he and his father, Mr Aaron Phike, were hijacked in Bronkhorstspruit. His father was severely assaulted. We thank the police and the public for the swift work that led to Mongezi being found. [Applause.] We condemn all these coldblooded, criminal acts and appeal to our people to assist the police to bring the perpetrators to book.
The Commonwealth Games begin today and we wish all our athletes strength and victory. Let us stand fully behind the team. With our support, they will do well and make us proud. [Applause.]
In September, the country will host the fourth international Karate World Cup in Durban, under the theme "Self-Defence, Self-Discipline and Crime Prevention". The Departments of Sport and Recreation, Police, Social Development, as well as Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation, which is responsible for youth development, will work together to ensure a successful Karate World Cup.
Hon members and special guests, our journey continues towards a truly united, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa. We humbly invite South Africans to join us in building a South Africa in which all, especially the poor and the working class, will fully enjoy the fruits of freedom. The action of each South African counts, as we move South Africa forward, together.
As Pixley Ka Isaka Seme stated in his 1911 article, "Native Union":
... co-operation is the key and the watchword which opens the door, the everlasting door which leads into progress and all national success.
Let me take this opportunity to thank the Deputy President, the two Ministers in the Presidency and the Deputy Minister for their support. I also appreciate the contribution and hard work of the director-general, advisors, senior management and all staff in the Presidency.
It is my privilege to commend Budget Vote No 1 to the House. I thank you. [Applause.]
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY
The PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Deputy Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President and hon members, in the month when we celebrate the life and legacy of our icon Nelson Mandela, who walked the path of justice, peace and reconciliation, it is agonisingly sad to witness the wanton destruction of life in the Gaza Strip. The bloodshed has claimed over 600 lives already - mostly Palestinian lives, mostly women and children - and entire families are being wiped out.
When we watch the battle raging there, we cannot help but reflect on our own fight for freedom, how close we came to civil war and bloodshed and how those who stood in solidarity with us gave us, the ANC, the strength to overcome the injustices. It is our turn now to show solidarity with the Palestinian people, and we do so remembering the words of our icon Nelson Mandela, who said, "We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians."
President, our friends on my left feel nothing because they got money from the proceeds of the building of the wall that divided Palestine to fight against us. [Interjections.] [Applause.] That is why they will sit there and ...
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! What is your point of order, hon member?
IsiXhosa:
UMBEXESHI OYINTLOKO WESININZI: Utatomkhulu wethu. [Our grandfather.]
English:
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, just take your seat, please. What point are your rising on, sir?
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order in terms of Rule 63, which refers to offensive language. [Interjections.] I submit to you, Deputy Speaker, that the comments that have been made by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party are offensive to this side of the House and are unsubstantiated. [Interjections.] I would ask that he withdraws it immediately.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! We will look at the Hansard and make a ruling on the comments. We will look at it. Proceed, hon member.
Mr K B MANAMELA: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, hon Manamela? I will give you a chance next.
Mr K B MANAMELA: Deputy Speaker, the hon Hill-Lewis here at the back shouted, "That's rubbish!" [Interjections.] That is offensive and unparliamentary language. Thank you.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, let our behaviour in the House not degenerate. Let us not behave in a way that will result in the proceedings in this House being conducted inappropriately. Hon Malema, what do you rise on, sir?
Mr J S MALEMA: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: When the hon Chief Whip says that the colleagues on the left have money, he is also referring to us. We agree with him on the DA, but we did not get money from those people. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Sizani, please proceed. [Interjections.]
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Deputy Speaker, it is common cause that there is a party in South Africa that was given money by the builder of the wall that divided Palestine. [Applause.] It is common cause, and they never denied it! [Interjections.] Why are they offended now? [Interjections.]
The sustainability of our democracy and the creation of the national democratic society cannot be taken for granted. However, we should take pride and comfort in acknowledging that we have a multiparty parliamentary system; that our electoral processes over the past 20 years have always been declared free and fair; that we have a strong sense of constitutionalism, supported by Chapter 9 institutions, various mechanisms of accountability, a functioning Public Service, underpinned by the principles of Batho Pele, and platforms and mechanisms that allow for public participation in government through public hearings and inputs into policy making; and highly developed economic infrastructure. We can all agree that as much as we have these sterling mechanisms that underpin our democratic state, we have a long way to go before we can confidently state that we have realised our objectives of building a developmental state.
The challenge arises in the co-ordination and implementation of these policies. This is endorsed by our National Development Plan, which argues that "in a society with deep social and economic divisions, neither social nor economic transformation is possible without a capable and developmental state". For us, it is crucial that the state is capacitated to galvanise productive forces that would ensure that the goals of social and economic transformation are achieved. A developmental state places emphasis on education, especially technical, numeracy and scientific skills. This gives rise to a highly skilled population in various areas of government structures that has strong tools of analysis at every level of decision making. The state has made significant progress in laying the foundations of the structures meant to fulfil our developmental objectives, but the challenge that has presented itself is the functioning of these structures.
In our drive to build a developmental state, we must also ensure that we build a capable state. A capable state is a requirement for economic growth. It creates an environment for such economic growth to take place and demonstrates governance at every level.
IsiXhosa:
Ukhe wabakho kwi-Bantustan ... [Have you ever been to a Bantustan ...]
English:
... or a self-governing state in a democratic South Africa? Every part of our country must be subjected to central planning and central direction from the centre, as the President has just said.
It is about efficiency, transparency and accountability across all three arms of the state: the executive, the judiciary, and the legislature. But more than that, it elevates the centrality of democratic accountability. A quote by James Madison from way back in 1788 refers to this most eloquently:
If men ...
At that time, they referred to everybody as men, as they did in the Bible, but now we refer to human beings. He says that if they…
... were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.
Twenty years into our democracy, we can confidently state that accountability is embedded in our democratic dispensation. [Interjections.] We have the separation of powers of the legislature, executive and judiciary. I was tempted to respond to the President, because a response from my left is as rare as finding somebody who supported and voted for apartheid. [Interjections.] [Applause.] All three are subjected to the Constitution as the final authority on constitutional rights. As the legislature, we hold the executive accountable for its actions, we interrogate policies, and we ask pertinent questions where we need answers to burning issues.
Attention must be paid to how we set our policy agenda and its follow-through. The following has been argued: It is our collective responsibility to moderate unrealistic policy expectations. The continuation of setting abstract targets and policies that apply across the board, irrespective of local government's actual resources to deliver them, is a formula for unrealistic and unmet promises that will further undermine public confidence in our government. Simplifying and streamlining regulatory frameworks, policy goals and reporting systems wherever possible would also go a long way towards making things easier for municipalities to deliver on our ambitious mandate.
For the ANC, the goal of the national democratic revolution is to establish a society in which citizens are intellectually, socially, economically and politically empowered. For this to happen, the state must become a dynamically developmental one. Two fundamental aspects that must be fulfilled if we want to build a robust developmental state are increasing the level of educational attainment in our population and increasing the knowledge content in society, especially in the areas of mathematics, science and technology. We need more researchers who are able to carry out advanced research, diagnose problems, identify areas for growth potential and monitor and develop solutions. An educated and skilled population with high levels of technical and numeracy skills is critical in building a knowledge economy. Creating a harmonious society with strong partnerships with business, government and labour, consolidating democracy, eliminating corruption, security of its citizens and efficient service delivery will strengthen the foundations for the building of a developmental state.
The transformation of our Public Service from being representative of a minority of the population to one that reflects greater representation of our population is a major achievement. It is said that the quality of public life is dependent on the quality of public administration and the quality of public service. Our public servants must be skilled and they must cultivate a sense of professional common purpose and a commitment to developmental goals. In the ANC, we believe that the Public Service should be both skilled and representative. We are clear about that. We are equally clear that affirmative action has helped to make the Public Service more representative of this country's population, and we, unlike the DA, do not have to flip-flop or do any fancy somersaults in clearly stating our position. [Interjections.] We do not pay lip service to employment equity or tip-toe around the issue of redressing the injustices of the past and levelling the playing fields. [Interjections.]
We can acknowledge that the ANC, the people's movement, has not veered from its original objective, which is to create a better life for all the people of South Africa. In fact, Statistics SA has confirmed that those who benefited most from the democratic society have been Afrikaner males and Indians. This is Statistics SA, and they even deny the fact that their benefits from the democratic society are based on the previous dispensation. [Interjections.] We can acknowledge ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Order!
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Former Deputy President Motlanthe articulated the following:
Our greatest challenge has been embracing the constitutional spirit and ethos of co-operative governance, on the one hand, and local government as a sphere, not tier, of government on the other. Local government is at the coalface of the developmental challenges facing our people and, to them, it is government. Communities are not interested in which sphere is responsible or not responsible for failure.
To them, service delivery is service delivery. Our Constitution, specifically Chapter 3, outlines the principles of co-operative governance. Essentially, for us to fulfil our mandate and to ensure that we place people at the centre of our service delivery, we need the various spheres of government to work together in a co-ordinated and coherent manner. Section 41 states that these principles require the following:
(1) All spheres of government and all organs of state within each sphere must-
(c) provide effective, transparent, accountable and coherent government for the Republic as a whole;
(e) respect the constitutional status, institutions, powers and functions of government in the other spheres; and
(h) co-operate with one another in mutual trust and good faith by-
(ii) assisting and supporting one another.
In this, while we recognise that local government is at the coalface of service delivery, we also recognise that it is the responsibility of all spheres of government to work together in harmony in fulfilling our programme of action. In seeking to ensure seamless delivery, to discuss governance and to improve the performance of the state at all three levels, the President's Co-ordinating Council ensures the implementation of national policy and legislation in provinces and municipalities, as well as the co-ordination and alignment of priorities, objectives and strategies across national, provincial and local governments. In addition, the Forum of South African Directors-General has started to monitor the administrative and managerial performance of national and provincial departments, to ensure that weaknesses are addressed.
While we have adopted the local government turnaround strategy which promises to address service delivery, Parliament must ensure that the policy framework and proposals put forward in fact meet our constitutional imperative and are ultimately conducive to efficient service delivery. Councillors and municipal councils, who are the key delivery agents ...
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, what is the point of order you rise on?
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, I rise with regard to Rule 62 of the National Assembly Rules. Could the Rule be interpreted for us to ensure a common understanding? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes. Order, hon members!
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, Rule 62 says that members should not read their speeches. "A member shall as far as possible refrain from reading his or her speech, but may refresh his or her memory by referring to notes." [Interjections.] Are we in an Animal Farm arrangement here where there are certain laws that must be upheld and others are not upheld, willy-nilly? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! All right, we will interpret that for you. Proceed, hon member. [Interjections.]
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Our Constitution, specifically Chapter 3, outlines that we have to obey the three spheres of government. What we have adopted is an efficient service delivery platform, where councillors and municipal councils are key players at the coalface of delivery.
In conclusion, our National Development Plan has made it clear, stating that between now and 2030, South Africa needs to move towards a developmental state that is capable, professional and responsive to the needs of the people. While there have been critics of this position, we the ANC are confident that we will continue on this path with the objective of eliminating poverty and reducing inequality.
The global economic crisis has demonstrated that markets are not always self-regulating and highlighted the importance of state interventions. Compared to other developing countries, the ANC government has a strong mass party base, which gives impetus to our rolling out the implementation of our policies. In further support of our developmental path, it is pointed out that South Africa already has a number of development finance institutions such as the Development Bank of Southern Africa, DBSA, and the Industrial Development Corporation, IDC, as well as various state-owned enterprises. Coupled with a skills set that is at least as good as many of the Asian developmental states at their early stages, we will build a capable and developmental state. This will depend not just on government or the state but on all of society and its leaders. I thank you. [Applause.]
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION
THE CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, members of this House, the guests who are joining us from the gallery, fellow South Africans ...
Setswana:
... bagaetsho Ke a le dumedisa. Dumelang.
English:
I want to deal with a matter of critical importance; one that cannot and should never be used for cheap political point-scoring. I want to join all the hon members in wishing for an immediate end to the violence in Gaza. The death of an ever-growing number of civilians, especially women, children and the elderly, must stop. In fact, we are concerned that what is happening in Gaza today cannot be considered by any reasonable person to be a commensurate response. We hope that the parties to the conflict will heed the unanimous international call for humanitarian ceasefire.
Five years from now it will be the year 2019, and this fifth democratic Parliament will conclude its mandate, given to us by the people of South Africa, who placed their hopes and dreams in our hands. The history books will have recorded our actions right here, and our country will be shaped and moulded by them. In fact, our nation could become a significantly different place over the next five years. It is our duty and our obligation to do everything in our power to create that future in a way that makes a positive change to our people's lives through inclusive growth that eliminates our devastating legacy of apartheid.
I want to highlight the fact that I am a brother to a younger sister - she is just 16 years old right now. She will start matric soon. She faces a turbulent future. The choices you and I make here today will have a direct impact on her life. Perhaps these are some of the issues she will face.
One day she will have to face the outcomes of the choices she made, either of a decent education that empowered her to make the choices that liberates her or she would have been subjected to lowered pass rates and an inferior education. She will, one day, face the prospects of going to our public health care system and if she lived in the Free State, for example, she would face declining medical supplies and vacant nursing posts, or she could face an excellent health care system.
I fear for her that, one day, she would be afraid of walking the streets of South Africa because she would feel unsafe and she would be at risk. The alternative is that - in this House, in this Parliament - we could ensure that she has a police service that would look after her. She could either be one of the South Africans who choose for a thousand more jobs to be created or, as our economy stagnates, jobs are shed and we are downgraded further. That is the future she faces.
The actions of this government - the actions of the hon President - over the next five years will make or break her future. Her story is not unique: It is true for every young girl all across South Africa. It is true for every daughter, mother, brother, son and father. It is for them that we sit in this House and make laws that will determine their tomorrow. These actions will either deliver the people of South Africa to meaningful hope and work, or these actions will deliver them to a place of hopelessness and greater unemployment.
Imagine, Mr President, a South Africa in 2019 where our people, and the world, see us as a nation with great potential; a place where there is opportunity for all; an open-opportunity society for all South Africans.
It would be a country premised on Amartya Sen's central insight that development should be measured by the extent to which people have the opportunity and the capability to define their own future and their potential, where investment swells and new industry and agriculture spring up, and where growth is realised at over 6% - if we implement the right policies and the right growth framework, as we are seeing in the province and the municipalities that the DA governs. [Interjections.]
South Africa could be a place where corruption has been cut out, where our democratic institutions are strong and free of political meddling, where coherent policy reigns and where investors feel a confidence to invest their money in South Africa. The sad reality is that we can all imagine it and we all want it, but, Mr President, do you have the boldness to get us there? Will you make the tough decisions to boldly lead us on a path where the future of South Africa is greatness; to lead us to a land of opportunity for all?
Bold leadership will be the difference between more and more of the same, or real and meaningful progress. The plan that would lead us on this path is embodied in the National Development Plan. The fact is that so much of the National Development Plan is capable of setting us on the path towards realising that South African dream.
Almost all of us in this House have stood up for its outcomes: jobs, growth, investment, quality education, broadband for all, a revolution of small businesses, rejecting red tape and making South Africa a friendly place to do business – almost all of us, except one.
The scenes yesterday in Gauteng reminded me quite starkly of a scene that took place on 26 June 1993, where another party barged into the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, Codesa, negotiations on horseback. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] [Applause.] That event is quite similar to what I saw yesterday at the Gauteng Legislature. [Applause.] It is in fact completely irrelevant what hon members choose to wear in this House. This House is a place where we debate ideas and ideals. The problem is not what they choose to wear or why they choose it, but whether they are supporters or opponents of the NDP - and they have joint opponents to this plan: Cosatu and the SACP. They are therefore the joint opponents of growth and the joint enemies of job creation. [Interjections.] You see, Mr President, without bold leadership, the NDP is being stalled by these enemies. They simply do not even stand for elections yet they are the alliance partners who stall our prospects of growth and job creation.
On the occasion of this Budget Vote debate, I want to put it to the hon President that at a time when South Africa faces enormous challenges, there are but two options: Mr President, either you lead or, in fact, you step aside. [Interjections.] [Applause.] To lead would be to take the difficult and bold decisions necessary to return South Africa to the path of greatness and to being the land of opportunity for all. To lead would be to take your cue from this Parliament and not the "parliament" that sits at Luthuli House. To lead would be when the hon President faced the tough decisions that would confront alliance partners. Otherwise, hon President, step aside. [Interjections.]
While every woman and every man has the right to peaceful strike action, we cannot ignore protracted labour unrest that kills industry and undemocratically places workers between the rock of the union and the hard place of unemployment. Mr President, I ask: Lead or step aside.
We cannot continue to stand by while the SA Police Service does not serve but oppresses and kills innocent people, as they did with the miners in Marikana. I sat with the family of Thsepo Babuseng, whom the police had shot while they were protesting. Their only sin was protesting for service delivery. That is the only thing they asked for; they marched on the streets, and the police shot them.
IsiZulu:
Bengihleli nalowo mndeni. [Ubuwelewele.]
Setswana: [15:23]
Ke ne ke dutse le bone, balela. [Setshego.]
English:
Mr President, we have to lead or step aside. We cannot continue to undermine the institutions that are in place to protect our democracy because without them we have no democracy left. We cannot allow the public broadcaster to be overthrown by the agenda of telling a good story when the story is far from good. You see, Mr President, in this regard, for you to lead would be to fire Hlaudi Motsoeneng ... [Applause.] ... or you risk us losing all faith in the SABC - or you can step aside.
What we cannot do, Mr President, is ignore the high levels of corruption, simply because perhaps it is too tough to take action against fellow comrades. We cannot stand by and accept the launch of Operation Phakisa and ask that things should hurry up, but the President himself will not hurry up and deliver his reply to the Nkandla report to this House ... [Applause.] ... or hurry up and establish the National Director of Public Prosecutions inquiry. In fact, he will not hurry up and comply with direct court orders requesting the spy tapes. Mr President, lead or step aside. [Interjections.]
You see, Deputy Speaker, the budget before us is simply more of the same. More of the same from the Presidency and the hon President Zuma will see more of the same lacklustre outcomes: 34% of the people in this country are unemployment - and that is growing; there is widening inequality among our people, as well as a deepening level of poverty. The time is now, and the chance is upon us.
At this moment in history, I believe five very serious matters of national importance deserve our urgent attention and your urgent and decisive action. Firstly, you need to come out strongly in support of the institutions that exist to ensure our democracy is protected and upheld. It is, in fact, the most important aspect of your job as President, as the leader and Head of State, to uphold the integrity and independence of the institutions of our democracy, including the SABC, the NPA, the Public Protector and many more. [Applause.]
Secondly, I believe that we need to set an example against corruption. South Africans need to know that no one is above the law - most of all not you, Mr President. That means urgently providing South Africa with your response to the damning allegations against you in the Nkandla report by the Public Protector. The President has, in fact, missed his own deadline to come clean on Nkandla and submit his response to the Nkandla report. The people of South Africa who elected us to this House must know the truth about Nkandla, for until then the cloud of improper financial benefit hangs over the head of our President.
Thirdly, Mr President, I request and urge you to make it easier, not harder, for people to work, to start their own businesses and to create jobs for other South Africans. You need to heed the petitions on your desk to return the job-killing Bills to the National Assembly for further debate and amendment. The Labour Relations Amendment Bill, the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Amendment Bill, the Private Security Industry Regulation Bill, and the Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill – there are about four Bills, yet these the President can still act against. In 2019, when this Fifth Parliament concludes its business, it will be a vital mandate. The hon President's signature will live on at the bottom of laws that would have, in fact, stolen jobs from the people of this land. Mr President, I believe you can act and stop those four Bills.
Fourthly, Mr President, I really believe we can stimulate key sectors of the economy, rather than standing by as our growth sits at nothing more than mediocre and a recession is not off the table. It was right that the mining sector was prioritised in the hon President's state of the nation address in June and certainly today, but South Africa needs bold action to correct the imbalances in power between mining unions and mine workers. I say this with full knowledge that the hon President sits in an alliance with the largest concentration of unions. When we see such protracted strikes in the platinum belt and today with the metal workers, we see the effects of those strikes on the outputs of the industry; we see nonstriking workers being beaten; we see striking workers being forced to starve for months on end; and we see desperate workers without a choice to strike or not to strike. Then, Mr President, we are failing our vulnerable working class. It is time that the hon President leads South Africa away from this parasitic system of big unions and big business working together to keep people out of the economy.
Fifthly, Mr President, give South Africa's youth a compelling offer for employment and personal development, and scrap the National Youth Development Agency, the NYDA. It is nothing more than a cash-cow for connected individuals who get richer, while the youth of South Africa gets poorer. From an NYDA budget of R408 million, almost half of it will go just to salaries. How can we possibly support that an agency is the solution to youth development when the cost to run it equates to half of its total budget allocation? Mr President, every cent of that R408 million could rather have been spent on the Youth Tax Incentive Scheme, which would mean money going directly to job creation for unemployed young people, not job creation for executive after executive in the NYDA who achieve nothing for our youth. In fact, I propose that the NYDA should rather be called the NYDPA – the National Youth Personal Development Agency.
Lastly, Mr President, we need to keep the lights on. Energy generation and supply are far too expensive. Your commitment in June was to diversify energy production. We must provide diverse energy and create energy generation mechanisms that prioritise wind, solar and green technology. Let us not prioritise the investment of trillions by government alone; let us make it easier for investors to add to our electricity capacity and for the private and independent operators to enter the market urgently.
Mr President, let us act on these. These ideas may be very unpopular with some of the members in your alliance, but true leadership is really not about pleasing your comrades or being popular. It is about choosing a way that suits the people of this country. Mr President, lead or step aside. These six things will bring about a positive change, in the short term, I believe, and they will be the marks of boldness and of strong leadership.
Mr President, the electorate and the people of South Africa are indeed facing very difficult times, some of the most difficult on record. Ours is to champion their fight and to call for boldness in government that would bring progress through the National Development Plan, through purging corruption, through growing the economy in ways similar to what our equivalent competitor countries India and Chile have done, at growth of over 5% today – not in five years' time, but now.
We can bring progress through fostering investment, through quality education, through excellent health care, through broadband for all, through a revolution of small business, through making South Africa the most attractive economy for doing business. We must look back at this Fifth Parliament and say that in this Parliament, in this House and in this Chamber, we held government and its actions to the strongest account, showing the way forward to a place of opportunity for all.
I told you of my sister earlier; of the turbulent future she faces. She is in no way unique, and this is the future for many South Africans. That is why, Mr President, I remind you that in 2016, across every local government of South Africa and, in 2019, throughout the nation, South Africans will go to the polls. They will take their destiny into their own hands and they will express their wish for your government to make way for real change and real progress.
I am so proud of the people of Gauteng because they came out and voted for change. [Interjections.] You may have won by a few percentage points, but that is like winning on a penalty shootout. [Applause.] So, in 2016, Nelson Mandela Bay will soon be a place where its people will vote for change. [Applause.] In Tshwane, people will vote for change. In Johannesburg, people will vote for change. In every province of South Africa, there will be local governments where the DA will deliver real opportunities to South Africans of all walks of life.
So, Mr President, take the tough actions, lead South Africa to prosperity or step aside for new hope under the DA. This is in fact what the people of this country will demand. I thank you. [Applause.]
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION
THE MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Deputy Speaker, that was sound and fury from the former DA candidate for premier of Gauteng. [Interjections.] Your Excellency the President, Deputy President, hon members and fellow South Africans, I rise to support the Budget Vote of the Presidency, which has been presented to this House by His Excellency President Zuma. I will do so by highlighting some of the areas in which we would collectively be contributing to the achievements of the goals that he has set for us all.
Firstly, the establishment of the New Development Bank and the Contingency Reserve Arrangement in Fortaleza, Brazil last week is a giant step in our multilateral engagement with our partners in the Brics family for a better continent and a better world. Under your leadership, Mr President, the ANC government continues in its quest to ensure peaceful, progressive and democratic transformation, both in the domestic economy and internationally, to address challenges. This is without doubt a fitting tribute to the founding President of this new dispensation, President Nelson Mandela, and the many other heroes and heroines of the struggle for a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic, equal and prosperous society.
For a period of seven decades, progressive governments and civil society have been calling for the reconfiguration of the global development finance institutions so that they become reflective of the changing balance of forces and the growing role of emerging economies in the world
The doubts that have been raised recently, arguing that our geographic location is far removed from the major economic hubs of the world, are unfounded. We do not pretend that this bank will be a panacea for all our economic woes but we are not oblivious to the challenges that continue to bedevil the banking system throughout the world. We commend you for these tireless efforts to ensure that we achieve this monumental milestone of the establishment of the Bank.
Secondly, as it pertains to our multisectoral approach to unlocking our economic potential, a laboratory on Operation Phakisa, which was launched by the President in Durban on Saturday, is currently under way. Once this work is finished, we will inform South Africans how our unexplored oceans and our exclusive economic zone will assist the process of our economic transformation. We will be departing from the premise that for far too long we have sat with an asset that could be unlocked and in our delay we have not been quick to exploit the resource on which many a nation has exclusively existed and survived.
Thirdly, presenting my portion of the Budget Vote 6 and 13 on Monday, I was impressed by a sense of collective ownership of the National Development Plan. My view is that while filibustering, attention-seeking and grandstanding will always characterise this Parliament, there is acceptance overall that the NDP represents the only way forward for this beautiful land. There will be criticism here and there, but we had a sense from our colleagues, even on this side of the aisle, that they are looking forward to the immediate implementation of this plan.
We will rely on all South Africans, including those in this Parliament, to support us in getting our ducks in a row to ensure that we effectively implement this plan. Getting our ducks in a row is an effort to heed the call that our icon, Nelson Mandela, made to our mother, Mrs Adelaide Tambo, namely that we should allow fate to disturb our plans only on our own terms. Our department is ready to engage with all South Africans on the issues of implementation that would unlock the vast potential that the NDP presents to our nation.
Now that the dust of the election trail has settled, there is a need for our nation to refocus its attention on what is the common good for all South Africans. The intermediate period between now and the next electoral phase is short and the desire to jumpstart the electoral process even as we find our common goal as a country will always be too tempting. There is, however, a need to ponder and reflect on this NDP document, which we have all accepted and which will have to determine the destiny of this country for the next 30 years.
Fourthly, the responsibility for monitoring the performance of government work is central to how our delivery of services is perceived by our people. The effectiveness of our programmes will only be seen at local level, which is the coalface of our interaction with citizens. Mechanisms on their own will always not be sufficient to monitor human beings. The human element of this monitoring calls on all South Africans ... [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order.
THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! What is your point of order, hon member?
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, I want to know if it is parliamentary for the hon Gigaba to sit there as if he were in a shebeen. [Laughter.]
THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! That is not a point of order. He will be ordered to sit ... [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: [Laughter.] It is disruptive. All of us can sit on top of tables here and everything ... [Interjections.]
THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, no, no! He is not our teacher. Do not do that, please! He will sit properly. Please proceed, hon member.
THE MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: This plan calls on all South African citizens not accept themselves as passive recipients of services, but as determiners of how and when those services should be provided. It is only when our people are decision-makers in processes related to them that they will be aware of whether performance is in line with their expectations.
Nevertheless, let me emphasise that monitoring of government work is not only about people but also whether or not the systems we put in place and the strategies we deploy help us to achieve the goals of prosperity for all. Thus, when we all put our shoulders to the wheel, we must strive towards those goals with the singularity of mind and resolve equal to an ox-drawn plough. But because these systems cannot work on their own without people running them, that is precisely the reason we must amplify the significance of sparing no effort by all of us in government, in the political opposition, in business, in the labour force and in NGOs. This we say because we remain steadfast that the NDP is a programme for the people as a whole.
To harmonise these interactions and manage our people's expectations, our government officials need to listen and not just hear our people. Every decision that we take, be it in executive committees or at the front desks, all our officials must have in mind the interests of the people we serve. Those of us who have been lucky to serve our people must not start listening only at the pain of a court order or a threat of some form of legal action or another.
Very importantly, the NDP must and is now addressing the bigger problems that confront our country. It is without doubt that the trio of challenges - unemployment, poverty and inequality - are more defined in the youth, hence the importance of an integrated youth development strategy that will ensure, in the main, youth skills development, youth entrepreneurship and youth employment among the various youth development programmes as a whole.
On this occasion of the 20th anniversary of our democracy, we must celebrate the peaceful and constitutional nature of our democracy. This month of July marks the national and worldwide celebration of the birthday of our icon Nelson Mandela and for the first time we celebrated his birthday posthumously. As we go about creating a better society through the NDP, we must be mindful that ultimately we seek to create a society whose values reflect the text and spirit of the Constitution that President Mandela signed into law.
Let me remind hon members that a democratic parliament as an institution of the people is what many died for because it holds the promise that the hopes of all our people would become a living reality. This occasion is therefore not only about the tasks that need to be done but, very importantly, a firm commitment towards fulfilling those tasks and realising the goals of a better life for all our people. Mr President, the Budget Vote does inspire confidence and we are on the right path towards the speedy resolution of the trio of challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality.
It is for this reason, Mr President, that we must find speedy solutions on how to implement the NDP, even beyond the Medium-Term Strategic Framework as our mainstay approach - such as the Operation Phakisa. We must indeed leave no stone unturned in accelerating national transformation in every economic sphere and give real hope to our people that a better life is within their immediate grasp. This positive energy must echo in all national departments, all provinces and all municipalities.
It is a very positive development that all parties welcome the NDP. If we can likewise fully support the implementation, there is no doubt that we will do good for our people. Even more importantly, we shall have rightfully restored the dignity of all our people and made this Constitution a living document and a source of pride for being a South African. This call is not only to this House but also to business, to labour, to the youth and to the broader society. It is a call we make to all in the Public Service.
This Budget Vote, as all the others have been doing over the past three weeks, speaks directly to the common position to which the National Development Plan is taking this country. I urge members of this Parliament to analyse each and every Budget Vote for its compliance with the NDP and the Medium-Term Strategic Framework.
We have taken stock of the great strides that we have made and, having adopted the NDP, we believe and we are confident that together we can indeed move South Africa forward. I thank you.
Mr J S MALEMA
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY
Mr J S MALEMA: Hon Deputy Speaker, Comrade President, we want to take this opportunity to congratulate the members of the ruling party for coming out openly today in support of the Palestinian struggle, and we hope that they will exert more pressure so that the President will instruct the removal of the Ambassador of Israel. We need to do so because those who were with us during difficult times expect us to act against these barbaric acts that are now happening in Palestine.
We also want to agree with the Minister of Police that police must not be a force, but a service. What we experienced yesterday is the result of the police being turned into a force.
Mr President, we come to speak here on behalf of an organisation that is celebrating one year of existence this coming Saturday, 26 July 2014. This coming Saturday marks exactly one year since we opened a national assembly on what is to be done in Soweto. Many people underestimated the emergence of the EFF and had ruled out the struggle for economic freedom. Ordinary people across South Africa gathered to say that enough is enough and declared that we needed to take the struggle forward, only now on a different platform.
When we started, all the political parties imitated everything we did because the EFF is innovative and a leader in the realm of creativity. These political parties will continue to learn from us and copy many things we do as a movement. We are really inspired by that because imitation is the most sincere form of flattery.
We did so because we believe that true radical and militant economic transformation should be pursued through a different platform and not through a liberation movement that failed to liberate the people of South Africa economically.
On 26 July 2013 we said that the EFF is a government in waiting and if there is anyone who still doubts that today, that person needs close medical attention. [Laughter.] The EFF will be the government of South Africa and those who record history should pay close attention, so that when that time comes, they will be able to give a clear account of history.
We currently have representation in the two Houses of this Parliament and in all the provincial legislatures. After the 2016 local government elections, the EFF will be in all the municipalities. Our aim is to consolidate the working class and left-wing forces behind a truly radical economic transformation programme that will restore the dignity of ordinary South Africans. We are the true and only representative of the working class in South Africa and our programme will inspire a radical economic emancipation movement across the African continent. We have demonstrated, with no resources and with very little space and time, that behind our ideas are genuine ideas for a future South Africa.
Over the past weeks, we have demonstrated to the people of South Africa that we do not just criticise the current government but we offer a concrete and coherent alternative to the programmes of all political parties in this Parliament. Now, we have rejected the Budget Votes of all government departments because we argue that they do not represent anything meaningful for a better and economically liberated South Africa. It appears that all political parties ...
Mr Z M D MANDELA: Hon Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Malema, please take a seat. What are you rising on, hon Mandela?
Mr Z M D MANDELA: Deputy Speaker, what is the relevance of this to the Budget Vote? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, that is not a point of order. Proceed, hon Malema.
Mr J S MALEMA: It appears that all political parties in this Parliament have one programme, called the National Development Plan, hon Mandela. The NDP is supposed to be a vision for government programmes until 2030, but the majority of its proposals are not practical. They are not practical because, in all fairness, it will never be possible to liberate South Africa unless there is a radical change of property relations wherein the wealth of those who stole it during colonial dispossession is transferred to the majority of the people.
The NDP is not the right programme for putting this country on a development path, and here are the reasons. The NDP does not have protected industrial development at the centre of the development that South Africa should undergo up to 2030. The NDP identifies services, such as domestic work, and the informal sector as job drivers. This is not a sustainable plan because to improve the living conditions of millions of people, you need formal jobs in the industrial sector. Services are not labour intensive.
The NDP aims to diminish workers' rights and their protection because it proposes lots of labour-cheapening mechanisms as a means of attracting investment. This approach is a problem and will never happen because, in South Africa, workers should be a priority and attempts to weaken their rights will be resisted by workers on the ground.
The NDP does not place the increase of agricultural productivity at the centre of development and only targets an additional 1 million jobs by 2030. This means an increase of only 70 000 jobs per year in agriculture until 2030. Agriculture and the entire food economy is the most reliable means through which South Africa can guarantee food security and create sustainable jobs for millions of people, not 70 000 per year.
In 2030, the South African population will be more than 65 million and that in itself has the potential to create millions of jobs - if South Africa produces enough food to feed its citizens and still export to the continent. The NDP does not have a plan on land reform, agricultural productivity and the food economy.
The NDP does not say anything about the need to beneficiate mineral resources locally. Big mining capitalists are happy with that because they are not interested in local beneficiation. Our people are still landless, property-less, homeless and hopeless and the NDP does not contain a cogent programme to redistribute the land to all South Africans. The EFF is the only hope, not the NDP, which is a joint programme of the ANC and the DA.
We are aware that the current government is denying our people a proper democratic space in which to participate democratically. We have accepted the outcome of the 2014 general elections, but that does not mean that they were a true reflection of the wishes of the South African people. Those elections were presided over by a chairperson who, immediately after the elections, was found to be unsuitable to occupy office by a competent court of law. This happened because the EFF and other political parties took her to court.
There are many people here who are not suitable to occupy the positions they are occupying and the people of South Africa will reject them. [Interjections.] It is only a matter of time.
Now, our objections to the NDP ... [Interjections.]
Mr B A RADEBE: Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Malema, please hold your horses and take a seat. What point are you rising on, hon member?
Mr B A RADEBE: Deputy Speaker, I am rising on a point of order regarding the issue of the chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission. That matter is still sub judice because she has lodged an appeal. [Interjections.] I request you to rule on that. Thank you.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Malema, please be careful. We will come back to reinforce that when we have looked at the Hansard but you are on thin ice with this, hon Malema. Please proceed.
Mr J S MALEMA: During the debates of the economic cluster Budget Votes, we raised the realities of base erosion, transfer pricing and profit shifting. No political party had in the past raised the fact that big business in the minerals and natural resources sector is robbing South Africa of massive potential wealth. The ANC should be in unity with the EFF on this question because combating transfer pricing will mean that the state has access to additional resources to deliver services. The ANC should be in unity with the EFF on combating private sector corporate crime because South Africa is being robbed of its wealth.
The problem with the ruling party is that it refuses to accept that South Africa is in a crisis of underdevelopment and poverty. Every time the ruling party addresses this Parliament, and on other platforms, they say they have a good story to tell. What good story is there to tell when the majority of our people are living in absolute poverty; the levels of unemployment are high; children do not have access to quality education; our people do not have access to quality health care; and communities still do not have access to clean water and sanitation?
Perhaps we do not know what good stories are. Perhaps we should accept that what the ruling party preaches in this Parliament is indeed a story; a drama that is not worth celebrating. They should change their slogan to "We have a good drama to tell". [Laughter.] What we have been hearing here is just a drama.
It is indeed a drama when a sitting President fails to meet his own deadline for submitting the report on Nkandla. It is indeed a drama when the sitting President promises the people of Giyani water and five years down the line they do not have water. It is indeed a drama when the President promises the people of Venda a hospital, yet they do not have a hospital. It is a drama when the presiding officers of this House are in the pockets of white mining capitalist companies.
We should make sure that we fight against white monopoly capital because, Comrade President, those who hold political power now got it from the people, but they are exercising that power to the benefit of white monopoly capital. You were voted in by the people, Mr President, but you have allowed white monopoly capital to hijack the people's power by controlling organs of state. Those working at Sars who continue to demand that the big corporate companies must pay more tax are threatened with suspension and expulsion by the so-called monopoly capitalists.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Malema, your time has expired.
Mr J S MALEMA: Mr President, ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, hon Malema.
Mr J S MALEMA: ... be careful of your Deputy President, who sleeps with white monopoly capitalists. [Interjections.] [Applause.] [Time expired.]
Prince M G BUTHELEZI
Mr J S MALEMA
Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Deputy Speaker, His Excellency President Zuma, Deputy President, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members, we rise in uncertain times, with the intractable conflict in the Middle East foremost on our minds. I must thank His Excellency President Zuma for his balanced comments on this crisis, recognising that tragedy exists on both sides. I thank the President for cautioning us on the habit of easily apportioning blame. I commend our President for sending a delegation to the Middle East, led by our former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Aziz Pahad.
Last year, from this very podium, I made two points - one of which I wanted to stress again today - and I warned that I would repeat them until action is taken. Hon Deputy Speaker, we are again debating the Presidency's budget without having had the benefit of scrutinising it in a parliamentary oversight committee. In the case of every government department, the budget is pored over and questioned before we come here to express our agreement or disapproval. Yet, when it comes to the Presidency, we rise in this House with limited capacity to debate what is being spent, where it is being spent and how it is being spent. Is all this travelling necessary? Could smaller delegations be sent? Are we achieving our national objectives on each international trip? These are questions for an oversight committee, to be answered by the Director-General in the Presidency. But we are forced to pose them to the President in this House. That is neither fair to the President, nor is it in the interest of our own work.
Unfortunately my second point from last year also remains relevant and it is an accelerating concern. Unless we take the necessary tough measures in our economy and protect it, particularly against corruption, we will soon look at budget allocations and simply sigh about the fact that there is truth in the saying that the road to hell is paved with good intentions.
We welcome the positioning of the Ministry of Women in the Presidency, following the poor performance of its predecessor, the composite department. For the sake of South Africa's women, which includes my wife, this Ministry's performance cannot go the way of the National Youth Development Agency, which we still maintain should fall under a dedicated Youth Ministry. Our women, and our youth, deserve better.
Lastly, whatever you hear about the National Development Plan, I support what the leader of the opposition stated here, namely that development is at the top of our wish list as a nation. Unfortunately, I too am a sceptic, like him, because I have been in government for 10 years and I know what happened to Growth, Employment and Redistribution, Gear, and to Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa, AsgiSA. I also know what the SA Communist Party and Cosatu do. All they have not done is to jump up and say, "We do not want the NDP!" Thank you. [Laughter.] [Applause.]
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT
Prince M G BUTHELEZI
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I now call the hon Deputy President. I believe this is the Deputy President's maiden speech. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon President of the Republic Mr Jacob Zuma, hon members, it is indeed a joy to stand before you. It is nearly 18 years since I last stood here to address this House. I do not know what you call this speech, because I did address the House 18 years ago. I tried to find out what the opposite of maiden would be but I could not find it in the dictionary. [Interjections.] Maybe you are right; maybe it is a maiden over. [Laughter.]
Much has changed in these many years. Sadly, many of the people who I worked with and who occupied these benches as members of the first democratically elected Parliament have left us. Those who are still here have, in some instances, grown a little greyer and, in some instances, grown quite a lot wiser. Some of my Cabinet colleagues, such as Minister Hanekom and Minister Radebe, have lost all that nature created to cover their skulls. [Laughter.] Yet I must say that they remain as wise as ever, as young as ever and as good-looking as ever. [Applause.]
While much has changed inside this House since I last had the privilege of standing here, most remarkable are the changes that have taken place outside this Parliament. On the streets of our country, in our townships, in our villages, in our classrooms, in our clinics and in our places of work, a lot has changed. The lives of our people have definitely improved. We can today tell the story of a country that is definitely and determinedly on the move towards a better life for all. [Applause.]
It is also a country in which we can tell the story of a young girl in Mathibestad, the orphaned young Lesego, who has passed matric and is now studying engineering, financed and supported through the National Student Financial Aid Scheme. [Applause.] She can say thank you to the ANC government and thank you to Minister Blade Nzimande for making this possible. [Applause.] There is also the tale of our collective sister Fatima, in Sophiatown, who now has the title deed to her house. She has returned to Sophiatown, owns her own house and now also has clean drinking water in her house. [Applause.]
This is a story of a country that has moved from being a pariah state a mere 20 years ago to successfully hosting the 2010 Fifa World Cup and is now building the biggest telescope in the southern hemisphere, the Square Kilometre Array telescope, commonly known as the SKA. [Applause.] This is South Africa.
Hon members, in his state of the nation address President Jacob Zuma outlined the programme of action of this government for the next five years. This programme aims to improve the lives of all the people of our country through radical socioeconomic transformation. It aims to remove all impediments that prevent our people from enjoying the freedom, the human dignity, the equality and the material security promised by the 1994 democratic breakthrough.
This Budget Vote underscores the role of the Presidency in giving effect to this programme to improve the lives of our people. Guided by the vision of building a better life for all, we will dedicate our resources and energies to forge a social compact that brings together all South Africans in pursuit of a common vision for radical socioeconomic transformation.
It is a vision that is most eloquently articulated in the Freedom Charter and serves as a backdrop to the National Development Plan. It is the ideal in which all South Africans have equal rights and, indeed, equal opportunities. It is a vision of a society in which poverty is eradicated and inequality reduced. It is a vision of an economy that is growing; an economy that is creating jobs and generating the resources needed to meet the material needs of our people.
The work of the Presidency, which includes the responsibilities that the President has delegated to the Office of the Deputy President, strategically seeks to advance this very vision. It is centrally concerned with forging partnerships across society to address our shared challenges. It is about building consensus and promoting collaboration.
A critical feature of a successful social compact is that all parties need to recognise that a deal is being struck between the present and the future. This is how we achieved our democratic breakthrough in 1994. As parties came together to negotiate and eventually agreed on the Constitution that now governs us, they did so knowing full well that we needed a social compact that addressed the injustices of the past. At the same time, they imagined a future society characterised by the values of nonracialism, nonsexism, freedom and prosperity for all.
Key to understanding and sustaining a social compact is trust. Trust requires honest engagement between social partners on the issues that will move this country forward. Once again, history calls upon all social partners to accept one another's bona fides and to work in concert to accelerate transformation and the elimination of inequality.
Ordinary people out there in our country appreciate the call to work together.
Afrikaans:
Saamwerk.
Tshivenda:
Ri shumisane. Ri shume rothe.
IsiZulu:
Sibambane ngezandla.
English:
That is what our people long for and yearn for, and this is precisely what President Zuma is seeking to lead this country towards – that we should work together and move this country forward.
This is why they came out in large numbers on International Mandela Day in response to President Zuma's clean-up campaign. They cleaned their streets, they cleaned their churches, they cleaned their schools and orphanages, hospitals and many other places. In their millions, South Africans responded to this call because they long to work together. Our job as legislators here is to give them the opportunity to work together, which is what President Zuma is seeking to do. [Applause.]
Working together has become part of our DNA. It is what unites us and what makes us quite exceptional. Nowhere is closer alignment and active co-operation more important than working together to build our economy. Our efforts to build social cohesion and promote inclusion depend on our collective ability to address poverty, unemployment and inequality.
In his state of the nation address President Zuma announced that he would soon convene a meeting of the Presidential Big Business Working Group. This would, among other things, seek to remove obstacles to private-sector investment in our country. Many in our country are eagerly awaiting the outcomes of this engagement.
The President has directed that we engage with Nedlac social partners to seek solutions to the critical challenge of wage inequality. Among other things, this will include the development of a policy framework for introducing a national minimum wage.
Wage inequality extends beyond the promotion of stable labour relations. It goes to the heart of the economy we seek to transform and the caring society that we want to build. We need to forge a common position among all stakeholders in Nedlac on what is required to improve the conditions of workers, to address inequality in the workplace, to improve productivity, and to achieve shared, sustained economic growth. This, we believe, is at the heart of a new social compact that addresses the interests of all South Africans.
Hon members, we need to broaden the reach and deepen the impact of the direct job-creation interventions that make an immediate difference in the lives of the poor and the unemployed. The ANC's election manifesto recognises youth unemployment as arguably the country's single most critical challenge. It says that youth empowerment should be fast-tracked. Already, our public infrastructure programme is benefiting a number of young people because, in line with the Youth Accord, all contracts have built-in targets for youth empowerment.
We call on the private sector – companies all over the country of whatever size and nature – to open opportunities to young people through internships, through mentorships, through programmes that support young entrepreneurs. Let us swell the ranks of trainees, artisans and young entrepreneurs in our training and supplier-development schemes. It is possible to do this. Those who have opted to go this path have seen great benefit flowing to young people as they take up the opportunities and get skills and become more active participants in advancing their own lives and building the economy of our country.
Within the state, we will tackle unemployment and poverty through public employment initiatives, like the Expanded Public Works Programme, the Community Works Programme, the Jobs Fund and the SMME Support Programme. These interventions have demonstrated their value in alleviating poverty and creating opportunities for skills development and workplace experience. We should not disregard the importance of interventions such as these. These are meaningful interventions. Some dismiss them as opportunities or interventions that do not create real jobs. These interventions make a huge difference in the lives of millions of South Africans. [Applause.]
Going forward, the Anti-Poverty Inter-Ministerial Committee, which oversees this work, will focus on fewer interventions but on those that have the greatest impact. Further, programme managers will prioritise implementation in economically depressed regions where there are limited prospects of private-sector employment. It has been proven worldwide that entrepreneurs are as unique as they are innovative; they are often agile; they respond quicker to market opportunities; and they are generally more competitive. Herein lies the opportunity to create jobs and transform the structure of our economy. We will pursue initiatives to better co-ordinate the provision of government support for entrepreneurs and reduce the administrative burden they experience.
The Presidency's commitment to inclusivity, participation and collaboration finds expressions in structures like the Human Resource Development Council, which the President spoke about. The council advises government on the expansion and improvement of our national skills system and its outcomes. Collaboration across sectors is necessary to achieve what I would call a "skills revolution".
We therefore support the National Education Collaboration Trust, which is an initiative involving the private sector, organised labour and government to improve our general education system. We applaud the initiative and the leadership of Mr Sizwe Nxasana, who continues to work hard to make this initiative successful. We also recognise and acknowledge the initiative of the Kagiso Trust and of the Adopt-a-School Foundation, which is also making a meaningful contribution, particularly in the Free State, where they are working with a number of schools at the district level. This is led by Ms Donné Nicol and Mr Kgotso Schoeman, who are doing a great job. We applaud them for all the work that they do. [Applause.]
We call on the private sector to rise to the challenge to continue to be involved in education initiatives in our country, to deploy resources, to build schools and libraries, to train teachers and to give bursaries to our young people. Where the private sector works with government departments, we see meaningful change.
Another outstanding example of effective collaboration that has had a huge impact on people's lives is the SA National Aids Council, Sanac. Even as we acknowledge progress made in our response to Aids, we are acutely aware of the challenges that still persist. Recent studies, for example, point to a resurgence of infections and a diminishing awareness of prevention messages.
As we expand our treatment programme, our focus will be on targeted interventions among high-risk groups, such as young women, farm workers, sex workers, students and people who live in hostels and informal settlements. We will reintroduce the mass communication campaign to make all South Africans aware of the dangers of unprotected sex, intravenous drug use and other risky behaviours.
The fight against Aids will only be successful if we simultaneously address social conditions that continue to contribute to the burden of disease. These include poor living conditions in informal settlements and limited access to prevention and care services.
Working together with our social partners in Sanac, a structure that the President has asked me to chair, we will massively increase our male medical circumcision programme. Drawing on the success we have had elsewhere, we are engaged in efforts to prevent the death of initiates, particularly in the Eastern Cape, through the introduction of male medical circumcision. Our experience shows that it is indeed possible to accommodate and to mediate cultural practices within this male medical circumcision programme, which has significant benefits for our Aids-prevention strategies.
It is fitting that on this note we should pause to remember those who lost their lives on Air Malaysia flight MH17. Compounding the human tragedy of that disaster was the loss, on the eve of the 20th International Aids Conference in Australia, of several leading researchers who supported the work of the SA National Aids Council. A number of them had already traversed a number of areas in our country - in our villages, in our townships, especially in Soweto - to do real and good research work that has led to some of the progress that we have made. We dip our flag and our heads to them because their death is a real loss in the fight against Aids. We join the international community in mourning their passing and extend our condolences.
Oversight is critical to ensuring that government does indeed deliver. The Presidency will provide strategic oversight of government programmes as part of monitoring progress towards a capable developmental state. Our task is to support the President in ensuring the achievement of the goals that are contained in the performance agreements of Ministers. We will focus on strengthening the chain of accountability through the Public Service.
We will support local government in developing its capacity to deliver basic services. As Deputy President, I will support the Service Delivery IMC by visiting service delivery points to assess progress made in revitalising our local government. We will work with the Minister in the Presidency, Minister Jeff Radebe, to monitor the implementation of the National Development Plan. We will ensure that departmental strategic plans and annual performance plans are aligned with the Medium-Term Strategic Framework and the NDP. We will assess how these relate to the popular mandate reflected in the ANC's 2014 manifesto.
We will continue to engage various sectors of society to detail the contributions they have made to the implementation of the NDP. To this end, I have already met the CEOs of major banks, who have committed to developing concrete implementation plans that include funding options for our infrastructure programme.
Mr President, perhaps this is the time for you to call on the private sector to end the so-called investment strike and to call on them to now invest in our economy. [Applause.] Demonstrate to them that the public sector, as led by you, is indeed investing in our economy. It has confidence in the resilience of the South African economy and its efficacy, and in the fact that this government is indeed investing. So, they too must demonstrate their confidence in our economy and our country by investing in this economy and stopping the investment strike.
As we seek to collaborate with our social partners to move South Africa forward, so too do we intend to develop a co-operative relationship between the executive and this Parliament. This informs the approach I am taking as Leader of Government Business. As members of the executive, we are first and foremost representatives of our people. We are ultimately accountable through Parliament to the millions of South Africans who voted for our various parties on 7 May this year.
This requires that we transcend mere compliance with parliamentary rules and practice, and instead locate our accountability firmly in the realm of public interest and public benefit. Working together and drawing on past experience, we are putting in place measures to ensure that the process of parliamentary questions does work effectively indeed. We need to ensure that members of the executive discharge their constitutional responsibilities to promote accountable and responsive government. We need to ensure that legislation introduced by the executive is processed timeously and efficiently.
The relationship between the executive and the legislature needs to be co-operative, it needs to be honest and, yes, it does need to be robust. Though we may differ at times, as we must, we need a relationship that is characterised by trust and, yes, mutual respect.
President Zuma has indicated that in the past 20 years of our democracy we have witnessed our country's re-entry into the family of nations as an equal and reliable partner in peace and security development. Our participation in various international forums is informed by the need to deepen and consolidate the advancement of the African agenda. We as Africans have defined this agenda to advance the renewal of the political and economic governance of our continent. In this connection, I wish to congratulate our President on his role in the Brics group and on the formation of the Brics Development Bank. It is through the leadership that he has provided that today South Africa occupies a very proud position among leading nations in the world. We congratulate the President on that. [Applause.]
Within the responsibilities assigned to me, as Deputy President, by President Zuma, we will continue to consolidate binational relations with countries like Turkey, Nigeria, Germany, Sweden and the People's Republic of China.
Over the past 20 years South Africa has contributed to peace initiatives in various regions on our continent and further afield. We are motivated by our firm conviction that only by working together and solving problems through negotiation can we achieve peace and prosperity in Africa and beyond. This informs our involvement in South Sudan and Sri Lanka.
We continue to interact with various role-players in South Sudan to advance peace and stability in this young African nation. And under the guidance and the leadership of our President, we have been able to offer counsel and advice to the various participants in the South Sudan conflict, with a view to assisting them to bring that conflict to an end. This we do in support of the African Union and the UN peace initiatives in that country.
We have just returned from a successful visit to Sri Lanka, as South Africa was invited to share its experiences of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the constitution-building process with the people of Sri Lanka. Our delegation interacted with the president of Sri Lanka, members of his government and the leaders of the opposition, including the leadership of the Tamil National Alliance.
In conclusion, I wish to thank the Director-General in the Presidency and the Secretary of Cabinet, Dr Cassius Lubisi, my Chief of Staff, Busani Ngcaweni, as well as the entire management team and the staff in the Presidency for making my integration into the Presidency seamless. I also thank my new team of advisers for agreeing to serve in what is certain to be an era of radical and far-reaching transformation.
Once more, I extend my gratitude to you, Mr President, for giving me the opportunity to serve my country and its people in this capacity. [Applause.] To my Cabinet colleagues: Thank you for the camaraderie and the co-operation that I am enjoying.
When I last stood before this House, we had just adopted our first democratic Constitution, Nelson Mandela was our President, and we faced the challenge of putting in place the architecture of our democracy, the foundation of which was laid by successive leaders of the ANC, including Chief Albert Luthuli, who tragically passed away 47 years ago this week.
We worked together to craft a common future by adopting a Constitution that served the needs and interests of all. Today, inspired by the life of Nelson Mandela, and drawing on our constitution-making experience, we need to work together to improve the lives of our people. We need to forge a consensus. We need to forge a collaboration. And working together, we will be able to move South Africa forward. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
DEPUTY MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT OF THE RSA
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Hon Deputy Speaker, His Excellency the President of our country, President Zuma, the Deputy President and hon members, the NFP has pleasure in supporting this budget and to support the programmes as they were explained to us by the President of our country. [Applause.]
However, in doing so, we wish to stress, once again, the need for integrity, adherence to the law and to the regulations that govern finance, accountability and transparency. Almost daily, we read of the wasteful expenditure of millions of rands of public funds, of which very little is not recovered, nor are the culprits brought to book.
The perception of there being a condoning of financial mismanagement signals a soft approach that hardly acts as a deterrent. In fact, there has been no abatement of the abuse of public funds. The NFP is strongly opposed to the recycling of offenders from one department to another and to other spheres of government. They must be permanently excluded from any public office.
Mr President, it is time to adopt sterner measures to put an end to corrupt practices, to adopt a zero tolerance approach to financial misdemeanours and to prevent such practices from becoming an endemic way of doing business. Money is a scarce resource, more and more demands are being made on limited sources of income, and unless financial prudence becomes the norm, the country will be faced with a greater financial burden, which will impact on our democracy.
The realisation of the objectives of the National Development Plan will be severely impacted upon if millions of rands slip through the cracks. I therefore make an urgent plea for reconstructive action to put us on track. The President is invested with powers and functions by the Constitution of our country. One of them is to co-ordinate the functions of state departments and administrations to ensure that they all function optimally.
We congratulate the Presidency for the launch of Operation Phakisa, which aims to implement programmes better, faster and more effectively. I hope it will also ensure that the staff members who have been employed do their work, and not a lot of consultants who are paid a lot of money. I also hope that all the vacancies in all the departments, especially the heads of departments, are filled timeously for the speedy implementation of the programmes, as they were explained to us by the Presidency.
Hon Deputy Speaker, as we deliberate here at this time, we are witnessing tragedy unfolding around the world. Hundreds of lives have been needlessly lost in the Air Malaysia crash in war-torn Ukraine. Hundreds of lives are also being lost in the conflict in the Middle East, in Gaza and Israel ... Thank you. [Time expired.]
The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, hon members, we saw many minutes ago that…
IsiZulu:
... ayisafani, mhlonishwa Maimane, i-DA. Ngenxa yokuthi sekungene umhlonishwa uMaimane, umhlonishwa "step aside" Maimane, wadeda ngempela uLindiwe. Ayisafani i-DA. [Ihlombe.] [... the DA is not the same anymore, hon Maimane. When hon Maimane - hon "step aside" Maimane - arrived, Lindiwe really stepped aside. The DA is not the same anymore. [Applause.]
Setswana:
Nna ga ke ne ke le motlotlegi Maimane, ke ne ke tla tlhabiwa ke ditlhong gore porofense ya Kapa Bophirima ke yona e leng kwa pele mo diporofenseng tsotlhe tsa Aforikaborwa. Ke ne ke tla tlhajwa ke ditlhong fa ke nagana Khayelitsha; metsi a kwa Taiwan, kwa batho ba sa kgoneng go robala teng fa pula e na. Ke ne ke tla lela fa ke nagana Delft le Mitchells Plain. Ke ne ke se kitla ke bua e kete se se diragalang mo mafelong ao ke selo se sentle thata.
Ke bua ka Kapa Bophirima ka ntlha ya fa go twe ke yona e nang le maemo, mme ba ba nnang teng ba a lela. Ba ba agileng kwa Khayelitsha, ga re ba bone kwa Constantia; ga re ba bone ba isiwa kwa Claremont; ga re ba bone ba agelwa kwa Rondebosch. Ke ne ke tla tlhabiwa ke ditlhong tota. Ke makala ke utlwa go twe badiri ba seka ba dirisa se e leng sa bona go ya ka Molaotheo wa naga ya rona. Re ba file tetla ya gore motho fa a batla go seteraeka; a sa batle go dira, a ikemele a re o batla go duelwa sentle.
Seo re se batlang ke gore motlotlegi Maimane a ye go bua le ba ba nayang DA madi; ba ba humileng, a ba kope gore ba duele batho sentle. Ke sona seo se ka dirang gore re re o bua sentle. [Legofi.]
English:
I rise to support this budget vote and the well-thought-out objectives that are elaborated in the Presidency's strategic plan. I wish to begin by asserting that President Jacob Zuma must be congratulated for having pursued the crafting of the National Development Plan. It is our plan. It is our future vision. Of course we have built the democracy in which any organisation has the right to oppose what it wishes to oppose. Hence Cosatu can say what it wishes. We brought about that democracy so that that might happen. And we should not throw out this plan because of such objections.
Our government has done a great deal to build a solid foundation for future growth. This foundation has led to this point. We now have a long-term plan that will inform government policy and action. The ANC's 2012 national conference endorsed the NDP as our Vision 2030.
There have been attempts by many to appropriate the NDP and to suggest inadequate commitment to it by ourselves. This is extremely far from the truth. The NDP is the first attempt in our country to develop a long-term and medium-term plan aimed at accelerating the implementation of the ANC's policies. It sets out a Vision 2030 for South Africa, with key targets to be met, and it identifies specific steps for implementation. It takes a strategic, wide-ranging view of the challenges and opportunities before us and it is based on an extensive consultation with the South African public. It is actually absolutely untrue that the NDP does not refer to beneficiation. It does. I know it is a long document but every page must be read.
The NDP is an integrated approach to policy making, combining theory, evidence and practice with the aim of ensuring pragmatism and continuous learning in implementation and governance. It advocates a radical transformation in the economy within the context of a mixed economy. It calls for a strong and effective state that is able to intervene on behalf of the poor and marginalised in order to correct the historic imbalances of power and the accumulation of wealth. It proposes a dialogue between a range of sectors in our country as a means towards ensuring investment, employment and growth. Our President has committed to that dialogue before us today.
The NDP builds on the Freedom Charter and the Reconstruction and Development Programme. In many ways it seeks to extend and realise the objectives contained in these documents. As the RDP said:
No political democracy can survive and flourish if the mass of our people remain in poverty, without land, without tangible prospects for a better life...
It continued to say:
... attacking poverty and deprivation must therefore be the first priority of a democratic government.
The Freedom Charter united our people behind a core set of progressive objectives that live today in our Constitution. The RDP was the catalyst for the critical development of interventions at the birth of our democracy. The NDP, as the outcome of a process of national consultations and consensus seeking, builds on the early successes of our young democracy and creates the basis for steering our freedom to maturity.
The NDP suggests that for 20 years of freedom we have been shaping a new story about ourselves. We must live our story and renew it as we learn new lessons. Hon Maimane, I have a sister and I also have a daughter who is a little older than your sister. I feel sorry for your sister to have such a pessimistic brother. I encourage my sister to have hope in the future. I have raised my daughter to be optimistic and I would like you to do the same for your poor sister.
The NDP is our new story. The NDP is premised on a number of pillars that we must pay attention to. Firstly it calls on us to unite all South Africans around a common purpose. Sadly we have probably lost this due to the extreme left but, nevertheless, unity is what we must pursue. There will only be unity if the effectiveness of redress measures such as black economic empowerment and employment equity improve.
The second of these key pillars is an active citizenry. In many respects, South Africa has an active and vocal citizenry, but an unintended outcome, sometimes of government action, has been to reduce the incentive for citizens to be those who determine the character of their lives. The state has a vital role to play but all of us can and must make a contribution. That is how the hon Maimane will change his sister: by encouraging her that she can make a difference. Some of the hon members in this House do not recognise that we all have a positive role to play in building a new society.
The third of these pillars is the building of an inclusive economy. An inclusive economy has to be grown in South Africa. As government we need to act to ensure that we give rise to this inclusiveness. We need to co-ordinate; we need to ensure the economy's growth. The NDP reminds us that social cohesion needs to anchor our strategy of inclusivity. It says:
If South Africa registers progress in deracialising ownership and control of the economy without reducing poverty and inequality, transformation will be superficial. Similarly, if poverty and inequality are reduced without demonstrably changing ownership patterns, the country's progress will be turbulent and tenuous.
The fourth pillar that we must attend to is the subject of skills, which our Deputy President addressed most competently. We must ensure that more of our young people enjoy access to nontraditional professions; that we welcome new entrants, particularly black people, women and people with disabilities, into fields they have not enjoyed access to before.
The fifth pillar that was addressed extremely well by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party is that of building a capable and developmental state, not just a state staffed by people with appropriate skills but a developmental state capable of intervening to correct historical inequalities.
The NDP says:
A developmental state needs to be capable, but a capable state does not materialise by decree, nor can it be legislated or waved into existence by declarations. It has to be built, brick by brick, institution by institution, and sustained and rejuvenated over time. It requires leadership, sound policies, skilled managers and workers, clear lines of accountability, appropriate systems, and consistent and fair application of rules.
This is what we must achieve.
The sixth pillar speaks to leadership. We need leaders throughout society who work together to solve our problems. At the ANC national conference, government was challenged to build the strategic, organisational and technical capacities to build a democratic developmental state. The President and his Presidency has been single-minded in pursuing this directive from the Mangaung conference.
Looking back over the previous term, the President and the Presidency can be justly proud of the fact that since 2009 we have seen the emergence of more new jobs and we have significantly reduced the level of severe poverty for millions of our people. It is not me saying this on my own. Just look at the research reports of the SA Institute of Race Relations if you do not believe me. For example, the institute says:
Since 1994 over 1 000 households have been connected to the electrical grid every day. Since 1994 more than three million houses have been built. Since 1994, 12 formal houses have been erected for every shack that has gone up.
That was not said by me but by an independent institute, which, by the way, is not a friend of the ANC. It further states:
Since 1994 the number of people receiving social grants has increased tremendously. Yet, as many reports point out, our Gini coefficient, that indicator that measures economic inequality, continues to be a blight on our society.
The challenge of inequality in South Africa is a deep societal problem. It will require extraordinary effort and common purpose if we are to succeed in reducing inequality. Vision 2030 as set out in the NDP is a plan that can support this objective. We have a number of studies on poverty and inequality that do suggest that we are making some progress. The holder of the SARChl Chair on Poverty and Inequality at University of Cape Town is leading a massive national longitudinal study on poverty. The early results suggest that government policy has had a positive impact through the social support that we provide. We have been able to lift millions out of poverty. However, the reports indicate that there are many who slip back into poverty and we need to devise interventions that ensure that we have sustainable change in our social conditions.
We are pleased that the NDP devotes a great deal of time and attention to the matter of science and technology. It says that these fields are about finding solutions to the real problems that we face, especially in the fields of nutrition and health care.
It calls on all South Africans to sharpen our country's innovative edge and continue contributing to global scientific and technological advancement. It says that this requires greater investment in research and development, better use of existing resources, and more nimble institutions that facilitate innovation and enhanced co-operation between public science and technology institutions and the private sector.
As a country, we spend less than 1% of gross domestic product on research and development. Leading innovative countries spend more. Japan spends 3% and the United States spends 2,8% of their GDP. We need a concerted African effort to generate an interest in science and technology. We are, through our department, encouraging new linkages and activities linking Africa and the African diaspora.
The NDP asserts that education is the great leveller. The most effective way to eradicate poverty is through education. Education is fundamental to the achievement of the society that we envisaged in the Freedom Charter and in the NDP. Education can never be, as the President has said many times, a departmental issue or even a government issue but one that all of us have to confront. I believe that there are three key actions that we need to take to make education occupy the attention and energy of all our people. I know there are interventions that Minister Motshekga has assiduously pursued.
Firstly, our schools must become supportive learning communities, with education committees focused on teaching and learning to create real opportunity for success. Our teachers should work coherently together. If we build learning communities, we will have all drawing on the entire school's human and material resources. We will throw off the shackles of victimhood and set ourselves on a path of whole school achievement.
Clearly more must be done to achieve in mathematics and science. Doing well in maths and science at school will make it easier for young people to access tertiary education and those scarce fields of professional opportunity we desire them to take up.
We believe that success should be the concern of the entire community, as our President has called for, including religious leaders, professionals, local government structures and all district officials. The hands-off attitude prevalent in many communities needs to be changed into an attitude and practice of community care and attention. Communities, especially parent communities must take a deeper interest in the progress of their schools. Local communities should know the state of schooling and encourage school governing bodies, parents and teachers to invest in education.
We must also restore the family to education. Families should take a much more active interest in school meetings and in the progress of their children. Parents and caregivers should inculcate manners and positive values in learners.
An important area dealt with in the NDP is that of the empowerment of women. The choices and opportunities provided to girls and women in South Africa play a critical role in determining the extent to which future economic and poverty reduction plans will be realised. This is what the NDP says.
Our recommendations for woman empowerment are as follows: Public employment should be expanded to provide work for the unemployed, with a specific focus on the youth and women. Access to safe drinking water, electricity and quality early childhood education could free women from doing unpaid work and help them to seek jobs. By 2030, people living in South Africa should have no fear of crime. Women, children and those who are vulnerable should feel protected. Security of tenure should be created for communal farmers, especially women. The Department of Health should design and pilot a nutrition intervention programme for pregnant women and young children. The coverage of antiretroviral treatment to all HIV-positive persons should be expanded, as Minister Motsoaledi has done, and effective microbicides should be offered routinely to all women 16 years and older.
Of course we know that today, with the leadership of the ANC, new opportunities are available to girls and women. In fact, South Africa, led by our President and all our former Presidents, has achieved a level of gender equality that has been accomplished in other countries only after many decades of democracy. Our success in this aspect of social change has been supported by a progressive Constitution and strong and visible advocacy for gender equality.
We have reached gender parity at school and university level. We have also widened access to a range of opportunities for young women who were excluded from such opportunities before.
We have laid the foundation. We can accelerate progress. This is our vision: a South Africa for all, where all feel included and are included, led by our President and the ANC. Let us work to make Vision 2030 a reality for South Africa. I thank you.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you, hon Minister. Hon members, we are going to have a 15 minute break. The table here says that I must gently remind you that when you hear the bells, it means you must please come back fast because we will be about to start. Thank you very much. Let us adjourn.
Business suspended at 16:58 and resumed at 17:20.
The MINISTER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
The MINISTER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members and Cabinet colleagues, last week, Mr President, you met with your Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Brics, counterparts in the city of Fortaleza in Brazil. The five leaders represented almost half of the world's citizens and accounted for 21% of the global economic output produced every year.
At Fortaleza, Mr President, you and your colleagues concluded a few groundbreaking agreements that will bring concrete and tangible benefits to the lives of our people. The first is the decision on the Brics New Development Bank, which will mobilise savings across the five Brics countries, to help promote development and fund infrastructure projects. The bank will be headquartered in Shanghai and its first operational arm, namely the African Regional Centre, will be located in Johannesburg. It will be launched concurrently with the Shanghai headquarters. We expect that African infrastructure will be a special focus of the funding plans of the bank.
The second is the conclusion of a treaty to establish a Brics Contingent Reserve Arrangement, with an initial size of just over a R1 trillion. The Brics members will commit resources from their own foreign reserves that a member can draw on during periods of market panic or speculation, or what the agreement calls short-term liquidity pressures. South Africa was given a special dispensation on drawing rights. While we commit up to roughly R50 billon that can be drawn from our foreign reserves if the need arises, we in turn can draw roughly R100 billion from the pool, if needed.
The relevance of this is not simply that you were in Fortaleza to witness the signing of the agreement and the treaty, both of which will now be referred to the legislatures of the Brics countries for ratification. It is that you steered our efforts from 2009 to be part of Brics, and it is a tribute to your skill and contribution that our economy can now benefit so tangibly and concretely from these very significant agreements. [Applause.]
In March this year, Mr President, you visited the Sekhukhune area in Limpopo to open the new De Hoop Dam, which will hold almost 350 million cubic metres of water. The dam was one of hundreds of projects in the National Infrastructure Plan, which is co-ordinated by the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission. Over the past five years, the state's infrastructure programme saw R1,1 trillion being invested to build railroads, schools and universities, clinics and hospitals, power stations, pipelines, public transport system, dams and irrigation schemes. To show the scale of the programme, I want to quote just two statistics, one that looks back into the last five years and one that looks forward into this administration.
In the period of the last administration, 176 million litres of drinkable water per day became available for South Africans to consume, through the completion of new or expanded water treatment works. That is equal to almost a glass of water per day for every person in sub-Saharan Africa, produced here in South Africa through the programmes that we put in place.
In the next five years, we plan to complete the construction of coal-fired power stations, solar plants, wind farms and the Ingula pumped storage facility. Together, that will bring 15 000 MW of energy into our grid, our economy and the homes of our people. That is equal to the energy generated by eight new Koeberg nuclear power stations. So, in the period of these five years, it is likely that we will be switching on eight Koeberg nuclear power stations.
Your vision to set up the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission, and your chairing it over the past three years, has been the basis for us making progress across so many of the infrastructure programmes. We have built on the infrastructure programme by focusing on the cartels that overcharged for the building of roads, dams and stadia. The competition authorities uncovered a major price-fixing ring in the construction industry, which led to penalties of R1,5 billion, the dismantling of the cartel and further action that will now be taken against these examples of corporate corruption.
In November last year, Mr President, you visited Uitenhage in the Eastern Cape to meet workers and management at a major assembly plant owned by Transnet. You launched a new, locally designed rail wagon that can transport new cars from the factory to the market. This visit underscored the efforts made by government to push the industrialisation agenda. In short, it is about moving ourselves from a nation of importers to a nation of manufacturers.
We have taken some solid initial steps to carry out the mandate that you, Mr President, gave Cabinet. For example, working with two vehicle manufacturers, we now have two manufacturing facilities that produce minibus taxis here in South Africa. Five years ago, they were all imported. In the past two-and-a-half years, we produced 24 000 taxis locally.
Working together with the bus manufacturers for the new Bus Rapid Transit systems in our cities, we mandated local authorities to buy locally made buses. Today, two factories in Germiston and Cape Town have produced 400 buses, using South African labour. This created investment here and promoted local development.
Our localisation efforts promote innovation. Members of Parliament who are fans of Grey's Anatomy, a medical drama series on television, will have seen the full-body scanner that is used to provide doctors with real-time digital images of a trauma patient. That scanner is made here in South Africa, from technology we own, and is funded by the state corporation known as the Industrial Development Corporation. The scanner is now exported to medical facilities across the world. The factory is located in Kramerville in Gauteng. [Applause.]
Last year, in April, Mr President, you directed a team of Cabinet Ministers to convene a meeting at the Hector Pieterson Memorial Square in Orlando, Soweto. The purpose of the meeting was to sign the Youth Employment Accord with youth formations, business leaders, trade union leaders and community representatives. You subsequently convened the first Presidential Youth Indaba in Ekurhuleni in February this year to find out what we have done. We can report that government has launched youth entrepreneurship funds worth R2,3 billion. Of this sum, more than R300 million has already been allocated or disbursed to youth projects, like the building company owned by a young man in Seshego who is building classrooms, a nutrition centre and fencing for a primary school.
A few days ago, you launched a new initiative in eThekwini, Operation Phakisa, to unlock the economic potential of our oceans. In 2010, the ocean economy contributed about R54 billion to South Africa's gross domestic product and it accounts for thousands of jobs already. The available evidence shows that South Africa's oceans can generate at least R177 billion into our GDP by 2033. The blue economy, as it is called, includes marine aquaculture, marine transport, offshore oil and gas exploration and marine protection.
In February, you visited Addis Ababa to work with other leaders on the African continent to facilitate greater co-operation. The work in the African Union follows the launch of talks on a free trade agreement that you convened in Johannesburg, bringing together leaders and representatives of 26 countries. These talks are critical in the building of greater economic integration on this continent, which is fast growing, with a young population and with enormous mineral, oil, water and agricultural resources – yet it accounts for only 3% of the global GDP.
Through our work with our partners such as Nigeria, Angola, Kenya and other countries, we can expand Africa's economies, Africa's jobs and Africa's development – and this is creating jobs here in South Africa. Indeed, our trade with the rest of the continent is worth R250 billion and Africa has now become the biggest market for our manufactured goods, sustaining almost 170 000 jobs here in South Africa.
In the period of the last administration, we grew trade with the rest of the continent by R170 billion, or by 160%. By way of example, Ford's manufacturing plant in South Africa has already sold 23 000 Ford Ranger bakkies to other countries on the continent; bakkies that are made here in South Africa. [Applause.]
The hon Maimane calls for leadership. What he means by leadership is dividing the ruling alliance and fighting with components in the society. The leadership you demonstrate, Mr President, is the visits to Fortaleza in Brazil, Sekhukhune in Limpopo, Soweto in Gauteng, Uitenhage in the Eastern Cape, and Addis Ababa in Ethiopia to change the lives of people and to lay the foundations for radical economic transformation.
By radical economic transformation we mean some fundamental shifts. It means placing the economy on a qualitatively different growth path from the past, one that ensures more rapid and inclusive growth, reduces inequality, deracialises the economy, increases employment and leads to higher investment.
The National Development Plan, as the overall planning framework for government, sets a growth target of at least 5% a year and emphasises measures to ensure that the benefits of growth are equitably shared. Central to meeting the vision enshrined in the National Development Plan is the implementation of the New Growth Path, the Industrial Policy Action Plan and the National Infrastructure Plan.
This morning, Cabinet adopted the Medium-Term Strategic Framework, the five-year action plan that brings these policy and implementation strategies together into a single, coherent whole, which Minister Radebe will be announcing in due course. It commits us to take forward - not in theory and in flowery speeches or poetic language, but in concrete action - the programme of radical economic transformation. We are looking for radical outcomes and a radically different way of doing things, building on our successes of the past. The pillars of that radical economic transformation are set out in nine areas.
It is set out firstly in the infrastructure roll-out that must change the spatial geography of the past and bring services to our people. Secondly, it is set out in expanding the productive sectors of the economy - growing manufacturing, mining and agriculture and opening up new areas of economic growth such as the oceans economy, the green economy and shale gas. It means becoming more inclusive and using innovation. It means taking steps to move towards 75% localisation of goods procured by the state.
Thirdly, it is set out in the macroeconomic and financial framework that supports job-creating growth. It will ensure a countercyclical fiscal stance, a beefed-up role for development finance institutions and discussions with the banks to ensure that they broaden access to financial services
The fourth is improving skills in the economy, which starts with improved basic education. It also means focusing on vocational training, bringing the Sector Education and Training Authorities, Setas, into the system and strengthening universities.
The fifth is reducing workplace conflict and improving co-operation between government, business and labour. Earlier the President outlined the convening of a number of presidential working groups to build strong bilateral relationships between the state, business, workers and communities, and to lay the basis for social compacts. The Deputy President outlined the essential elements of those compacts.
The sixth is about the social and economic inclusion of the youth, women, small businesses, the rural poor and co-operatives. It means addressing the culture of collusion, cartels and private monopolies that keeps young people and black South Africans out of the economic mainstream, that imposes costs on the economy and that unfairly benefits a few. We will strengthen the power of the competition authorities to act decisively against cartels and monopolies, including giving effect to legal provisions to criminalise cartel action.
The seventh is about removing unnecessary red tape and speeding up decision-making in the state. If we want to deliver to our people, we need to streamline building licences, environmental impact assessments, company registration, tax compliance, work permits for scarce skills, mining licences, water licences and access to municipal infrastructure services.
The eighth is to expand employment opportunities through a major expansion of public employment projects, using the Expanded Public Works Programme and the Community Work Programme as a platform, but improving the work experience for participants and focusing more on young people.
The ninth area is addressing the spatial imbalances in economic opportunities, to bring poorer provinces into the economic mainstream, to drive agricultural employment and agrarian transformation. The focus will be on an urban economic strategy that integrates residential development, investment in public transport networks, better co-ordinated job creation and economic development programmes at local level, and the expansion of special economic zones with targeted incentives, modern infrastructure and streamlined administrative services.
These nine areas need a major improvement in the promotion of innovation through research and development to drive the economy into high value-add sectors that pay good wages, provide sustainable industrialisation opportunities, inspire young people and produce smart solutions for the country and the continent's challenges.
That vision contrasts with the hon Maimane, who, in Obamasque tones that rose and fell dramatically, moved from sniping at government, the ANC, the alliance and, I guess, at the millions who voted for the ruling party to reading a praise poem to the DA administration in the Western Cape. This was a warmed-up version of the DA election story that was rejected by 78% of South African voters. [Applause.] No matter how many times we give the figures, the story from the DA spin machine is repeated, endlessly, passionately, until it becomes the storyline for the country. What are the facts?
Let us compare the performance of the DA in the Western Cape to that of the ANC when it ran the Western Cape from 2004 to 2009. On a growth metric … [Interjections.] I know this is the uncomfortable truth, but perhaps you should listen to it. Under DA rule, the Western Cape grew by 3,3% from 2009 to 2012, according to the latest available data. From 2004 to 2009, under ANC rule, the Western Cape grew by 4,2% a year. Who runs the province better? Under DA rule, the Western Cape created 124 000 jobs from March 2009 ... [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Members, you are supposed to be honourable. Be quiet, please!
Mr G G HILL-LEWIS: Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. Will the Minister take a question?
THE MINISTER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: If there is time at the end, I would love to.
Under DA rule, the Western Cape created 124 000 jobs from March 2009 to March 2014. By the way, these jobs were often as a direct result of national government initiatives, subsidies, incentives and trade measures, for example, Hisense in Atlantis. Under ANC rule, the Western Cape created 370 000 jobs in that period. [Applause.] Under the ANC rule, the Western Cape was the best performer in the matric exams. Under the DA rule, the Western Cape fell to fourth place in 2013. And then, and only then, did the DA question the matric results.
In the middle of a city that styles itself as the design capital of the world, the ignored part of the city cannot get decent toilets. There are many people in the Western Cape without water and living in shacks. While the DA sings the praises of small business in the National Assembly, in the Western Cape, where it governs, it stopped funding for the Red Door project that supports small businesses, while national government put R2 billion into the Western Cape to support small, medium and macro enterprises. That is the truth. It is the difference between rhetoric and reality and the truth about the failures when the DA is actually in government.
In conclusion, what we have seen over the last number of years is an example of us laying a foundation for stronger, more inclusive and more job-creating economic growth. We now have an opportunity to go forward. We have the opportunity to build on that and strengthen the work of government. The Medium-Term Strategic Framework gives practical expression to the National Development Plan. I thank you. [Applause.]
Dr M J CARDO
The MINISTER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Dr M J CARDO: Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers and Deputy Minister in the Presidency, two years ago this House adopted the National Development Plan. Today, the Presidency should be driving its implementation with a laser-like focus. But instead of implementation we have inaction. Instead of single-mindedness we have doublespeak.
Doublethink, George Orwell wrote, is "the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them". That is exactly what the ANC does. [Interjections.] On the one hand, we have a National Development Plan that, if implemented, would reduce poverty through a virtuous cycle of growth and development. On the other, we have before this House a raft of legislation that would intensify state intervention, devastate growth and jobs, deter investment and diminish policy certainty.
Laws like the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Amendment Bill and the Infrastructure Development Act are the product of doublethink. Their titles are doublespeak, because these laws will actually destroy development.
The Presidency sits at the apex of government. It directs all government business. It serves as the nucleus of strategic leadership and co-ordination. It is responsible for integrated planning and policy coherence. And so, the Presidency needs to lead with single-mindedness on development.
We have heard a great deal in this debate about the developmental state. But what does development entail? Well, it requires us to extend opportunities to all, not to manipulate outcomes for a few. It requires us to build capabilities, not to limit them. And it requires us to partner the state as active citizens, not as passive recipients of handouts and favours. Above all, for the cycle of development to turn, we need growth, we need jobs and we need investment.
The National Development Plan recognises this, but do the hon members opposite? Some do but many do not - because there is doublethink at the heart of the ANC's developmental agenda.
Nowhere is the ANC's developmental doublethink more pronounced than when it comes to the development of our youth. Like the NDP, the Presidency's 20 Year Review trumpets a developmental approach to youth empowerment: one that focuses on "making the youth agents of their own advancement and not just passive recipients of government services".
Yet, the body in the Presidency tasked with youth development, the National Youth Development Agency, is only interested in the empowerment and advancement of its own office-bearers. They are the not-so-passive recipients of political patronage dispensed to the cadres of the ANC Youth League and the Young Communist League.
Deputy Speaker, 10 years ago, the former Minister of Planning in the Presidency, Trevor Manuel, then in his capacity as Minister of Finance, identified the two pillars of a developmental budget. One pillar, he said, is made up of how much the state spends on fighting poverty and deprivation. The other pillar is made up of how much it spends in extending opportunities to all its citizens. A developmental budget must balance these two main pillars. If one dominates, the Minister concluded, the outcome is likely to be a reinforcement of poverty in the long term.
So, just how developmental is the NYDA's budget? In 2014-15, the NYDA will spend R189 million of its R408 million grant on salaries. It will spend roughly only 10% of its available resources on its economic participation programme. And it will spend roughly only 10% on its education and skills development programme. In other words, nearly 50% of the NYDA's budget will go on oiling the wheels of its own gravy train, not providing economic opportunities for the youth. This is a scandal in a country that has the third-highest youth unemployment rate in the world - at 50%, according to the World Economic Forum.
Deputy Speaker, the NYDA is like an addict. Maladministration, fraud, corruption and irregular and wasteful expenditure are its fix. The Agency says it wants to come clean, but it has a history of being hooked. In 2013, the Auditor-General found that the Agency's irregular expenditure amounted to R195 million over two years and that it was unlikely to recover R212 million in loans.
The Public Protector launched an investigation into the NYDA, amidst allegations and counterallegations by its board members of credit-card fraud to the tune of R50 000 per month. Then the Agency blew R10 million on an awards ceremony. But none of this quite puckers up to the events of 2010, when the NYDA blew kisses worth over R100 million on the kissing competition known as the World Festival of Youth. This really was the kiss of death for youth development. [Laughter.]
Deputy Speaker, we should learn our lesson: When the NYDA purses its lips, it is time to cut the purse strings. In fact, maybe it is time to kiss the NYDA goodbye. Instead of paying lip service to youth development, let us put our money where our mouth is in a more profitable way. Let us channel the NYDA's budget into the youth wage subsidy and the National Student Financial Aid Scheme. If we do not, the pillars of the developmental budget will not balance. We would be reinforcing poverty in the long term. And we would be perpetuating the ruling party's developmental doublethink. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M L W FILTANE
Dr M J CARDO
Mr M L W FILTANE: Deputy Speaker, hon President, Deputy President, hon members, socioeconomic transformation should be at the epicentre of every programme that government spends money on. The UDM welcomes the opening of the door for land claims to be submitted. However, it is concerned that the department remains behind with the settlement of the already validated claims.
There are 744 claims that will remain after this current financial year and that must still be attended to. This delays people's access to land and the overall effect thereof is that it may not be long before you find that too many Africans still remain landless. That affects the very definition of what you call a state, because a state is the people plus land. So, Mr President, the UDM wants to appeal to you to give this matter your urgent attention.
With regard to food security, the statistics show that over 5 million South Africans battle to find their next meal. We have a number of departments, particularly Agriculture and Land Reform, that has the responsibility of making sure that this happens. It pains the UDM when we see people living on empty stomachs almost daily. We are talking about large numbers here - over 5 million hungry people.
The recent spate of hijackings and the cruel attacks on innocent and young citizens by animalistic and inhuman criminals rob us of our hard-won freedom and the security that we are entitled to. We want to make an earnest appeal to the police department to make sure that criminals are brought to book so that the emergence of mob justice can be avoided. If the government does not do this with speed, it would be erasing any possible foundation for the achievement of the goals set in the National Development Plan.
Lastly, education is a basic need and a right for all our children. It needs to be attended to and provided in quality form. Mr President, when children cannot go to school because of a poor school transport programme, it robs them of their rights.
The UDM is rising in support of the budget, but we have raised matters that require the whole executive - starting with you, Mr President - to give these matters serious attention. They deserve your attention, particularly the issue of land that is being acquired by foreigners. In 100 years from now we may find ourselves in a situation where the majority of South Africans are landless and renting land from foreign owners. This needs your attention. [Time expired.]
Dr P W A MULDER
Mr M L W FILTANE
Dr P W A MULDER: Deputy Speaker, I have visited many countries throughout the world. Only when one returns from such a visit does one appreciate how exceptional a country South Africa is: our natural beauty, our unique people with their diverse languages and cultures and the unbelievable economic potential of South Africa.
At the same time, I look at the conflict in Israel and in Ukraine and I realise how easily the wrong decisions can turn a beautiful country into a war zone overnight. This will never happen in South Africa, some political commentators claim. I disagree. Short-sighted political leaders who selfishly only promote their own supporters and disadvantage other people and minorities could cause such a conflict situation overnight. Take the Ivory Coast as an example. From independence in 1960, the Ivory Coast has been a model of peaceful coexistence and economic growth in Africa. Suddenly, after 40 prosperous years, the Ivory Coast erupted in 1999 with a coup d'état, followed by political instability and civil war, because the government had not been sensitive to all the conflicting elements.
The majority of South Africans want to live in peace and prosperity, but most of the elements that cause conflict in other countries are also present in South Africa. In South Africa, we have rich and poor; low economic growth; unemployment; racial, ethnic, linguistic and cultural differences; religious differences; emotions about land from all sides, etc. President Mandela realised this and went out of his way to reach out, to find common ground and to deal with the conflict between all groups.
My criticism at the moment is that the current ANC leadership is increasingly irresponsible in their comments about some of these conflicting elements. People expect this of radicals who want conflict, but not of government leaders. When the hon Nkwinti, for example, announces that 50% of farmers' land will be taken away, it creates huge expectations among ANC supporters, on the one hand, and fierce resistance in black and white landowners, on the other hand. That is conflict potential. If I had more time, I could mention a lot more such examples. When I listen to the young and future leaders from all sides who were not part of the settlement in 1994, I hear how they irresponsibly propagate nothing other than camouflaged revenge and conflict. Listen to their speeches. Read the social media debates. President, you have to indicate to what extent you agree with these statements. People out there are asking whether there is a place for everyone in South Africa or only for ANC supporters. You have to give hope for the future, not only with words but also with actions that reach out to everyone.
Is this a crisis? Yes. Only when government leaders do not react to these radical statements does it create a climate within which these people act in a racist way and then believe that it carries the necessary approval. Once these views become the view of the majority of people in the country, we find ourselves in a situation similar to that of Israel or Ukraine. South Africa is a beautiful country with beautiful people, but do not think it cannot happen here as well. Thank you.
Mr M G P LEKOTA
Dr P W A MULDER
Mr M G P LEKOTA: Deputy Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and members of the House, the occasion of the discussion of the Presidency's Budget Vote is important because it indicates whether the country has advanced from where it was before, or not.
When we closed at the end of the third term, our country was R525 billion in debt. Debt stands at R1,59 trillion today. Now, that is a huge problem. What is happening is, of course, that we have lost fiscal space. Money available for servicing the needs of the people has decreased. I thought the President would do something about the size of both government and administration. That was not done. In fact, we now have a much bigger government, which means that we have taken steps to divert even more resources towards servicing the state itself and that there is less available for the people. That is a big problem.
The worst problem is that last week – well, at the end of the Fifa Soccer World Cup – the President was in Brazil and took some decisions there after the World Cup to impose certain additional burdens on our country. We now need $10 billion plus $5 billion to be part of the decisions that were taken at Fortaleza. The question is: On top of the R1,59 trillion that we owe, where are we going to get this $10 billion to put into this fund? Where are we going to get this $5 billion to add to this new arrangement? It is an additional $15 billion!
If we continue in this way, our children and their children can only inherit debt of incredible proportions. It is a sad situation. We can clap about it. It is not nice to be told the harsh realities of life but let us confirm them as true and let us get answers. [Interjections.] I am happy to be the one to say this, because none of us will be able to say that we did not know that we were adding to our debt. We are borrowing money in order to pay more interest. We are going to put it in the bank and borrow it the following day or even on the same day! After all, where is the money? We do not have it now. [Interjections.] I thank you, Deputy Speaker.
Rev K R J MESHOE
Mr M G P LEKOTA
Rev K R J MESHOE: Deputy Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, last month President Jacob Zuma gave an undertaking to the Speaker of the National Assembly to give Parliament a comprehensive and final report on the Nkandla matter, but he failed to honour his word. [Interjections.]
The fact that the hon President remained silent after missing the deadline he had set reflects badly on his character and integrity. He should have requested an extension, indicating when he would submit the final report. Can the President tell us today – or tomorrow – when he intends to submit his report to Parliament?
The ACDP agrees with the recommendation of the Public Protector, Adv Thuli Madonsela, that President Zuma should pay back a portion of the money spent on nonsecurity upgrades done at his home, which include a visitor's centre, a swimming pool, a cattle kraal and a chicken run.
Regarding the Middle East crisis, I want to reiterate what my colleague the hon Cheryllyn Dudley said yesterday during Budget Vote No 5: International Relations and Co-operation. "War is a terrible thing, and the ACDP is grieved by the loss of life and terrible anguish families on both sides of this tragedy are facing at this time." The ACDP commends President Zuma for resisting the temptation to join the chorus of those who condemn Israel only, conveniently ignoring the fact that Israel responded with air raids only after enduring a week of constant firing of rockets by Hamas into Israel.
The ACDP supports discerning world leaders who have urged Hamas to accept a ceasefire and to stop firing rockets into Israel. Even Arab League chief, Nabil Elaraby, has urged Hamas to accept an Egyptian proposal to end the fighting – a proposal that was turned down last week.
It is important to remind hon members that on 28 March 1994, about 20 000 IFP supporters marched to Shell House in protest against the 1994 election, which they were planning to boycott. ANC security guards shot at them and killed about 13 people, claiming that they were defending the ANC headquarters. Our country was shocked when the late former President Nelson Mandela admitted in Parliament on 7 June 1995 that he had given the order to defend Shell House during the IFP march "even if they had to kill people. This is nothing more nor less than a statement of the common law right to self-defence." That is what the former President said.
Surely, if the ANC believed that they had the right to defend Shell House, which is now called Luthuli House, then Israel should also have the right to defend herself against rockets fired at the country by Hamas. [Interjections.] This is their common law right to self-defence, as the late former President Mandela said. If we want to talk justice, then let there be justice for all. Thank you. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Mr L T Landers)
Rev K R J MESHOE
THE DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Mr L T Landers): Hon Deputy Speaker, hon President and hon Deputy President, I want to add to the congratulations already expressed to the President on his Budget Vote speech, which attests to the good work that we have been doing in international relations over the past 25 years.
Our foreign policy, as expressed by you, hon President, is premised on the decades of the struggle for freedom and liberation from colonialism, imperialism, subjugation and racial oppression. It finds its roots in the founding principles of the ANC since its inception in 1912. It is premised on the principles of Pan Africanism, ubuntu and international solidarity with the poor and the oppressed. Twenty years since the dawn of our democracy, the principles of progressive internationalism, inspired by our founding fathers, among them Sol Plaatje, Pixley ka Isaka Seme and O R Tambo, hold firm. As we reflect on the successes of our international relations over the past 20 years, we also look ahead at our international relations prospects for the next five years, inspired by the founding principles of these noble concepts. Therefore, we commend our President for his advice, guidance and leadership – that our foreign policy imperatives should continue to be guided by the policies and resolutions of the ANC.
Over the past two decades, our country has laid a firm foundation for our contribution to the building of a better Africa and a better world. We have deployed human, financial, information and intellectual resources in support of the establishment and sustainable development of the African Union and its agencies, for it to achieve its goals on the continent. This includes having deployed one of our most senior cadres, Her Excellency, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, to the AU Commission, together with a strong team, to support the AU in its mandate.
Over the next five years, we will continue to strengthen all the AU institutions, the commission in particular. The hon President has made the point that Africa has gone from being the hopeless continent to becoming a rising star among the fastest-growing regions in the world economy.
In the last five years, we have registered unwavering success in our interventions in Zimbabwe by implementing the key aspects of the Global Political Agreement. Our relations with the Democratic Republic of Congo are on a positive trajectory. In October 2013, the hon Zuma and President Kabila signed the memorandum of understanding on the development of the Grand Inga hydroelectric power project, which will ensure that South Africa benefits as a consumer of electricity from the DRC. This will ensure that the country can provide electricity security for our industries and for the people of South Africa.
The visit to Lesotho earlier this year by President Jacob Zuma to launch the second phase of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project will ensure the increase of the water supply to South Africa by 50%. This supply will be crucial to the future industrial and social development of our country, in particular the Gauteng province.
Just recently, the Southern African Development Community roadmap to return Madagascar to constitutional normality has also just borne the fruits of our hard work. After years of turmoil, Madagascar held credible and democratic presidential and parliamentary elections in December 2013.
South Africa is committed to supporting countries emerging from conflict, including the Central African Republic, the CAR. However, it remains critical for the international community to fully support the UN's multidimensional and integrated stabilisation mission in the CAR, so that it will have full capacity in order to effectively implement its mandate. South Africa will also continue to support the region's ongoing efforts to restore stability and constitutional order in the CAR through its participation in the International Contact Group on the CAR.
It has always been our contention that Africa is stronger when it stands as one. Shared goals and aspirations have resulted in unity of purpose with regard to peace, security and economic development, which go towards improving the lives of African people.
Regionally, the SADC continues with its programme towards the full implementation of its Free Trade Area to ensure deeper economic integration. It is currently reviewing its Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan, which identifies priority sectors in order to guide our path towards regional co-operation and integration. It is therefore crucial that the objectives of our National Development Plan 2030 are aligned to the revised regional priorities. In the next five years, we will ensure that some critical aspects of the NDP can be located within that initiative, in order to give greater meaning and expression to our developmental goals.
The absence of peace in certain parts of our continent remains a sore point to all of us who wish only the best for Africa. Over the past year, violent conflicts have not ceased in many parts of our continent. In an attempt to address these challenges, we will continue to seek synergies in matters of peace and security processes at the UN, AU and SADC.
It is part of our ongoing strategy to continue supporting Africa's peace efforts through mediation, troop contribution for peacekeeping, and by providing material and financial assistance. We are encouraged by the proactive and stabilising effect that resulted from the redeployment of the SADC intervention brigade. We want to urge all parties involved in the DRC conflict to participate in negotiations that will ensure long-lasting peace and stability in that country.
We take this opportunity to pay special tribute to our soldiers who are involved in peace missions abroad. Their selfless sacrifice must continue to inspire us to work in unison to protect the lives and livelihoods of innocent civilians.
South Africa assumed its membership of the AU Peace and Security Council in April 2014 and will serve until March 2016. During this period, we will focus on the restoration of the constitutional order in the CAR and bringing stability to the DRC and South Sudan, where the hon Deputy President as our special envoy is playing a critical role. His recommendations on how South Africa can assist South Sudan within the wider mediation efforts led by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, Igad, and by other international efforts, will make an important contribution to achieving a lasting solution.
Deputy Speaker and hon members, South Africa is acclaimed for its role in promoting peaceful and inclusive resolutions of conflicts in Burundi, where the hon President played a leading role; in Cote d'Ivoire, the DRC, Sudan, South Sudan, Madagascar, the Comoros and Zimbabwe. South Africa continues to believe that AU institutions should have the necessary capacity to respond to challenges of peace and security that continue to confront our continent. The operationalisation of the African Peace and Security Architecture remains a critical element in providing this capacity. However, its operationalisation is taking longer than anticipated. It is for this reason that President Zuma has championed the establishment of the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises as an interim mechanism to enable the AU to respond to emerging security situations.
South Africa will continue to support the actions taken by the AU in support of Nigeria and other countries where the scourge of terrorism, armed groupings and rebel groups impact on the lives of innocent people and impede development. Despite these setbacks, we remain determined to continue working closely with the region towards creating much-needed stability, in order to cultivate a positive environment suitable for potential investment.
We remain committed to the efforts of the AU and other African countries to realise the key elements that characterise the Agenda 2063 vision, especially to popularise the theme, which is, "Creating the Africa we want".
We will continue to participate in all continental activities aimed at giving impetus to the agenda we have set ourselves to achieve in the next 50 years. Infrastructure development is part of what the continent seeks to achieve in the next 50 years. Economists have calculated that if our continent continues to address its infrastructure backlog, economic growth will receive a boost of as much as two percentage points per annum. This will remain part of our agenda in the next five years.
We will continue to support other key elements of the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, in particular the President's mandate to lead the Presidential Infrastructure Champion Initiative, and to champion the North-South Corridor for Road and Rail Development. We are committed to actively supporting and promoting economic diplomacy in these regions. In the next five years, we will expand our economic diplomacy reach and touch the lives of those we have not yet engaged with.
Cuba, Western Sahara and Palestine occupy an extremely important place in our foreign policy discourse, and not only because of our own principled approach to international solidarity. Each of those countries in their own right has carried the flag of the struggle for human rights, solidarity and freedom. Our understanding of the world and the search for a better international order, one that is equitable, just, humane and democratic, therefore informs a greater pursuit of collective leadership, in order to secure greater security for these nations.
This year marks 20 years of fruitful relations between Cuba and South Africa. Ties of culture, history, shared struggles and common aspirations join Cuba to South Africa and the continent of Africa. The celebration of 20 years of bilateral diplomatic relations between South Africa and Cuba is a major achievement. In respect of the pursuit of our international solidarity with Cuba, there are over 30 signed bilateral agreements in place between our two countries, covering vast areas of co-operation in, for example, arts and culture, defence, education, science and technology, health services, housing and home affairs.
Today, we wish to reiterate our unwavering and unyielding support to the legitimate struggles of the people of Cuba. As a country, we will continue to defend these struggles until the citizens of that country enjoy and benefit from full freedom, independence and justice.
Cuba's continued economic oppression by the USA has failed to diminish the commitment of the Cuban government to provide for its people in education, health and social development. Never has Cuba allowed its miseries to shrink its limitless solidarity to people's causes in other parts of the world.
South Africa's strategic foreign policy objectives towards growing our bilateral and multilateral relations with Cuba remain steadfast. Under the auspices of the SA-Cuba Joint Consultative Mechanism, we continue to consolidate our political, bilateral and multilateral relations.
South Africa will continue to energetically support all solidarity programmes and activities that expose the tyranny and brutality of the USA's policy towards Cuba, and we commit to standing shoulder to shoulder with the Cuban people in their struggle against the USA's economic embargo. In this regard, during the past number of years in his state of the nation address, the hon President Zuma has called for an immediate end to the continued unilateral economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed on Cuba by the USA. We note that in her book Hard Choices, which is about her experiences as Secretary of State during President Obama's first term, Hillary Clinton writes that late in her term she urged Obama to reconsider the USA's embargo against Cuba. She writes: "It wasn't achieving its goals and it was holding back our broader agenda across Latin America."
We will continue to close ranks with like-minded states, the AU, the European Union, the Arab League, the Non-Aligned Movement and Hillary Clinton to express our unanimous demand for a change in the USA's policy towards Cuba. [Applause.] We also remain committed to our campaign for the release of the remaining four of the Cuban Five who are still imprisoned in the USA today. [Applause.] We want to say that it is time for the Monroe Doctrine to be consigned to the dustbin of history.
Cuba is a key partner to focus on in enhancing foreign policy objectives in pursuit of our identified domestic priorities. There are currently 1 828 South African students studying medicine at Cuban universities and the number will grow over the next two years. A total of 420 South African graduates from the Cuban programme already work as medical doctors in various South African hospitals. Another 73 final-year medical students are doing their final year at South African universities and will be graduating in 2014.
We wish to convey our best wishes to the Cuban government as it finds measures to open up its economy. In our view, this emphasises the scope for doing business with Cuba and could form part of the Parliamentary Plan of Action to grow trade with Cuba. We therefore state that 2014 is the year of implementation of the Economic Assistance Package Agreement in favour of Cuba.
South Africa also remains steadfast in its support for the Saharawi people's inalienable right to decolonisation and self-determination, through a UN-supervised referendum with the option of independence. Western Sahara has been occupied by the Kingdom of Morocco since 1976 and is Africa's last remaining colony. In 2004, South Africa took the decision to recognise the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic when it became clear that Morocco had ruled out any possibility of a referendum for Western Sahara, in contravention of UN Security Council Resolution 1495. We continue to render political and humanitarian support to the Saharawi people.
Since the dawn of democracy, our policy towards Palestine has been based on international solidarity with the Palestinian cause. South Africa stands firmly opposed to the blockade of Gaza, its inaccessibility with respect to humanitarian aid and the general dire humanitarian situation that this causes. South Africa encourages a just solution with respect to the right of the return of Palestinian refugees.
We reiterate our support for a just and negotiated settlement of the Palestinian struggle for self-determination, independence and complete sovereignty, in accordance with international resolutions at the UN.
Enough has been said about the Brics summit in Fortaleza and I do not intend to repeat what has already been said. Issues were raised by hon members in this debate. I will start with the hon Mosiuoa Lekota. What he said here today is word for word what he said in the debate in Vote 5 on Tuesday, in the Good Hope Chamber. There was absolutely no difference. [Interjections.] I am informed it was the same last year as well. [Laughter.] Well, members of the ANC are saying that the hon Lekota has a listening problem. I would not know since I am not that close to him. [Laughter.]
A member of the DA spoke about a goodbye kiss. We are reminded of the kiss between the hon Helen Zille ... [Laughter.] ... and the hon Mamphela Ramphele. Clearly, members of the DA are experts at goodbye kisses. [Laughter.] [Applause.]
We fully support the President's Budget Vote speech and its message of hope and courage. Hon President, you have bestowed on me ... [Interjections.] ...
An HON MEMBER: He has already given you the job!
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CO-OPERATION (Mr L T Landers): ... the enormous honour of being able to serve our country in this capacity. For this, I thank you most humbly. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Mr M P GALO
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (Mr L T LANDERS)
Mr M P GALO: Hon Deputy Speaker, Mr President. Asinmona! Asinanzondo. Siyaweseka umbiko. [We are not jealous! We have no hatred. We support the report.] [Laughter.]
Mr President, when you opened the Matatiele Community Clinic in 1995, you made the comment that politics is silly. I am hoping that we are not here for silly politics, but that we are here to ensure that this democracy, for which we all fought, benefits the people on the ground and not only the leaders who are sitting here, with their slices of bread buttered on both sides while the people are kissing the dust on the ground.
Mr President, the people of Moutse and the people of Matatiele have spoken. I have a report of the ANC unit that monitored the secret balloting at Matatiele in October 2009. Sixty-two per cent of the people of Matatiele wanted to be under the administration of KwaZulu-Natal. The people had spoken. Political justice must prevail over political cheating or political corruption.
The AIC is entering this debate to expose certain serious shortcomings that are hampering radical change in our society, especially in our rural communities.
The South Africa Act of 1909, as adopted by the British parliament, introduced government structures for the territory of South Africa. The Union government was based on a British design, namely the Westminster system of government, and provided for a bicameral parliament consisting of two Houses: the House of Assembly and the Senate.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Galo, your time has expired.
Mr M P GALO: We hear leaders here talking about colonialism and what-what, yet they are implementing colonialist design in terms of the government system. [Time expired.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, proceed to your seat.
The MINISTER OF WOMEN IN THE PRESIDENCY
Mr M P GALO
The MINISTER OF WOMEN IN THE PRESIDENCY: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon President Jacob Zuma, hon Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, hon members, distinguished guests, it is fitting that I dedicate this Budget Vote to the women who participated in the drafting and the launch of the 1954 Women's Charter, which is the precursor to the Freedom Charter, which was adopted in Kliptown in 1955.
This same Women's Charter of 1954 led to this Parliament adopting the 1994 Women's Charter for Effective Equality which, as we speak here today, marks its twentieth anniversary. It also contributed to the equality clause in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.
Let me right at the start borrow from insightful reflection contained in the 1954 Women's Charter where it says that :
The level of civilisation which any society has reached can be measured by the degree of freedom that its members enjoy. The status of women is a test of civilisation.
Sixty years later, the Women's Charter remains as valid in its call for the emancipation, development and empowerment of women as it was then. The ANC administration continues to commit itself to sparing no effort as we together move the women's agenda forward. We dare not fail the test for the transformation of our society as articulated in the 1954 and 1994 charters. The socioeconomic conditions of women have to be at the centre of our transformation agenda.
The President's decision to place the Department of Women in the Presidency is a clear indication of government's seriousness regarding the promotion of women empowerment. The law reform processes undertaken over the past 20 years have resulted in the production of an unprecedented body of law that laid a solid foundation for the transformation of our society.
The department, as part of its oversight role, will monitor and evaluate the extent to which the socioeconomic circumstances of women are significantly improved. We will standardise and regularise accountability with regard to the implementation of gender mainstreaming by both the public and the private sector. We will work closely with the Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation to ensure that there is no duplication and that our systems are streamlined and seamless. This will allow us to mainstream gender in the National Development Plan.
Gender mainstreaming cannot just be an add-on. It involves bringing a gender perspective to all aspects of policy and legislation development, decision-making, planning, budget allocation, procurement, expenditure and the identification of gaps. Through monitoring and evaluation, we will ensure that reporting is not just a compliance issue, but that the state, private sector and civil society institutionalise the mainstreaming of gender.
While there is notable progress when it comes to access to water resources, there are still challenges, especially when it comes to rural women, who are still exposed to polluted water and still have to walk long distances to access water. Consequently, they are exposed to various threats. The social patterns of exclusion and disadvantage that women experienced in the past remain a systematic future of South Africa's social and economic landscape, resulting in women continuing to battle the triple challenge of unemployment, poverty and inequality. This is exacerbated by deeply rooted attitudes, stereotyping and social behaviour that undermine the human dignity of women.
The removal of persisting systemic and structural barriers remains a critical condition for achieving women empowerment and gender equality. We will achieve this by promoting the understanding of the differing circumstances of women and men in society, and the impact of seemingly neutral decisions, plans, laws, policies and practices on either gender. For example, as we speak today, married women still require the consent of their husbands when they want to start businesses, which is contrary to the treatment given to men.
We will also pursue a strong research agenda to identify gaps that result in women not benefiting from current programmes in the public and the private sector. The research findings will allow the department to make the necessary interventions. We will collaborate with various research institutions that will enhance the quality of our work.
While we have reflected on some of the challenges as stated above, we need not lose sight of the gains we have made. No one will argue today when we say that women, especially black women, now occupy positions that were previously male dominated. Today, we have women pilots and the first black woman to own a mine in South Africa. The judiciary had two white women in 1994; now it has 61 women judges, of which 48 are black. This constitutes about 30% of the entire judiciary. The Constitutional Court still has only two women judges out of eleven. Even in this Parliament today, women are well represented in the National Assembly and have increased from being a mere 2,7% pre-1994 to the current 41% . This is as a result of the struggle of the ANC Women's League for the emancipation of women. This is a sign that we need to continue to move the women's agenda forward. Together as South Africans we can do more.
South Africa's commitment to promote gender equality is also articulated in the country's support of international instruments such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Beijing Platform for Action, the African Union Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa and the Southern African Development Community's Protocol on Gender and Development. The country is party to the Declaration of African Union Women Ministers adopted at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in February 2014. The declaration advocates for gender equality as a stand-alone goal and for the mainstreaming of gender in all other future goals of the post-2015 development agenda.
In 2015, the United Nations will be assessing the country's progress in the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action over the past 20 years. South Africa will assess its progress in preparation for submitting its report in this regard.
We intend to further consult and review the Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill. We will, through communication, ensure that the review process is an inclusive one and that it takes into consideration a multiplicity of views.
Central to South African democracy is a commitment to mainstream gender equality and to the empowerment of women. The founding provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa – which make reference to nonracialism and nonsexism – elevate human dignity, equality and freedom for everyone. Furthermore, the equality clause enjoins the state to promote an equal society.
In conclusion, the 2014 August Women's Month will be celebrated under the theme "Celebrating the Sixtieth Anniversary of the Women's Charter and 20 years of freedom and moving the Women's Agenda forward!". Let me take this opportunity to call on all the people in South Africa to participate in the Women's Month celebrations and ensure that we recognise and pay tribute to all the heroines who laid down their lives to ensure that future generations live in a South Africa that truly belongs to all who live in it, both black and white. I thank you.
Mr M M TSHISHONGA
The MINISTER OF WOMEN IN THE PRESIDENCY
Mr M M TSHISHONGA: Deputy Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, hon members of this House, my understanding of this budget is that I am supporting it because the office must be sustained. [Applause.] Whether it is the hon Zuma or any other person, the office must be respected. [Applause.] Our Constitution also says that the right to life is absolute throughout the world. So, I praise you, President, for your insight regarding life. A life, whether it is of a Palestinian or an Israeli, remains a life. [Applause.]
Agang condemns the unholy acts that cause the loss of life by any perpetrator. Martin Luther King Jr said that human beings should learn to individually project "I" into "thou". If we take note of that, we will understand that other human beings are as important as ourselves.
Co-ordination between departments, Operation Phakisa and the NDP are good ideas. What will count is their implementation, which will manifest in service delivery. We are waiting for service delivery to be seen. Albert Einstein said that we cannot use the energy that created problems to solve our problems. The solution is within the light.
Last but not least, dogs never bark at stationery vehicles. [Applause]. The question is: Is the vehicle moving in the right direction and fast enough? Thank you.
Mr S S A MPHETHI
Mr M M TSHISHONGA
Mr S S A MPHETHI: Deputy Speaker, His Excellency President Jacob Zuma, all protocol observed, once more, Budget Vote No 1 is delivered against the backdrop of the severe economic challenges facing our country today. South Africa is still grappling with a chronic unemployment problem, especially among the youth. Landlessness among the poor majority is still the order of the day. The current economic growth rate of approximately 2% per annum is not sufficient to save the poor majority from the yoke of poverty.
The low economic growth does not only negatively affect job creation but also means less money for government to deliver services to our people. Hence the need for a 5% budget deficit to finance the country's development needs. It is going to be very difficult to address spatial gaps and inequalities when the Presidency does not intervene when state-owned enterprises seem to lack the capacity to spend funds allocated for infrastructure development. We are concerned that government's debt and deficit reduction programme seems principally to depend on optimistic economic growth forecasts. Land redistribution must speedily correct the injustices of the past.
The whole saga surrounding the President's residence in Nkandla has left a cloud hanging over the Presidency. We urge the President to respond to the Public Protector's report as a matter of urgency in order to clear away this cloud.
The PAC firmly believes that the land should be returned to its rightful owners with support and skills development. When this is done, we believe that the needs of our country's black farmers have to be prioritised by developing policies to subsidise them. This will enable black farmers to compete fairly with their white counterparts. The PAC believes that the Presidency has an obligation to ensure that output growth focus should be realistic so that we can begin the process of setting the country's finances on a path to fiscal consolidation.
The PAC is appealing to the President to look into the problems affecting scholar transport in Mpumalanga. Learners using scholar transport are currently not attending school because service providers have not been paid since 2006 to date. I ask the President to appoint the Minister of State Security, Mr Mahlobo, to mediate between the premier of Mpumalanga and the Mpumalanga Scholar Transport Organisation. The strike must come to an end. We support Budget Vote No 1. I thank you.
Mr N T GODI
Mr S S A MPHETHI
Mr N T GODI: Deputy Speaker, Comrade President, Deputy President, comrades and hon members, the freedom we have and celebrate must have material meaning to the people. Improving the quality of life, especially for the African people, is our strategic challenge. Poverty still carries the face of African woman in the rural areas and the urban slums. Economic development is therefore the central task; that is, building the economy to create jobs, end poverty and reduce inequality.
The APC therefore will support all programmes that seek to improve the lives of the people. While we also make a call that the private sector should do more than they have done in the last 20 years, we believe that the state must play a much more central role in the economy. The APC will therefore support Budget Vote No 1 so that you can supervise and implement the programmes that you have outlined. And I will just pick up on one.
On the issue of land reform, we are foursquare behind Minister Nkwinti and his department in seeking to change the land ownership patterns in our country. We have become accustomed to Africans supposedly invading land. Later, the dwellings they have built with their last cents are demolished – in Lwandle, Bokamoso, etc. We have become cold to their cries and to their plight. They are nobodies. Their dignity and humanity is crushed. After all, they are Africans.
What this sad cycle loudly says to us is that about 80% of Africans in South Africa are in dire need of land. Whites and foreigners cannot continue to hoard land while the indigenes of Africa live like wandering strangers in the land of their forebears. Let us restore the dignity and respect of the African people. Whites cannot continue to own land out of proportion to their population figures. Foreigners with their pounds, dollars and Euros cannot get the fat of the land while the indigenous majorities continue to eke out a living from the margins as the wretched of the earth.
Comrade President, we want to see accelerated movement in agrarian reform. I thank you.
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY
Mr N T GODI
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, as the President has correctly said, the responsibility of our department in the Presidency will be to go further than oversight of the National Youth Development Agency, by championing and monitoring youth development in government.
The youth of our country is at the centre of the success of finally breaking the back of colonialism and apartheid and building a new future for the country and nation, based on the National Development Plan and the Reconstruction and Development Programme. The idea that young people are disillusioned and unwilling participants in the democratic discourse was disproved by their high turnout when they voted for the ANC in the last election. We should therefore engage them constructively in building a new youth development path.
We are currently working with youth formations to review the National Youth Policy and to develop an integrated youth development strategy as part of this new youth development path. At the centre of the new youth development path is the prioritisation of employment, education and youth enterprise. Before the end of this year, our Ministry will table proposed amendments to the National Youth Development Agency Act. The purpose of the amendments would be to ensure that we strengthen the NYDA in its endeavour to facilitate, co-ordinate and mainstream youth development issues.
The hon Mmusi Maimane says that we should scrap the NYDA.
HON MEMBERS: He's right! He's right!
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: The DA has always said that the Umsobomvu Youth Fund and National Youth Commission should be scrapped. How wrong are they on this call? In August 2013, Pondering Panda conducted a public perception survey of the NYDA. The survey found that 84% of the youth who participated in the survey believe that the NYDA is an important and relevant institution to have in South Africa. [Applause.] This comes as no surprise because in 2012-13, the NYDA, which the hon Mmusi Maimane says should be scrapped, gave a second chance to 8 000 young people who had failed their Grade 12 exams to rewrite those exams and has recorded a pass rate of more than 87% for those who rewrote the exams. [Applause.]
Potlako Makua, an 18-year-old teenager from Sebokeng, two years older than hon Mmusi Maimane's sister, passed her matric through the rewrite with five distinctions, was given a scholarship by the NYDA, and is today pursuing a degree in astrophysics. She has now kissed poverty goodbye. [Applause.]
The NYDA, which the hon Maimane says should be scrapped, has assisted more than 589 young people in getting micro-enterprise and small-enterprise grants. B K Moleko is one of the beneficiaries of the R25 million that the NYDA handed out. He now runs a farm in De Deur. He was given this grant and has today employed more than 20 young people on his farm. The NYDA, which the hon Maimane says we should scrap, has structured one of the largest partnerships for youth enterprise funding with the Small Enterprise Finance Agency and the Industrial Development Corporation. This partnership is worth R2,7 billion, of which R100 million has already been paid out to young people's enterprises for assistance in their small businesses. [Interjections.]
The NYDA, which the hon Maimane says we should scrap, last week announced a partnership with Sasol, Absa and MTN. It is called Step Up to A Start Up and it will see more than 15 000 young people gaining access to information and support on how to become entrepreneurs. When we are done with supporting the NYDA, when we are done with that, the Mmusi Maimane will be singing in an advert, saying, "iNYDA ayisafani" [The NYDA has changed.] ... [Laughter.] ... because we would have given it the support it needs to become of service to the youth of this country.
The NYDA will not be scrapped. The NYDA will not be closed down. The NYDA will receive the necessary support from us to ensure that it serves all these young people that it has served over the years - and many more. We are turning the corner in supporting the NYDA and we hope that, in a couple of months, we will be announcing the fact it has reduced its wage bill significantly.
Last month, hon President, when the hon Julius Malema was speaking here in response to the state of the nation address, he said, "On a personal note, this can only be translated to you by the only reliable Minister you have in your Cabinet, Dr Aaron Motsoaledi ...
Sepedi:
... le ge o ka itima meetse o tla bona e nwele." [Even if a person is denied an opportunity, he will find one elsewhere.]
English:
This has to be explained, President, in context. The leader of the EFF was simply saying that even if you expel him from the ANC, he will always find a way back into politics. It explains how bad the idea of the EFF is and that, irrespective of the propaganda that they may preach, it remains a personal project. That individual is the hon Malema, who came to repeat here today, in response to this Budget Vote, the fact that the EFF is his personal project. [Applause.]
Let me take you down memory lane, hon President and hon members. In the 1920s, there was an incident in Germany. A young man, who was supposed to be at the helm of the country's political elite, was sidelined and, ultimately, elbowed out of the limelight of German political elitism. He was dismissed as unstable and politically immature. Not to be deterred from what he believed was a calling – a sad date with political destiny – he started mobilising others who were moved by his rhetoric and stood to benefit from his ascension to power.
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, hon member, on what point are you rising?
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, is the nature of the inference that the hon Buti Manamela is making parliamentary? Can his comparison of the leader of another political party to an unknown German leader ... [Interjections.] [Laughter.]... be parliamentary? I ask the Deputy Speaker to rule on this. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! That is not a point of order. Thank you very much. Proceed, hon Deputy Minister.
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Addressing beer halls, public theatres and using other valuable public platforms, he drew some of the German unemployed and working class into a singular vision and dream that their plight was not because of the global economic crisis at the time but that the problem was the Jews. He said, "They eat our bread; they sleep with our desperate and hungry wives; they keep our husbands from ..."
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, hon member? What do you rise on?
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, the issue of the Jews is a very sensitive matter …[Interjections.] … and comparing the EFF leader with anti-Semitism is unparliamentary. Can you please make a ruling on that? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, we will come back and make a ruling on that. Proceed, hon Deputy Minister.
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: The conditions of the working class in Germany drove many of them to believe in shortcuts, half-baked solutions, demagoguery and political opportunism and it resulted in them genuflecting before fake gods. This happens often in history, although it is not a permanent or common historical feature. Marx wrote:
Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce.
At the time of Marx, the clowns would not have appeared on the stage of history as frequently as in our time to mock his dialectics and to expose our travesty at accepting these political frauds as the alternative to the society we desire. [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, can we get a ruling on what Buti is saying when he refers to "political frauds"? Who is he referring to? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! He is the hon Manamela. Yes?
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Yes, hon Manamela – Buti ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No!
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Yes, he is hon Manamela! His name is Manamela Buti or Buti Manamela! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! No, hon member, do not do that. You know that you should address every member as hon member.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: He is disrespecting people and misleading society. You must address him by his name!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: All right, take your seat, hon member.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, can he please refrain from calling people "political frauds"? Please! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! We will deal with that. Proceed, hon member.
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Each time they appear in history – and it is worse if they succeed – the transition Marx explained is reversed for lifetimes and the worker's struggle goes on auto-reset. We are forced not only to deal with our own internal weaknesses but also to divert some of our own energies to these personages whose efforts, which at face value seem legitimate and genuine, are, in truth, a reversal of what our original and historical revolutionary task is. The reason that the EFF is a painful idea is because it is not based on the cause and course of the people whom it claims its vision represents, which is the working class and the poor youth. It is the dream of an individual to be in office, whatever the cost. [Applause.]
Hitler, for instance, declared his ideology as national socialism. It sounded nice ... [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, we have called for a point of order! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, we will address that matter when we have had a look at Hansard.
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, there is a new point of order. It is not the earlier matter.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What is your order, hon member?
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, we want to check whether it is parliamentary to infer and refer to another hon member as an individual who wants to be in this House at all cost? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! We hear you, hon member, and I take your challenge to rule on it. Absolutely, we will rule on it. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: In fact, Hitler's national socialism resonated with the people - the poor people and the working class. It was more popular than the socialism of the German Socialist Party. Those who disagreed faced the wrath of beer-hall drunks or the Schutzstaffel, SS, as we saw yesterday at the Gauteng Provincial Legislature. [Interjections.] But their politics have become more a function of public relations than ... [Interjections.]
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Manamela, we have a point of order. Please take your seat. Yes, hon member?
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: Earlier on, we raised the issue of the consistent application of the Rules. A flawed Rule has been exposed here - Rule 62. We have consistently been calling for the consistent application of Rules by the Chair. [Interjections.] I want to understand from the Chair: If members from the EFF are referred to by the hon Manamela as drunkards, is that parliamentary? And would it be all right if we hurled such insults at the ANC members in this House? I want the Chair to rule hon Manamela out of order, please.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! We have the rulings that we will make on previous points of order. We will do so soon. We will rule on those that you have raised as well. There is one that we will rule on immediately.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Hon Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, what do you rise on?
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, I do not understand what your ruling is there. We are raising points of order, and you are supposed to provide rulings to guide the gentleman who is speaking. [Interjections.] Can you please give us guidelines in terms of how to proceed now? Really, if we raise issues all the time and you postpone all these issues, you are leaving this guy to carry on speaking lots of nonsense. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Shivambu, allow me to rule, and I will rule when I am ready to do that, okay? Proceed, hon member. [Interjections.]
Mr N S MATIASE: On a point of order, Deputy Speaker ... [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! On what point are you rising?
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, that hon member has the guts to make reference to Hitler. He made clear mention of that name now – Hitler – and he is going down the slippery slope of inferring that either members or leaders of the EFF are equal to Hitler. That is a very serious inference. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, I said to you that I would make a ruling. I have a ruling here, and I will make that. Take your seat. Hon Manamela, take you seat.
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Thank you. The last time I spoke at this podium ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Manamela, just hold on. Hon members, on this matter of Hitler, it is reported that a ruling has previously been made on this. If, as is being suggested, you made a comparison with Hitler, hon Manamela – that would be unparliamentary. If that is the assertion that was made, then that would be unparliamentary. [Interjections.]
Order! Hon members, hold on. I have told you that I have to look at the Hansard because I must consider an accurate reflection of what was said here. It cannot just come from my head or your head. My ruling has to be based on a recorded statement that we can refer to so that what comes out as a ruling is based on what was actually said by all parties. So, hon Manamela, proceed and keep in mind that we have to come back to those issues.
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Thank you. If the beret fits, wear it!
Mr N S MATIASE: On a point of order, Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, what is your point of order?
Mr N S MATIASE: Deputy Speaker, did you draw the hon Manamela's attention to the fact that his comparison is flawed?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, no, no!
Mr N S MATIASE: You called him to order; you did not ask him to withdraw his utterances.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon member ...
Mr N S MATIASE: What would be fair is that he should be instructed to withdraw his utterances.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: All right, hon member. That, I have told you, I am unable to do. We need to refer to the Hansard and say: Hon Manamela, this is what you said. [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, Buti has been making … [Laughter.] [Interjections.] You say it is unparliamentary to make comparisons to Hitler. Buti has been speaking here and making comparisons to Hitler. You must tell him to withdraw. [Interjections.] Why can you not do a simple thing like that?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Because, hon Shivambu, we work on the basis of the National Assembly Rules, which, as you are saying, must be applied consistently. Consistency will only emerge if we reflect accurately on what is written down and what is indisputable in writing. To have your word against his is not helping. [Interjections.] And please…
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, the last time Buti spoke here, we raised a point of order. You said the same thing - that you would look at Hansard. The House is sitting again now. You have still not come back to us with any report indicating what your ruling is on the issues that you were supposed to look into in Hansard. So, it looks like everything else – you are leave this guy to speak lots of nonsense here.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu, I did not give you permission to speak. Take your seat, and let us proceed. Proceed, hon member. [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Deputy Speaker, perhaps we should assist the hon members. Rule 70 states that "after the point of order has been stated to the presiding officer by the member raising it, the presiding officer shall give his or her ruling or decision thereon either forthwith or subsequently". You have indicated your approach and that you will give a decision. I would really suggest that hon members do address each other honourably and that it might not be appropriate to have your hand in your pocket when you address the Chair. Thank you.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, I suggest that we proceed. The Rules are clear. Allow us to proceed with order. This is a debate. Let us allow it to proceed.
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Thank you, Deputy Speaker. In fact, the EFF is the first political party to break its electoral promises by jumping into the buffet of Parliament's menu … [Laughter.] … and justifying why they are staying in parliamentary villages when they promised to go and stay in informal settlements, and being inconsistent ... [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, hon member, what do you rise on?
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, this guy is again misleading Parliament! [Laughter.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! No, hon member, do not do that.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: He is misleading Parliament. There is no such electoral promise by the EFF!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! He is "hon member," firstly, and you have not told me on what basis you are rising.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: It is difficult to call people who are dishonourable "honourable". There is no Rule that says we must call each other "honourable". [Interjections.] There is no such Rule stating that we must refer to Buti as "honourable". He is not an honourable person, and we must refer to him as Buti. We know him as that. [Laughter.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: There is no Rule that says we must call Buti "honourable". There is no such thing, unless you are referring to me. How do we refer to people who are not honourable as "honourable"? He is lying now, saying there is this electoral promise that we had made. Where have we made such an electoral promise? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you cannot say that an hon member is lying. You should not and you cannot say that. [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, what he is saying does not reflect the reality.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you cannot say that a member is lying. You have to withdraw it.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: I withdraw that, but I record the point that what he is saying is not a reflection of reality. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Do not be conditional, hon member. You have to withdraw .
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: I withdraw that, but I record the point that what he is saying is not a reflection of reality.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: You cannot be conditional, hon member. You are making it difficult for us. It is appropriate for you to withdraw the statement properly so that even in your case, when matters like these happen to you, you will feel that you have been treated fairly. So, withdraw your remark so that we can proceed fairly across the board.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, how do I say that he is not telling the truth? What is the proper word? Guide me, at least, so that I know. The reality is that he is not telling the truth.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! There are Rules to be followed in this House, and you are supposed to obey those Rules.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: But give me guidance in terms of what I should say to indicate that this guy is lying!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you insist on referring to him as "lying." Do not do that. Withdraw the statement.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Well, he is not telling the truth!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Withdraw what you have just said.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: What do I withdraw: the word or the fact that he is not telling the truth? [Laughter.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Withdraw calling him a liar.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: All right, I withdraw the word "lying", but he is not telling the truth. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you are creating problems for the House.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: I withdraw the word "lying", but I am saying that he is not telling the truth. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Sit down, hon member! We will come back to that. Hon Manamela, proceed. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: It is also more about attacking personages and subjecting them to persecution, on the one hand, and saving personalities from current prosecution than leading a so-called national struggle. The pain of this personal project lies in the idea that we can decorate our foreheads with berets merely to illustrate our hatred of individuals to whom we declared, opportunistically, in 2008, firstly to be willing to kill for, then to kill, and then ultimately refused to wish them recovery when they were sick – all in the name of an ideology. Just when the President was not well, he said: No, we are not going to wish him well. So, there are these inconsistencies.
The workers' struggle in our country cannot be dependent on the short-term political misfortunes of individuals. We cannot be driven into struggles that are merely about people's change of fortunes or misfortunes, which are presented as collective political setbacks when, in real terms, the same struggles will be pursued through the ANC and the alliance. [Applause.]
In conclusion, I am not a party hack. If at any time I prefer the party position, the party collective and the party discipline over the class, it will, at all times, be in the interest of the class, not in personal interest. [Applause.] The painful idea that we narrow this thesis even further, prefer the person over the party and even bow before the individual, makes me shake in my boots. That is because here, before our eyes, not Eugene Terre'Blanche, as hon Maimane suggested earlier on, but Adolf Hitler has come back from the dead. [Interjections.] I thank you. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Manamela ... [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, can you recall the speaker? Can you recall the member? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Manamela! [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: You are being recalled, man! Hey!
IsiZulu:
Hheyi, awuzwa kanti? Woza la! [Hey! Are you deaf? Come back here!]
English:
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! [Interjections.] Hon member, you cannot do that! How do you do that? How can you scream like that? [Interjections.] You are out of order! Hon member, you are out of order!
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, he is disrespecting you! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Sit down, please! Take your seat.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: But can you record ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I have not recognised you. Sit down. Hon Manamela, this issue of comparing another member to Hitler has been ruled as inappropriate in the past. So, you should not be doing that. We request that you withdraw it.
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Deputy Speaker, I request that you check the Hansard and check whether I had actually ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member! Hon member…
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: ... referred to any member as "Hitler", and if you find from Hansard that I had referred to any member as Hitler, I will withdraw. I have never been asked to withdraw in this House, because I know and understand the Rules.
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member! On what point of order?
Mr G A GARDEE: The hon Manamela was instructed by your good self to withdraw, not to present argument. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, no, hon member, do not do that. [Interjections.] Take your seat. Hon Manamela, I request you to withdraw. We need to be ... [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Deputy Speaker, I withdraw, but as a member, I want to state for the record that I reserve my rights. I have not compared anybody to Hitler. If the hat fits, if the beret fits, if that makarapa fits, then they must wear it. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, do not do that!
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: I withdraw respectfully. Thank you. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you, hon member.
Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Deputy Speaker, when Prof Z K Matthews was teaching us something about defamation, he recalled an incident that took place here in Parliament, where someone punched Gen Hertzog. The Witness, which is a newspaper in Pietermaritzburg, reported this with the headline, "Served him right". [Laughter.] That newspaper was sued for damages. Now, the hon member here said, "Sizomshaya" [We are going beat him.]. So, I hope we are not going to have a repeat of that. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Buthelezi, you are drawing our attention to inappropriate language in the House, and it was absolutely inappropriate. We do not expect members to speak like that. Hon member, can you withdraw that remark?
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, when we said "sizomshaya" [we are going to beat him], that is withdrawn, but "sizohlangana naye ngaphandle" [we will meet him outside.].
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, please do not make your withdrawal conditional. [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: It is unconditional. Kodwa uzwile. [He got my point]. Thank you. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon members!
Mr Z M D MANDELA: On a point of order, Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, hon Mandela?
Mr Z M D MANDELA: Masihlangane ngoku! [Let's meet now!] [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon member! [Interjections.] Hon Motau, you may proceed.
HON MEMBERS: Boo! Boo! [Interjections.]
THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! No, no, hon members! Let us proceed with our work. The hon members have a right to walk out. It is their right to do so. Go ahead, hon Motau. [Interjections.]
Mr S C MOTAU
The DEPUTY MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY
Mr S C MOTAU: Mr President, hon Deputy President, hon ... [Interjections.] Deputy Speaker, I hope you are watching the clock here. Thank you very much, otherwise we are not going to make any time. [Interjections.]
THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Proceed, hon Motau.
Mr S C MOTAU: I have very limited time, so I will make it quick. Let me doff my cap to hon Shenge: Earlier on he made a speech and I am glad he did because he laid a solid foundation for what I am about to say. Having so enthusiastically supported my leader's contribution this afternoon, I think maybe it is time that you led the IFP to the DA. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Sepedi:
Mohl Pandor, o rerešitše. O rerešitše ka nnete-nnete, Palamente ga e sa swana, DA ga e sa swana, le ANC ga e sa swana. [Legoswi.]
English:
I am actually quite impressed by what has been happening in the House since last year. When we first came into this House in 2009, all one would hear was, "Polokwane - the ANC – Polokwane - the ANC," from hon members on the right. [Interjections.] Now all we hear is, "The DA and the Western Cape," from the same members on the right. It is almost as if the DA now runs that government. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
The important thing about this is that clearly there has been a change and we have to accept the change. However, if we generate this much heat now, when we have one province, what would happen when we have three other provinces: Gauteng, the Eastern Cape and the Northern Cape? [Interjections.] [Applause.]
This Parliament is being asked to approve a budget of R1 180,8 million... [Interjections.] [Laughter.] Sorry about that, you are confusing me. This Parliament is being asked to approve a budget of R1 180,8 million for the 2014-15 financial year … [Interjections.] … under Budget Vote 1: The Presidency. Just under half of this amount, which is about R576 million, will be transfers to the National Youth Development Agency, at an amount of R408 million, and to Brand South Africa, at R167 million.
The Budget also provides R3 million for the salary of the President and R94,4 million for travel and subsistence for the President and the Deputy President for the financial year. The travel and subsistence amount increases to R110,4 million in 2015-16 and to R118,3 million in 2016-17.
In the context of South Africa's serious problems with poverty and unemployment, these are significantly huge budgets for the President's travel and subsistence. Yet this Parliament has not established a portfolio committee to exercise oversight on the President and the Deputy President to account to Parliament and the nation for the vast amounts of money spent in the Presidency.
The DA believes that this failure should be remedied for the good of the President, for the good of Parliament, and for the good of our democracy. This Parliament elects the President and should exercise oversight on how budgets voted for the office are spent. The unintended consequences of not having a dedicated portfolio committee for the Presidency could be dire for this country.
Arguments have been made that the President should not answer to a dedicated portfolio committee of Parliament because, once elected, he stops being a Member of Parliament. These excuses miss the point and cannot be sustained. I will deal with only one of them, because they need debunking. Indeed, according to section 87 of the Constitution, when a person is elected President, that person ceases to be a member of the National Assembly.
However, in terms of section 91(1) of the Constitution:
The Cabinet consists of the President, as head of the Cabinet, a Deputy President and Ministers.
With regard to accountability and responsibilities, section 92(3) declares that:
Members of the Cabinet must –
(a) act in accordance with the Constitution; and
(b) provide Parliament with full and regular reports concerning matters under their control.
The President and the Deputy President are members of the Cabinet and they should report to Parliament through a portfolio committee, like other members of the Cabinet. As such, the DA believes a dedicated portfolio committee for the Presidency is the appropriate vehicle for the President and the Deputy President to provide Parliament with "full and regular reports concerning matters under their control", as the Constitution charges.
We raise this matter in the House early on in this Fifth Parliament well aware of the entrenched doctrine of separation of powers between the executive and Parliament. We are also aware that in terms of the Rules of the National Assembly, a portfolio committee must be established by the Speaker, acting with the concurrence of the Rules Committee. Regrettably, the previous calls by the DA for a portfolio committee for the Presidency have fallen on deaf ears. We truly believe that the lack of a Presidency portfolio committee severely compromises Parliament's oversight role.
Need I remind this House that a few short years ago, a President of this country was recalled by his party and subsequently lost his job as President of the Republic? Among reasons given for the recall was that the man had turned into a dictator. How could such a thing have happened in an open democracy? What were his colleagues doing while he was mutating?
To avoid any President of this country morphing into a dictator who should then be recalled, the DA urges this Parliament to prioritise the establishment of a portfolio committee for the Presidency.
I want to flag something here, Mr President, which I believe you need to deal with. The Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa has fallen over itself to flood print media with expensive-looking supplements like this one: The Jacob Zuma Legacy Special. Why should a state-owned company spend a cent to sing the praises of the President? This is the stuff of banana republics. [Interjections.]
Mr M A MNCWANGO: I rise on a point of order, Deputy Speaker.
THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, hon member?
Mr M A MNCWANGO: I think I just heard hon Motau say, "The J G Zuma Special." I suppose the President is an hon member of this House and deserves to be called "hon member", rather than being called by his name. Thank you.
THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Motau, proceed. You know that.
Mr S C MOTAU: Sir, that is what the publication is called. [Interjections.] Why should a state-owned company spend a cent singing the praises of the President? This is the stuff of banana republics. The DA trusts that the President will raise his voice against this type of wanton waste of badly needed state money. The National Planning Commission tells us that the successful implementation of the NDP requires strong leadership from government, business, labour and civil society. We agree.
The President will have his legacy assured if he can be seen to have the political will to champion the implementation of the NDP; champion the fight against corruption; show strong leadership when the country needs it; and lead a growing economy that creates jobs, especially for the youth; an economy that reduces poverty and that promotes a prosperous open-opportunity society for all the people of South Africa. [Applause.]
Mr President, hon Deputy President, you did a lot of good work this afternoon trying to reconcile us and bring us together, but unfortunately, the wrecking crew came in when the hon... [Interjections.] ... when the hon Sizani ascended the platform. He wrecked it all. Instead of criticising the people on the left, he insulted them. That is not how to build the nation. I thank you. [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS
Mr S C MOTAU
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Hon President, hon Deputy President, Deputy Speaker ... [Interjections.]
Mr G S RADEBE: Point of order, Deputy Speaker! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, hon member, what is your point of order?
Mr G S RADEBE: Is it parliamentary for the hon Mncwango to be calling the hon Malusi Gigaba a henchman? [Interjections.] If it is not, please rule on that, so that he can withdraw it. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Mncwango, did you say that?
Mr M A MNCWANGO: Hon Deputy Speaker, I never said the hon Minister Gigaba is a henchman. I said, "They are henchmen." I did not refer to him. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Mncwango, do not do that in this House. Members are honourable. We insist that you act like that, please. Otherwise ...
Mr M A MNCWANGO: I know that, Deputy Speaker. I never referred to the Minister like that.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: We will check. Hansard will tell us.
Mr M A MNCWANGO: Thank you, Deputy Speaker.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Gigaba, please continue.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Thank you, hon Deputy Speaker. I have got worse words for you, sir. [Interjections.]
I am honoured to be afforded the opportunity to participate in the Presidency Budget Vote. In its Preamble, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa states that we must:
… heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights.
At the very outset, our Constitution, the highest law of our land, clearly sets out the historic mission of our nation at the dawn of our first democracy. In Chapter 5, the Constitution proceeds further to entrust the President with the responsibility of promoting the unity of the nation and what will advance the Republic. Accordingly, it is inevitable that, as we engage with the Presidency Budget Vote, the very same issues that form the cornerstone of our Constitution must equally, and with the same tenacity, be paramount in our minds today as we grapple with the challenge of moving South Africa forward, together.
In this regard, it is pertinent to reflect on the words of the late ANC president Oliver Tambo, who accused the racist rulers of the past of having an attitude of mind that South Africa consisted of people and nonpeople. He said:
Paramount in the strategy of the South African rulers therefore is the use they make of colour or race differences. In the workings of apartheid, colour comes first in importance, race next, and human beings last.
Of course, fundamental to the ideology of racial bigotry was the denial of the socioeconomic rights and role of the black majority, a legacy with which we continue to live today.
In his own address earlier this afternoon, President Zuma made the poignant call:
Our journey continues towards a truly united, nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa. We humbly invite South Africans to join us in building a South Africa in which the poor and the workers will fully enjoy the fruits of freedom, and a South Africa in which all citizens will feel a sense of belonging and comfort. Every small step counts and the action of each South African also counts.
Based on the lessons drawn from decades of white supremacy and the struggle for national liberation, the ANC summed up the fundamental antagonisms in South Africa as:
… national oppression based on race; class super-exploitation directed against black workers; and the triple oppression of the mass of women, based on their race, their class and their gender.
Accordingly, I want to make the incontrovertible statement that the task of building the nation and social cohesion only becomes relevant when we proceed from the premise of the advancement of the material conditions of the largest majority of South Africans. Proceeding from this premise, we must hold firm to the conviction that economic emancipation is as pivotal for building a harmonious and united nation as the reverse is true.
At the Social Cohesion Summit held in Kliptown, Soweto, four pillars of social cohesion were adopted: diversity, inclusiveness, access and values. It is the duty of every South African to ensure that these four pillars are pursued with vigour and unyielding conviction. Of course, some among us, including some of those sitting in these very Chambers, confess allegiance to the Constitution in word, but in deed they negate the very founding principles of this same Constitution; the principles that are so elevated and prominent in the Preamble: redress for the injustices of the past. This is evident in the tendency among them to negate every single transformative measure taken, be it in terms of the economy, employment equity or even landownership.
The question is this: To what extent are we, as a nation, making progress towards unity and social cohesion? Others would seek to know if indeed we are making progress towards a single nationhood quickly enough. Surely, this would require a much more dispassionate scrutiny and discourse than mere hot air and hollow rhetoric.
Could it be that, as South Africans, we have resigned ourselves to perpetual conflict defined along the trajectory of apartheid colonialism, where some, even as they might have lost their political power, are hell-bent on defending the economic power and privileges accrued from that past, unwilling to share some of their power and convert these minority privileges into majority rights?
Could it be that we have resigned ourselves, as South Africans, to merely coexisting without seeking to share the means that would make diversity, inclusiveness and access real rather than hollow?
Could it be that we have become comfortable with the multiracial society in which we live, defined, as it still is, by the economic power relations and the putrid production relations of the past, which ensured that the majority, on the basis of their race, class and gender, were excluded and denied access to the very means of social progress; and that a real nonracial society will forever remain an illusion?
Difficult as these questions may be, they must be answered. Through the various programmes the Presidency announced today, and which it is leading, we are convinced that we can answer in the affirmative in regard to all the questions we have posed above.
Having said that, I would like, at this point, to boldly say that I am of the firm conviction that most South Africans would hold a very optimistic view that a better and more united, nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous South Africa is possible; and that they, the masses, are the architects, the midwives and the builders of this future and better South Africa.
In his address earlier, the President made this emphatic statement:
We have done well in consolidating democracy and building a new nation. We need to do a bit more to build the soul of the nation, especially to promote unity, cohesion and a common nationhood.
Given the urgency concerning nation-building and social cohesion, President Zuma said the following in his preface to the ANC manifesto for the 2014 general elections:
Our struggle has now reached the second phase, in which we will implement radical socioeconomic transformation to meaningfully address poverty, unemployment and inequality. More than ever before, we must work together to promote nation-building, unity and social solidarity as we free the economy from the shackles of the past. We cannot rest until the economy is in the hands of the people who were historically excluded from participation. Far-reaching economic transformation is the central question this election must answer.
Nation-building and social cohesion should find pride of place in every sphere of our society. All South Africans must take part in the pursuit of this noble objective, taking advantage of the existence of the National Development Plan, for which the overwhelming majority of our people have expressed their support.
To accelerate our journey towards nation-building and social cohesion, we must rely on the goodwill, the genuineness and the agency of the majority of South Africans, black and white, who alone can provide us with the motivating force for the future we seek. This by no means romanticises this effort. Neither does it presuppose that South Africans are a homogenous group.
However, only this mass mobilisation of the ordinary mass of our people behind a radical agenda for socioeconomic change can guarantee us the success we need in our pursuit. We must be under no illusion that nation-building and social cohesion can be attained by tinkering with the current social relations inherited from centuries of apartheid colonialism. Only radical change is required. Anything else simply will not do.
However, by "radical" we certainly do not mean the anarchic, populist, neofascist hotchpotch we heard and observe daily from the hon Malema, which makes this the standard fare of political opportunists everywhere. [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, hon Shivambu, why are you rising?
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, the guy who is speaking now says that ... [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order!Hon Shivambu, if you do not withdraw that word, and if you repeat it, we are going to ask you to go.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: The Minister says the hon Malema is pursuing a fascist agenda. We think he should withdraw that reckless statement, please.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Proceed, hon Minister.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Thank you. It is laughable ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Can we have your ruling, Deputy Speaker?
Mr G A GARDEE: Point of order, Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, I will rule.
Mr G A GARDEE: Point of order, Deputy Speaker! [Interjections.] The word "fascist" is synonymous with Hitler. You have made a ruling on that. [Interjections.] The hon Minister, for that matter ... [Interjections.] Rule 61 says, "No member shall refer to any other member by his or her first name or names only." Nowhere does it say that we must refer to them as "honourable". In fact, Mr Gigaba, in terms of Rule 61, comparing a leader of another party with the fascist, anti-Jewish dictator Hitler, is being unparliamentary. We cannot wait for Hansard. He must withdraw now! [Laughter.] Now! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, do not read the Rules selectively. Do not read the Rules selectively, all right? Allow us to make rulings on these matters as soon as we are able to do so, and as soon as we want to. We will do that as we proceed here.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, ever since we arrived here you have been harassing us to call people "honourable". There is no law that compels anyone to call Members of Parliament "honourable". It just says we must not refer to them only by their names. We must say "Mr" or whatever title we must use. That is our interpretation.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order!
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: So, for us, that thing of "honourable" is really gone, because the majority of the people here are not honourable, really. [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, allow the debate to proceed. I would suggest that we allow the debate to proceed. [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order ... [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker ... Shhh!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Minister ...
Mr G A GARDEE: The debate can continue ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Minister, proceed.
Mr G A GARDEE: ... only if the hon Minister ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Proceed, hon Minister.
Mr G A GARDEE: ... withdraws the word "fascist"! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Go ahead, hon Minister.
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: There has been running commentary on and contestation of the presiding officer's rulings. Now, for those comrades or colleagues who are here for the first time, in terms of the system here, if you are not happy with the decision of a presiding officer, you are at liberty to raise or voice your unhappiness in the Rules Committee, not here. Otherwise, the whole House degenerates into anarchy - which is what they are promoting. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, let us proceed. Hon Minister, proceed.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: It is laughable that the ANC ...
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, it is only fair that the word "fascist" should be dealt with now! [Interjections.] There is no need to postpone making a call about Hitler and fascism!
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: On a point of order, Deputy Speaker! [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: It is in the best interests of order and for this House to continue smoothly! [Interjections.]
Mr I MOSALA: Point of order, Deputy Speaker. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Who is this? [Interjections.] Yes, hon member?
Mr I MOSALA: Deputy Speaker, we were told that as hon members we are all equal. If we expect others to be patient, we expect other hon members to do the same. So, we want to make a request. If there are hon members who take issue with the rulings of the Deputy Speaker, this is not the relevant platform for raising it. In other words, we do not want to go to the level to which they want to take us. Thank you. [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, I do not know all the Rules yet, but one thing I know is that the ruling of the presiding officer is final. [Interjections.] However, if you are not providing rulings and people make irresponsible statements here, what recourse do we have? So, you must really give guidance to this House ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! You are ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... so that people do not make irresponsible statements in this House and say defamatory things unnecessarily, please. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, your conduct is making it difficult for us to continue with the proceedings of the House. You are creating a problem for us to address this issue in a manner that would not allow it to repeat itself. So, we appeal to you not to do that. Allow us to proceed with this debate. I am going to make a ruling now, as soon as he finishes, so that we are able to deal with it, not only today but in the Rules Committee as well. We think it is serious enough that it requires us to take it there and to deal with it firmly. Proceed, hon member.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: It is laughable that the ANC could be lectured on commitment to the working class and the poor of this country by those who have recently traded in their Gucci wardrobes for overalls. [Interjections.] These political opportunists calculate that they can co-opt or hijack the genuine struggles of the marginalised in our country for political gain. [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: On a point of order, Deputy Speaker!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, hon Gigaba, please mind your language. [Interjections.] Proceed, hon member.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: What did I say? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Proceed, hon member, and mind your language. [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, is it parliamentary to refer to Members of Parliament who are wearing overalls as "political opportunists"? [Interjections.] Can you rule on that? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Gigaba, that is what I was referring to, sir. Can we please not inflame the situation? Let us proceed. [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: What word, exactly?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: The word "opportunists". [Interjections.] We will come back to this.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: These "dot-dot-dots" calculate ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker ... [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: ... that they can hijack ... [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! No!
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: ... the general ... [Inaudible.] ... of the marginalised. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Gigaba ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, please allow us to proceed. [Interjections.]
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Allow us to proceed!
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Yes, but he must ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, no, no, no!
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, you said he had to withdraw! [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, no, no, you must not ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Why is it that other parties ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Shivambu, do not ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... are asked to withdraw ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Do not make ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... but he cannot...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Do not ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: ... but he himself will not withdraw.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Do not ...
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: He must withdraw before he continues, please!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, do not make rulings. You cannot make rulings. Proceed, hon Gigaba, as I requested. [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: They believe the masses of our people will be fooled by their new clothes and ignore their track record of financial ... [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: Can the Deputy Speaker, when he is ready to make rulings, also consider making a ruling on "dot-dot-dot" ... [Laughter.] ... because there is a word that starts with an "F" and has a star, an alpha and a dollar sign and then a "K" in it. [Interjections.] "Dot-dot-dot" can also mean anything. Can the Deputy Speaker consider that too.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, I will do that, hon member. [Interjections.] I will do that.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: But I never mentioned anybody!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, hon Pandor?
The MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Deputy Speaker, I appeal to the Chair that the Chair must not allow members who are unable to bear the heat of a debate to disrupt the House. [Interjections.] The Speaker must not allow it. Please. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes. Proceed, hon member.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: They believe the masses of our people will be fooled by their new clothes and ignore their track record of financial impropriety, unexplained and unscrupulous self-enrichment and tax avoidance. [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, may I rise on a point of order?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, what is your point of order? [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: The hon Minister is making statements about the financial impropriety of people wearing overalls. [Interjections.] Has that been proven in any court of law? [Interjections.] Can you make a ruling on that? [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, hon members, do not do that. Proceed, hon member.
Mr N F SHIVAMBU: Deputy Speaker, you are not guiding this House. [Interjections.] Here is a gentleman who stole government flowers before, saying that people are engaged in financial impropriety, and you let that pass. But we, on the other hand, must come here and use particular language ... If it is open, let us open it. [Interjections.] We can speak like that too - much harsher than what Malusi is doing. [Interjections.] So, please, guide this House regarding the language that this gentleman is using. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, I want to appeal to you to recognise all of us here in the House. The language we use can either help or not help the House to proceed properly. So, let us accept that that is the way we have agreed to and it is what the Rules say we must do. Let us not just create a situation that allows disruptions to occur.
Members, the raising of frequent points of order is disruptive. I want to address you on that issue. Members who are speaking, all of you, please realise that the way you speak and what you say can create disruptions. Let us not create that situation, please. Let us proceed. [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: How can those who sold poor rural communities shoddily built bridges lecture us on how to build bridges between a desolate past and a prosperous, sustainable and united future? [Interjections.]
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker ... [Interjections.] ... Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, you cannot carry on doing that. You are disrupting proceedings.
Mr G A GARDEE: Deputy Speaker, the speaker is continuing to make unsubstantiated allegations about people who did shoddy jobs outside this House. [Interjections.] This is exactly what we are saying. Speakers should refrain from making assertions and allegations ... [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Can you not allow the speaker to proceed?
Mr G A GARDEE: If it is your ruling that it is fine to make allegations that Mr X, hon X, ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Do not put words in my mouth.
Mr G A GARDEE: ... is corrupt ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Do not put words in my mouth!
Mr G A GARDEE: ... with Nkandla, or whatever, ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, we do not allow that.
Mr G A GARDEE: … then we will also do it, unapologetically. Thank you.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Do not put words in my mouth – and it is out of order even to think that you should be saying that. Proceed, hon member.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: The hon Malema speaks with the boldness of the hon Lekota in 2009, who also believed, once, that he was the President-in-waiting and did all he could to displace and outfox his former colleague, Mr Mbhazima Shilowa. It was all for nothing, because both of them today face the same future outside politics and into oblivion. The hon Malema must know this future awaits him too.
On the other hand, the speech by the hon Mmusi Maimane was a missed opportunity, made the more abysmal by the pitiful attempt to use his 16-year-old minor sister as a rhetorical device to cast doubt on the future before her and other young South Africans. His speech, cast in the pessimistic tones of his predecessors, failed dismally to mention the many ways in which the ANC has improved the quality of life of his own sister and created opportunities for her to soar. As always, the hon Maimane, on behalf of the DA, ignores the substantive progress made by and under the ANC-led government.
Operation Phakisa is a local application of a delivery model proven successful in Malaysia. It aims to achieve speedy economic development impact, working closely with stakeholders in all sectors. Of course, hon Maimane cannot see anything positive in it because it talks about building local capacity to exploit and industrialise our ocean economy for the use of South Africans. It thus envisages a future in which South Africa will no longer be locked into the global capitalist system as an important though peripheral player, serving primarily as an exporter of raw materials and primary commodities.
In this world, which the hon Maimane so idolises, South Africa would remain a price-taker in the global economic arrangement, stuck in the old colonial relations of production with the world that characterised our past, still characterises our present and which we are resolute, through the National Development Plan, the Industrial Policy Action Plan, the infrastructure programme and the New Growth Path, to turn on its head. [Applause.]
On the eve of democracy in our country, the National Party, the most recalcitrant members of which have now found their right political home in the DA, sold all South Africa's ships and, through dirty means, bought and registered them in other countries at their own country's expense. This ocean economy strategy interferes with the status quo and the funders of the DA. The DA must know that it is time for South Africa to become a real maritime country, which we are, and President Zuma will go down in history as the President, the leader, who put South Africa on the map as a real maritime country. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
How is it possible that the hon Maimane does not see this as providing leadership? Could it be that the unscrupulous funders of the hon member's political party are worried about the radical and far-reaching changes in the structure of the South African economy? [Interjections.] It is when the imperialist forces and the market fundamentalists are worried that we should know we are correct, we are on the right path and we should stay the course! [Interjections.] [Applause.] I thus welcome the hon Maimane's initiating of the debate on leadership, even as I am in the dark about and doubt and question his own leadership record.
We can detail many achievements President Zuma has made on behalf of the people of South Africa, throughout his career in the Public Service, and especially during his tenure as President of our Republic. [Interjections.] In addition to the NDP, the infrastructure programme, the NGP, the Industrial Policy Action Plan, we can add the National Health Insurance, the land reform programme, specific focus on rural development, as well as water and sanitation issues.
What has the hon Maimane accomplished for South Africa, other than offering the DA a rebranding opportunity at the expense of Miss Lindiwe Mazibuko? [Interjections.] [Applause.] The question I wish to ask is, "Waar was jy?" ["Where were you?"] In his newly found chorus for the hon President to step aside, the hon Maimane neglects the DA's recent election performance. They spent over R100 million in Gauteng, but the people of Gauteng, like those of Johannesburg in 2011, ordered him to sit down! [Interjections.] I believe they will continue to do so, as long as he insists on using public platforms to attack ANC leaders rather than offer substantive proposals on how to move South Africa forward. [Interjections.]
The myth promoted by the DA of a well-governed Western Cape ...
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, hon member, what point are you rising on?
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, is the Minister prepared to take a question? [Interjections.]
HON MEMBERS: No!
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, the Minister will answer that.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: It would be nice to know how many votes they lost in Gauteng. [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: The myth promoted by the DA of a well-governed Western Cape province is inconsistent with the facts and blows up in the face of the truth. For instance, in a recently released report conveniently ignored by the media, the Human Rights Commission said that the DA has imposed the most undignified, inhumane and racist sanitation regime in the Western Cape. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
We welcome brand-new member Maimane's zeal in regard to official inquiries into alleged corruption. We trust we can count on him to lead an inquiry into the DA's appointment of a legally blacklisted US-based company to provide IT services to the City of Cape Town. This company's owner, referred to in the media as a "hopelessly insolvent crook", is banned from the UK until 2024. [Interjections.] Similarly, we expect he will leap at the opportunity to investigate why the DA–run Western Cape government spent approximately R8 billion on consultants, who, in turn, funded the DA's election communications strategy. [Interjections.]
On these matters, hon Maimane, I implore you to show leadership or step aside. [Interjections.] [Applause.] Sadly, I suspect the hon Maimane will restrain his zeal in this regard, unless he has ambitions to study at Harvard University. [Laughter.] The fact is that the DA continues to look forward to a future that will never exist, seen only through the prism of illiberal glasses, founded on the fear of black majority rule and premised on a reactionary antimajoritarian abhorrence. [Interjections.]
Throughout its history, South African liberalism crafted in their minds a future South Africa that did not have apartheid, on the one hand, nor black majority rule, on the other. We share their optimism in both regards, as we ourselves want a future South Africa that does not have apartheid or any other form of racial tyranny.
Our late President Oliver Tambo once said:
It is our responsibility to break down the barriers of division and create a country where there will be neither whites nor blacks, just South Africans, free and united in their diversity.
This, fellow South Africans, is the future we seek, the future we are prepared to keep on fighting for, stubbornly, and the future we will have. It is bright, it is better, it is filled with optimism and not with racially defined and dictated pessimism. The hon Maimane's sister, no matter what a prophet of doom her brother is, will have a bright and better future. [Applause.]
We emphatically support Budget Vote No 1 of the Presidency.
Finally, hon Deputy Speaker, the hon Shivambu said earlier that I sat there like someone sitting in a shebeen. Of course, as a patron of shebeens, he would know better, because I have never been to a shebeen. I do not know how people sit there. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Now, since I am not a patron or a guest of shebeens, taverns and bars, I would not know and I stand to be advised, my hon colleague.
Finally, hon Motau, I think we need to tone down on the delusions. They really do not help. [Laughter.] Thank you. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS
CONTRAVENTION OF RULE 63
(Ruling)
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, earlier in the debate a point of order was raised by the hon J H Steenhuisen, the Chief Whip of the Opposition, on remarks made by the hon P S Sizani, the Chief Whip of the Majority Party. I undertook to come back to the House with a ruling.
In his speech, the hon Chief Whip said, "Our friends on my left feel nothing because they got money from the proceeds of the building of the wall that divided Palestine to fight against us." The hon Chief Whip of the Opposition rose to contend that, in terms of Rule 63, the comments were offensive to this side of the House, and that they were unsubstantiated. Later in his speech, the hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party said, "It is common cause that there is a party in South Africa that was given money by the builder of the wall that divided Palestine."
The Constitution determines that members have freedom of speech in this Assembly. This is a jealously guarded right that is only qualified by the Rules and the Orders that the Assembly imposes on itself. Freedom of speech is essential to ensure that members can fulfil their role as representatives of the people and that they are able to speak freely in the interests of the people we serve.
The Rules relating to order and debate are therefore not aimed at limiting freedom of speech but rather at guiding debate in such a way that the reasoned and open consideration of issues is possible, in the interests of democracy. Derogatory and disparaging references to members of the House undermine members in the performance of their duties and they undermine the Assembly as the democratically elected representative of the people.
When considering whether a member has contravened Rule 63, the presiding officer must also take into consideration the context in which a remark or inference is made. The approach is substantiated by years of practice and convention in its interpretation. It is not for the Chair to rule on the veracity of remarks made during debate. Should members disagree with the remarks made, they should make use of the opportunities provided by the debate to give the House a different version.
In this instance, I find that the remarks by the hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party did not contravene Rule 63. [Applause.]
INTERPRETATION OF RULE 62
(Ruling)
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, a further point of order was raised around the interpretation of Rule 62. This Rule states that a member "shall, as far as possible, refrain from reading his or her speech, but may refresh his or her memory by referring to notes." While the reading of the speeches may not necessarily be conducive to interactive debate, it must be reiterated that the Rule is phrased in such a way as to provide guidance to members during debate and not in absolute terms that prohibit the reading of speeches.
A further consideration is the limited time that members have to deliver their speeches and therefore the practice has not been called into dispute. This may be a matter for consideration during the Rules Review process. That, as I understand, is under way.
MATTERS SUB JUDICE
(Ruling)
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, lastly I wish to reflect on the point of order raised by the hon Bheki Radebe on comments made during the speech of the hon J S Malema, in regard to the Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission. I would like to caution members strongly against commenting on or referring to the merits of matters that are in the judicial process. The Rule on this matter is very clear and I assume that we will respect that, so that we do not, in the first place, bedevil our relationship with the judiciary, nor impugn people and their names when the matters are before the courts.
Debate interrupted.
The House adjourned 19:55.
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