Hansard: Debate on Heritage Day: Social Cohesion and Nation-Building

House: Joint (NA + NCOP)

Date of Meeting: 11 Sep 2012

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Minutes

UNREVISED HANSARD

JOINT SITTING

Wednesday, 12 September 2012 Take: 259

WEDNESDAY, 12 SEPTEMBER 2012

PROCEEDINGS AT JOINT SITTING

______________

Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at 15:02.

The Speaker of the National Assembly took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY


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START OF DAY

DEBATE ON HERITAGE DAY: SOCIAL COHESION AND NATION-BUILDING

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Speaker, hon members of this august House, I chose to speak on the overarching values and mechanisms for social cohesion.

On 4 to 5 July 2012, the Presidency, through the Department of Arts and Culture, held a national summit on social cohesion and nation-building at Walter Sisulu Square in Soweto, where the Freedom Charter was adopted in 1955. The summit was a response to the calls made by President Jacob Zuma since his inauguration as the fourth democratically elected President of the Republic of South Africa. The President called on all South Africans to renew their commitment to nation-building and to the advancement of social cohesion.

More specifically, the President said:

This is indeed a moment of renewal. It is an opportunity to rediscover that which binds us as a nation. The unity of our nation should be a priority for all sectors of our society. We are a people of vastly different experiences, of divergent interests with widely different views, yet we share a common desire for a better life and to live in peace and harmony.

We share a common conviction that never shall we return to a time of division and strife. From this common purpose, we must forge a partnership for reconstruction, development and progress.

The partnerships envisaged by the President extended not only to all institutions and spheres of government in our democracy but also involved the private sector, all communities and civil society organisations.

As Parliament and public representatives, we have failed the President and the people in this regard. Since the President's call was made on 9 May 2009, we have witnessed incidents of xenophobia, religious conflict, sexism, and the marginalisation of civil society organisations. This led to a civil society organisations' summit, where the social distance between Parliament and the people was lamented.

At the moment, there is growing tension. For instance, in Riverlea, in the greater Johannesburg region, Christians have invoked an apartheid bylaw to prevent Muslim clergy from making calls to prayer on the basis that these calls were noisy. Furthermore, it has been alleged that a Muslim was killed in Magaliesburg on the basis of his beliefs, signified by his beard and race. In Kenya, this type of religious intolerance has recently given rise to a bloody confrontation between Christians and Muslims. In Nigeria, a dissident leader demanded that Shari'a law should be applied throughout the country, regardless of the cultural and religious diversity of the country.

The controversy around the Traditional Courts Bill in this Parliament reveals that patriarchy is still deeply entrenched in our society and there are some in our society who do not accept that equality between the sexes is not negotiable nor conditional on the whims of men. The imperative to build a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous society, united in its diversity, is rooted in the Freedom Charter and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.

With regard to its constitutional mandate, Parliament has a strategic and political obligation to deepen democracy, advance nation-building and promote social cohesion. As an organ of state, Parliament's work must respond to the constitutional imperatives laid out for it, both in terms of the specific responsibilities assigned to it in Chapter 4 of the Constitution and the higher-order values and objectives reflected in the preamble of the Constitution.

The preamble of the Constitution requires a commitment to:

Heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights;

Lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is based on the will of the people and every citizen is equally protected by the law;

Improve the quality of life of all citizens and free the potential of each person; and

Build a united and democratic South Africa able to take its rightful place as a sovereign state in the family of nations.

Furthermore, section 42(3) and (4) of the Constitution, oblige both Houses of Parliament to be the national fora for the public consideration of issues. The Constitution explicitly states that in making rules and orders concerning its business, both Houses are compelled to take into account representativity, participatory democracy, accountability, transparency and public involvement. This is referred to in section 57(1) and section 70(1).

Patriarchy and religious intolerance are a gross violation of our Constitution. No one has the right to qualify the rights of women and other faith communities. The involvement of civil society, including faith communities, in the legislative and other governance processes is neither optional nor negotiable.

With regard to nation-building initiatives in other countries, the purely institutional perspective that parliaments exist exclusively to pass laws and oversee government action is not supported by international parliamentary practice. To this end, some examples of parliamentary practice beyond mere law-making and oversight are worth highlighting.

With the rise of Islamophobia in Europe, the European parliament established a permanent structure within its committee system to monitor and devise programmes to address challenges associated with this scourge. Although members of the European parliament are directly elected by European citizens, the European parliament called on parliaments in all European Union, EU, member states to set up similar structures on xenophobia with many members adhering to this call.

In the United Kingdom, the House of Commons established the Modernisation Committee in 2000 as a permanent parliamentary committee to develop strategies and programmes to ensure greater engagement with the public. In 2004, they published a report titled "Connecting parliament with the public". Today that forms the strategic platform on which various projects are rolled out to involve citizens in the work of the UK parliament.

In Brazil, the National Council for Combating Discrimination, established in 2001, has institutionalised activities through their parliament to address social inequalities and thus work towards greater social cohesion in this highly unequal society.

Although the Pan-African Parliament has been plagued by organisational and budgetary challenges, it has on numerous occasions called on member parliaments to integrate activities of national reconciliation with their parliamentary agendas. Regional parliamentary organisations, such as the African Parliamentary Union, have also passed resolutions that call on their members to institutionalise their activities towards greater social cohesion and national cohesion.

With regard to lessons for South Africa, the National Summit on Social Cohesion and Nation-building identified the triple challenge of inequality, poverty and unemployment as impediments to social cohesion and nation-building. Other impediments include patriarchy, xenophobia, Islamophobia and other forms of cultural and religious intolerance. The normal oversight work by portfolio committees has not and will not address these challenges. We need innovative and interactive mechanisms to ensure participatory democracy, accountability, transparency and public involvement in terms of the Constitution of our land.

With regard to strategic objectives of the Fourth Parliament, we must commend the presiding officers for their extensive consultation with political parties represented in this Parliament, which led to the publication of the strategic intent document. This clearly outlines the constitutional imperatives of Parliament to ensure public education, co-operative governance, public participation and public involvement in legislative and other governance process. In addition to normal law-making and oversight work, the discharge of these responsibilities requires innovative and interactive mechanisms, like the UK's Modernisation Committee.

The Fourth Parliament endorsed President Zuma's vision of an activist Parliament, one that knows where the people are, what they think and aspire to, and, together with them, responds promptly to address their concerns and ensure that the executive delivers quality and affordable services. In pursuit of this vision, both Houses of Parliament adopted resolutions to restructure the Parliamentary Millennium Project and integrate it into the parliamentary structures as a permanent heritage and nation-building section.

Parliament also resolved to replace the advisory council of the Parliamentary Millennium Project with a multiparty committee that would report to the presiding officers. It was envisaged that the PMP, like the Modernisation Committee in the House of Commons in the UK, would identify ways of partnering with the legislative sector, including transnational, national, provincial and local government structures, possibly through the Joint Multiparty Chief Whips' Forum, which the parliamentary oversight authority has agreed to establish; would facilitate meaningful public participation in legislative processes and ensuring greater involvement of public representatives, including Members of Parliament, Members of Provincial Legislatures and councillors; would reach marginalised segments of the population, especially the youth, rural women and communities; and would find ways of involving other Southern African and African nations in advancing African and global solidarity.

Agreement to restructure and relaunch the PMP was reached in 2009. Only on 15 June 2011 did the former Secretary, Mr Zingile Dingani, inform his deputy, Mr Michael Coetzee, of the directive of the executive authority to implement the decision. To date, the PMP has not taken off because in this institution, decisions were implemented at the arbitrary will of the administration.

The establishment of sectoral parliaments for both youth and women has proven to be important mechanisms for the achievement of social cohesion and nation-building. Our democratic order has both representative and participatory aspects. The latter aspect requires, in particular, public involvement and accountability in terms of section 57(1) and section 70(1) of the Constitution. Some of the provinces, for example, Mpumalanga, Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal, established religious parliaments to ensure full participation of the religious sector in the legislative and other processes of Parliament in pursuit of social cohesion and nation-building.

This Parliament established a Multiparty Parliamentary Interfaith Council to facilitate social cohesion and nation-building by combating xenophobia, Afrophobia, cultural and religious intolerance and to assist government in conflict resolution and peace-building in South Africa, Africa and the world. Since the council was established two years ago, the administration has refused to recognise and resource the council. It is also not clear why the religious sector, which represents more than 80% of the population, is not recognised by the administration of this Parliament. We could therefore say that this Parliament and, in particular, public representatives, were not allowed space to play their role in achieving social cohesion and nation-building.

We also failed to heed the call of both President Jacob Zuma and Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, who repeatedly called on us to co-ordinate and integrate the programmes of all three spheres of Parliament to bring all public representatives closer to the people and enable them to work together with and within communities to ensure service delivery. We should also agree with the President that the challenges of service delivery are the legacy of apartheid colonialism and that the ANC government is working around the clock to address them. However, the ANC commitment to public participation and public involvement cannot and should not be doubted.

We should also take this opportunity to thank civil-society organisations who resolved to embark on constructive engagement with Parliament to achieve meaningful public participation and involvement. In particular, we would like to thank Mrs Sizani Ngubane, leader of the Rural Women's Movement in KwaZulu-Natal, who said the following in her letter to me ... [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! I would like to appeal to the House to reduce the noise level. Before I invite the next speaker, I would like to acknowledge the presence in the gallery of second-year journalism students from the Tshwane University of Technology, who are visiting Parliament as part of their curriculum. You are welcome. [Applause.]

Mr N J VAN DEN BERG


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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY

Afrikaans:

Mnr N J VAN DEN BERG: Agb Speaker, agb Adjunkpresident, Ministers en alle gaste hier teenwoordig, ek is baie bly die hoofsweep van die ANC het verwys na die belangrike basis agtergrond wat ons in wetgewing in Suid-Afrika moet hê, want as daardie wetsraamwerk nie reg is nie, kan 'n mens sukkel om dinge reg te kry. Wetsraamwerke kan 100% reg wees, maar as die wil by die mense om dinge op die grond reg te maak nie daar is nie, dan gaan ons nie sosiale kohesie en nasiebou in ons harte hê nie.

Kom ons wees eerlik: Dit is my en elkeen van u wat hier sit se plig om elke dag van ons lewe aan nasiebou te werk. Agb Adjunkpresident, dit is ons plig. Ek wil nie vandag enige politiese verdeeldheid of so iets hier saai nie, maar ek wil 'n beroep doen op die mense van Suid-Afrika en elkeen wat hier sit om alles in ons vermoë te doen om Suid-Afrika 'n wonderlike plek te maak. Daar is soveel potensiaal in ons land. Daar is soveel rykdom en mense-materiaal in ons land. Ek kan nie glo mense in hierdie land kan nog vir mekaar kwaad kan wees nie. Ek kan dit nie verstaan nie.

Ons het in die verlede deur soveel pyn en hartseer gegaan. Ek het in Angola gesien hoe sekere klein dorpies aan vlenters geskiet is in die langdurige burgeroorlog. Ons het hartseer en ellende in hierdie land beleef. Vanaf die Anglo-Boereoorlog se tyd was hier ellende in ons land, en later, met die verloop van sake onder apartheid, het dinge in ons land verskriklik verkeerd geloop. As dit nie vir die intrede van 'n groot leier was nie, het Suid-Afrika dieselfde pad geloop as Angola en baie Afrika-state. Daarom is dit vir my verskriklik belangrik dat ons elkeen 'n besluit moet neem om aan goeie verhoudinge in Suid-Afrika te werk.

Sosiale kohesie is nie 'n gebeurtenis wat een dag gebeur, môre is dit afgehandel en volgende week is die muur gebou nie. Jy bou'n 1 000 jaar lank aan daardie muur. Die konferensie oor sosiale kohesie wat ons in Kliptown, Soweto gehad het, was 'n baie goeie begin. Dit is 'n begin en ek is baie bly ek was daar om te kon hoor van die hartseer wat in mense se harte is.

Die groot probleem in ons land – en ek wil hier sommer na die agb Adjunkpresident kyk – was dat ons nie na mekaar geluister het nie - glad nie. Ek het nie geweet hoekom mense vir wie ook al kwaad was nie. Die probleem was ook dat daar te veel mense was wat 'n klomp uitsprake gemaak het en mense verder die harnas in gejaag het. Die belangrikste is dat ons na mekaar moet luister en moet hoor wat die ander mense sê.

Ons het 'n gom nodig. 'n Land se mense bly nie sommer net verniet en gemaklik bymekaar nie. Jy moet elke dag werk om daardie gom aan die gang te hou. Ons moet werk aan middelpunt-soekende kragte, want ek onthou nog voor 1994 was daar baie gepraat oor die high road [grootpad na sukses] en die low road [maklike uitweg na sukses] wat Suid-Afrika gaan volg. Almal het gehoop dit gaan die high road wees wat Suid-Afrika neem, maar ek moet vir u sê hier en daar sien 'n mens 'n bietjie grondpad van die low road uitsteek in Suid-Afrika. Ons moet daardie middelpunt-vlietende kragte elke dag wegwerk en die heeltyd aan middelpunt-soekende kragte werk.

Ons moet by die kern begin. Ek dink as twee mense vir mekaar kwaad is, moet daar 'n arbiter, of wie ook al, wees wat vir hulle vra hoekom hulle vir mekaar kwaad is. Ek kan nie sommer net vir iemand kwaad wees omdat hy in daardie dorp bly, of wat ook al nie. Daar moet 'n diepliggende rede wees hoekom mense ... [Tussenwerpsels.] Ekskuus tog? [Tussenwerpsels.] Dalk back [ondersteun] hy die Bulle. Dit is 'n baie belangrike punt. Nietemin, ons moet die heeltyd werk om, as't ware, by mekaar te bly, mekaar se belange te dra en mekaar te respekteer.

Ek sal nooit vergeet toe ek as 'n klein seuntjie in die skoolbus in Randfontein gery het en van die wit kinders by die vensters uit lelike goed aan die swart mense wat langs die pad geloop het, geskree het. Dáár het my politieke bewussyn begin. Dáár het ek vir myself gevra, hoe moet daardie ou Madala [man] wat daar stap voel as 'n kind wat in 'n bus sit hom sleg sê? Hoe moet daardie mens voel? Wat doen dit aan daardie persoon se waardigheid? Ons moet elke dag alles in ons vermoë doen om mekaar se waardigheid op te pas, na mekaar te kyk en mekaar te verstaan.

Ek het nou die dag die voorreg gehad om 'n bietjie meer van voormalige ANC-leiers te leer. Ek was saam met die komitee by Josiah Gumede, John Dube en Chief Luthuli se grafte. Dit was die eerste keer in my lewe dat ek daar uitgekom het en dit was vir my 'n geweldige katarsis. Dit was 'n leerskool. Hoe jammer dat ons in Suid-Afrika nie na mekaar geluister het nie, want daarin lees ek wat John Dube gesê het:

English:

To teach the brain to work, the heart to understand and the hand to serve.

Afrikaans:

As ons maar net na John Dube in daardie tyd geluister het, sou dit met ons baie, baie beter gegaan het. [Applous.] Ons moes na mekaar geluister en mekaar gehoor het.

Ek wil afsluit met wat H A Fagan geskryf het. Ek dink dit is baie sterk van toepassing op Suid-Afrika. Hy was 'n man wat van 1889 tot 1963 gelewe het. Die gedig se naam is Nkosi Sikelel' I-Afrika:

Uit duisende monde word die lied gedra.
Ek sluit my oë; soos 'n serafskoor
val daardie stemme strelend op my oor:
Nkosi sikele' i-Afrika -
Ons vra U seën, o Heer, vir Afrika.
Ek kyk, en sien die skare voor my staan:
Zoeloe en Xhosa, Sotho en Sjangaan,
en ek, 'n Blanke – vele volkere, ja-
almal verenigd om Gods seën te vra
op net een tuiste, net een vaderland,
want die Alwyse het ons saam geplant
en saam laat wortel in Suid-Afrika.
Nkosi sikele' i-Afrika –
Seën, Heer, die land wat vele volkere dra.

Obrigado [Dankie], Mnr die Speaker. [Applous.]

Ms B D FERGUSON


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Mr N J VAN DEN BERG

Ms B D FERGUSON: Hon Chairperson, a cohesive society is a prerequisite for political democracy and social stability. It is evident that the society with evenly distributed wealth is better able to achieve higher levels of productivity and consequently generate greater economic growth in the longer term. Participatory social institutions must be built, linking social cohesion to democratic governance in order to facilitate nation-building.

As we celebrate Heritage Day let us fleetingly think of what might have been. The heritage of the past was fraught with fear, inequality, recrimination, hatred and revenge: a truly dystopian nightmare; a heritage of a nation divided.

Thankfully, this is not the heritage we celebrate today. Today, we have mutual recognition, acceptance and respect of the traditions and culture of all our people. In other words, we are talking about ubuntu, the very foundation that our rainbow nation is being built on.

Today we have a Constitution, the best in the world, which gives us the vision and, at the same time, the blueprint of the utopian ideal we are striving for. Embodied in this document are the building blocks for the society that we want our children and their children to inherit. I will mention a few of these fundamental human rights: There is freedom of speech. Despite it being uncomfortable at times, it is a right we all have and are willing to defend. There is freedom of association - we as Cope even accept people of other political parties! There is, of course, freedom of religion and equality before the law; equal access to education - we have more young people finishing school than before – to employment and to health care - we have a massive HIV roll-out plan. There are other services too, like electrification, clean water in our rural areas and the assurance of a green environment and a sustainable future.

The preamble to our Constitution speaks of a society underpinned by democratic values, social justice and the guarantee of fundamental human rights. I know it sounds like a romantic notion, but with the advent of this document dawned "our age of hope" - the hope of transforming our country and its people, who had suffered for so long, into an integrated, cohesive and prosperous whole; a healthy society in every respect. As we now have the vision, it is incumbent on us to actualise it, to make this dream a reality by actively continuing and accelerating our nation-building project.

I must ask these questions: What will the heritage of the future be? Will it be the vision of our Constitution realised? Or will it be a future of unrealised expectations; one where the freedoms that we so cherish today have been eroded? Where equality before the law is not guaranteed? Where access to education, health and other services are reserved for the elite?

Do we want our children to inherit a bankrupt education system, one not conducive to learning? Or a health care system where your chances of surviving illness is greater outside of it? Where our environment has been ravaged by rapacious speculators? Where personal safety and security is a fragile concept? Where the wealth of our country has become the personal piggy-bank of the robber barons? And all of this due to the bankruptcy of spirit of the custodians of our constitution? I pray not.

Prominent South Africans have done studies about our future heritage. The third scenario of the Dinokeng study talks of active citizen engagement, government accountability and strong leadership - especially from our citizens. There is a time to talk, to plan and to think. But there comes a time when we must act and step forward. If we wait for the perfect conditions, we may never progress.

In the words of President Nelson Mandela:

The onus is on us, through hard work, honesty and integrity, to reach for the stars. With all our colours and races combined in one nation, we are an African people.

Mr M G BUTHELEZI


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Ms B D FERGUSON

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Speaker, His Excellency the Deputy President, hon Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers and hon members, it is apt that we speak about social cohesion and nation-building in a debate on Heritage Day. I am pleased that we are joined in the gallery today by many young South Africans, including a young South African in Grade 11 at Kingsway High School in KwaZulu-Natal, Miss Samkelisiwe Sishaba. I welcome her presence, for this is a debate that the next generation will need to carry forward.

In this joint sitting, we must ask ourselves whether national celebrations like Heritage Day have ever been successful in uniting our people across the bridgeable divides of gender, religion, language, race, age and income level. On this one day of the year, do we see South Africans reaching beyond personal boundaries to build a bridge of friendship and understanding with someone they wouldn't usually befriend? Or has Heritage Day become nothing more than a public holiday celebrated with a braai?

The effort to turn national Heritage Day into a national braai day seems to have met with success. Indeed, even the Sunday Times, our largest and a respected national newspaper, is giving away promotional items like firelighters and charcoal throughout September in celebration of "national braai day". We see supermarkets and radio stations all in the swing of promoting "national braai day". It is fair to say, then, that in the national psyche of our country, 24 September is no longer seen as a Heritage Day?

Regardless of what we name it, the purpose of this day is to unite our people in a celebration of our shared heritage. I do not see that happening in our country. Perhaps, this year, we should challenge South Africans to invite someone unexpected to their braai. Invite someone who is different from you and your family, and spend some time around the braai finding out about their lives, their dreams and their daily challenges.

Invite your work colleague who lives in a different area or comes from different cultural background. Invite a car guard. Invite a clinic sister. Invite a rabbi, an imam or a pastor. Invite a single mom. Invite someone poorer than you or someone much wealthier than you. Send an invitation to an old-age home, or invite some children from your local orphanage. We are not going to build bridges in our nation by holding expensive events that are predominantly attended by one group only.

One is concerned about the flood of Iraqi firearms coming into our country. And it is a mystery that although these are by and large fratricidal wars, one also hears that my name is on some of the hit lists. I ask, "Why? What have I got to do with the Mangaung reefs?" [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

I do not speak lightly, my brothers and sisters, when I say these things. I know you had a good laugh when Mr Malema used to say, "We'll kill for Zuma." It was like music to your ears - but see what Mr Malema is doing today. So, everything I say begins as blasphemies. I challenge our intelligence structures to prove me wrong. God knows, I wish they could. [Applause.]

Mrs S U PAULSE


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Prince M G BUTHELEZI

Mrs S U PAULSE: Hon Speaker, social cohesion and nation-building is one of our country's greatest underlying challenges. I say this because it is the common ingredient in almost all countries that have managed to lift themselves out of poverty over the past 50 years. This is not an easy task, given that our history has been one of violently dividing our people and entrenching inequality.

The National Development Plan, however, does give us a uniting point where we can all make the necessary sacrifices to create the shared future that we dream of. Let us all commit ourselves to this task and build a future that will stand in stark opposition to our past and where we all share a sense of nationhood and common purpose. [Applause.]

Mr N M KGANYAKGO


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Mrs S U PAULSE

Mr N M KGANYAGO: Mr Speaker, Deputy President and hon members, 24 September represents a significant marker on the road to nation-building. It is a day when South Africans across the spectrum are encouraged to celebrate their cultural heritage and diversity. Culture is not a static set of traditions and practices. Culture happens around us, even at this very moment. The lifestyles and habits of today will become the culture of tomorrow.

Today, we also face the danger of establishing many negative things as part of our culture because these have become common lifestyle choices and habits. The new culture of materialism and lust for money seems to be the sole motivation of many people, including many in the top structures. We need to resist this culture of conspicuous corruption and greed, as well as the inevitable corruption that is required to sustain it. This selfish behaviour runs contrary to our most valued and commonly shared cultural value of ubuntu. Instead of promoting that cultural tenet of our heritage, namely that the individual prospers when the community prospers, there are too many people in power who are popularising the theory of individual prosperity at the expense of the community.

Another disturbing trend that runs contrary to our heritage but threatens to become part of our culture is the language of intolerance. Today, we are already seeing this culture in certain quarters. That same reckless intolerance informs the wild abandon with which various groups in the ruling party, for example, and its alliance partners have attacked each other and the media. The furore surrounding Brett Murray's The Spear painting was another example of this culture of intolerance. Intolerance fuels unnecessary and violent strikes, as well as violent community protests.

Heritage is not just those traditions and habits that we inherit, but also those that we practice today and which our children will inherit. It is up to us to decide whether we want our children to inherit what we don't want in future. Thank you very much for the two minutes! [Time expired.] [Laughter.]

The SPEAKER: It was actually more than two minutes. I will deduct it from your time next time. [Laughter.]

Ms D Z RANTHO


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The SPEAKER

Ms D Z RANTHO: Hon Speaker, Deputy President, hon Ministers, Deputy Ministers, Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, hon members, special delegates and quests in the gallery, as we gather here today in this august House, we are reminded of our common heritage, which we celebrate during this month of September. The messages of unity, inclusiveness and common nationhood that were championed by a great stalwart of our freedom, uTata uNelson Mandela, resonate in this House.

I rise to join the masses of our people in celebrating Heritage Day on the basis of our slogan "unity in diversity", which enjoins us to employ our diverse qualities as a foundation for our unity. In essence, this slogan seeks to undo the apartheid status quo, which utilised our diversity as the basis for social division and disunity. This slogan communicates our unwavering commitment to continue to work with all our people and groups to build a better South Africa. Indeed, the message can only be that there can be no lasting unity in our nation if we do not move beyond interracial tolerance and acceptance to interracial trust - the magnet that unifies diverse races into one united nation.

I am proud to be the voice of a movement that is steeped in a long history of common good for all and nationhood. This is a movement that has for many years championed the shared objectives of our nation to build a united, non-sexist, nonracial and democratic South Africa. The formation of the ANC in 1912 was a statement of shared belief and of the united voice of our people, who were determined to join forces in the fight against colonialism and apartheid. When Pixley ka Seme made a clarion call to our people to unite, he reminded us that "We are one people - these divisions, these jealousies are the cause of our woes."

Today, we rise to express our profound commitment to the message of Pixley ka Seme and all the champions of our struggle for freedom, who were united in their diversity by the common objective to defeat apartheid and colonialism. In the 100 years since its formation, the ANC did not fight narrowly against national oppression only but recognised that the nationally oppressed were also economically excluded and that black women were, in fact, victims of triple oppression, based on race, class and gender. Even more important, the ANC did not seek to liberate blacks by dissociating them from whites, but included whites in the fight against the three contradictions of a special type of colonialism. The years of struggle against national oppression caused the ANC to foreground, among others, the values of nonracialism, nonsexism, prosperity for all and democracy.

As evidenced by the national democratic revolution, the ANC's strategy and tactics towards a national democratic society seek an equal society, in which the will of the majority prevails while the voice of the minority is heard and people enjoy economic prosperity. The same values impelled the Congress of the People, held on 26 June 1955 in Kliptown, to declare that South Africa belonged to all who lived in it, black and white equally.

The declaration of the Freedom Charter was made at the zenith of apartheid brutality and was therefore a declaration of principle and strategy. The declaration revealed that the people of South Africa rejected separate development and the denial of the right to property ownership by the regime in respect of black people, and that they adopted national unity. In fact, this shows that South Africans, even at that time, perceived themselves not according to their artificial biometric differences, but as one nation and equal countrymen. This is why, when South Africans formed a social compact at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa in the form of the Constitution, which was to be adopted by the Constitutional Assembly and certified by the Constitutional Court, they foregrounded equality as a pillar of our new democracy.

Our Constitution does not stop at formal equality and prevention of discrimination based on listed and analogous grounds but imposes a burden on the state to promote equality. In fact, the Constitution eliminates unfair discrimination, where the state puts in place any measure aimed at promoting equality in a manner that the dignity of the excluded is not unduly impaired. In other words, our Constitution is not oblivious to our history of national oppression and in seeking to heal the divisions of the past, as per its preamble, attaches significance to substantive equality or equality of outcomes.

It is clear that the Constitution does not envisage equal access to opportunities as the be all and end all of curing the past divisions or social repulsion. In other words, the Constitution, which, by and large, represents the values and aspirations of South Africans, as our courts have intimated, represents public policy that recognises that an equitable society has a higher propensity to cohere than an unequal society.

It is common cause, except to denialists, that our society is beset by the triple crisis of poverty, inequality and unemployment. It seems the values emanating from lessons learned in 100 years of struggle, as epitomised by the Freedom Charter and the Constitution, posit socioeconomic equity as the basis for social cohesion. Therefore, hon members, social cohesion can neither be decreed nor pontificated on to the hoi polloi from lofty heights but will come as a consequence of deliberate and sustained efforts to build a more equitable national democratic society. It seems that it is incontrovertible that a society that is unequal will not easily achieve coherence and that nation-building is rendered more difficult and near impossible by inequality, poverty and unemployment.

In conclusion, Heritage Month is one that should unite and not divide South Africans. Our unity cannot be a unity that seeks to obliterate diversity but must accentuate and celebrate the diversity of our people. Our culture and heritage is indeed the pride of our nation and such symbolism is a strong force for unity. However, symbolism alone can only eventuate in an ephemeral and tentative unity, emanating from pride in sharing a geographic space with great, talented and endowed human beings. Lasting and durable nation-building is based on equality of outcomes, not formal equality of access to opportunities. It therefore behoves all who seek social cohesion and national unity to build an equal society through fighting the causes of inequality, unemployment and poverty.

Lastly, social cohesion and nation-building will forever seem an elusive and moving target, while the divide between the rich and the poor ever grows wider with every passing day. Social cohesion can neither be decreed nor pontificated on; it has to be built.

Isixhosa:

Ukwanda kwaliwa ngumthakathi. Ndiyabulela. [Kwaqwatywa.]

Mr V MANZINI


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Ms D Z RANTHO

Mr V M MANZINI: Hon Speaker, hon special delegates and delegates, Heritage Day is an important public holiday in South Africa. It is a day on which everyone is encouraged to celebrate their cultural traditions in the wider contest of the great diversity of cultures, beliefs and traditions that make up the nation of South Africa.

What does Heritage Day mean to individual South Africans? To some it means a braai with their families and friends; to others it is a chance to respect their traditions; and to some who don't know their roots it's just another day as usual.

Heritage Day's significance rests in recognising aspects of South African culture which are both tangible and difficult to pin down: creative expression, our historical inheritance, language, the food we eat, and the land in which we live.

In his address marking Heritage Day in 1996, former South African President Nelson Mandela stated:

When our first democratically elected government decided to make Heritage Day one of our national days, we did so because we knew that our rich and varied cultural heritage has a profound power to help build our new nation.

Heritage Day is celebrated annually as a holiday on 24 September, but that should be transformed into nation building – it's not just a holiday. It is a day of reflecting on who we are, where we come from and where we are heading as a people. Heritage not only refers to our historical inheritance, creative expression and food but also embraces the various languages that have become entrenched in our cultural milieu.

Language is the key ingredient that humans require to build bridges of understanding between cultures and communities. Language is also a key factor in building democracy and thriving businesses. In an increasingly interdependent world, knowing languages becomes indispensable.

To reinforce the synergy between language, culture and heritage, we include a showcase of traditional attire - our hon members are wearing traditional attire here today and I salute them. For this day to be a success, we have to communicate the significance of understanding diverse cultures and learning to speak different languages. Learning a language, or enhancing one's use of a language, gives the learner the ability to step inside the mind and context of another culture.

For survival in the global and local community, every nation needs global citizens that are able to competently communicate and understand each other's culture.

Quite aptly, just as King Shaka was instrumental in uniting Zulu clans into a cohesive nation, Heritage Day encourages South Africans to come together to celebrate the rich cultural heritage and diversity of our rainbow nation.

Xitsonga:

Ndhavuko, vuyimbeleri, swakudya, swiambalo na mahanyelo i rifuwo rerhu. Hi nga rivali ku tsundzuka tinhenha leti lweleke tiko rerhu hi ngati na nyama. Ha va tsundzuka hi masiku laha va etleleke kona.

English:

One of Wilfred Owen's poems is titled Dulce et Decorum Est, which simply translates to "it is a sweet and fitting thing to die for your country". When we celebrate social cohesion and nation-building, we remember our heroes and heroines who fought side by side and turned the tables upside down to build our nation, South Africa. Our gallant heroes and heroines, who fought tirelessly in the trenches to liberate South Africa, were set on social cohesion and nation-building. They dedicated their lives to liberate the country. They were not fighting for money, but for the liberation of South Africa. Let's remember them. We are where we are today because of them.

Students of 1976 and many of the legends should be remembered too, the likes of Tsietsi Mashinini, Trueform Sono, Khotso Seatlholo, Griffiths and Victoria Mxenge, Fabian Ribeiro, Michael Malope - the list is endless. Their blood was not in vain. It nourished the roots of freedom. Their sweat and blood was the price for freedom. They were not selfish nor too ambitious. South Africa is what it is today because of them. Cenotaphs are all over South Africa ... [Time expired.]

Dr C P MULDER


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Mr V M MANZINI

Dr C P MULDER: Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President and colleagues, the preamble of our Constitution clearly states that:

We, the people of South Africa, believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.

This is a very strong statement. But is it really true? South Africa is one of the most diverse societies in the world. It's a country of many races, cultures, religions and languages. With our divided past and different perspectives on our history, it is also true that after many centuries we've become economically entwined and dependant on one another. We all share the same geographical area at the southern tip of Africa, called South Africa. This is our common home and country.

The people I represent also have no other home. They also believe in unity in diversity. We should respect and accommodate diversity and stop paying superficial lip service to this reality. This country is large enough – there is sufficient potential and opportunities to provide room and space for all of us under this beautiful African sun.

Successful cohesion and nation-building will only succeed when we have real unity in diversity; when it is founded on a real "better life for all"; when "all" also include minorities; when "equal opportunities" means equal opportunities for all; and when your children and also my children know that they will not be discriminated against because of this or that reason.

True social cohesion and nation-building will only succeed if we accept and build on the realities of South Africa. Our minorities are part of this reality. The test of a true constitutional democracy is how you accommodate the minorities and communities in your country. South Africa will not escape this test. We all know there is a political majority in South Africa, but it's also true that we have various other minorities, including political minorities.

Minorities are not asking for special treatment but only to be treated equally. If we are serious about social cohesion and nation-building, I believe the time has come to create a department for minority affairs in South Africa - for all minorities. [Laughter.] You can laugh. A dedicated department that will foster a sense of belonging and will succeed in the eradication of the increasing sense of alienation currently experienced by minorities and communities in our country.

We have a dream of building a strong and a happy nation in South Africa – a South Africa consisting of happy, prosperous and peaceful communities, minorities and people; a South Africa where no one feels alienated from his or her country of birth and where there is a place under this beautiful African sun for all our children. It is possible. Let's do it.

Rev K R J MESHOE


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Dr C P MULDER

Rev K R J MESHOE: Speaker, Ntate Deputy President, we all have to admit that both government and civil society, particularly the churches that led the struggle in the past, have not done as well as they should have in our attempt to promote social cohesion and nation-building. Churches, particularly those that led the fight against apartheid, are failing to speak out against anything, particularly against laws that undermine God's moral laws and values.

In our country, children are allowed easy access to pornography on TV, DVDs, magazines and their cell phones. As a result, we have boys as young as seven who are accused of participating in rape, even on school premises. We have men who rape babies and ninety-year-old grandmothers.

While I can relate to Archbishop Tutu's bemoaning of South Africa's moral decline, singing the anti-apartheid struggle song Senzeni na [What did we do] will not help at all. Like all of us, we must speak out and address all the issues that are undermining social cohesion and nation-building.

You must speak out against plans by organisations such as Save the Children, which is funded by the Swedish government, to introduce sex education for five-years-old children, allegedly to instil morals and values. Why do they target to destroy innocent five-year-olds?

The ACDP believes it is the parents' responsibility to instil morals and values in their children, not foreign nongovernment organisations or governments. Sex education should be left to parents who are concerned about the future of their children and not to those who want to indoctrinate them.

If Sweden wanted to help South African children, they should teach them maths and science. That would help South Africa to move away from the appalling ranking of the quality of our education, which is at 140 out of 144 countries surveyed by the World Economic Forum in its latest Global Competitive Index for 2012-13. This survey placed Zimbabwe's quality of education at position 30! South Africa is at 143 for the quality of its maths and science education, while our much poorer neighbour, Zimbabwe, is placed at position 50.

As part of the solution to this moral crisis we are facing as a nation, we believe that our children should be taught about moral values such as integrity, honesty, kindness; and respect for God, parents, authority and their neighbours. Respect for other people's property should also be taught, as there is a tendency in our country to destroy property when there are strikes. All of us must hold hands and make this nation a winning nation among the world. [Applause.]

Ms M R MORUTOA


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REV K R J MESHOE

Ms M R MORUTOA: Hon Speaker, your Excellency, Deputy President Kgalema Mothlanthe ,hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, distinguished guests, I will be speaking on the national democratic project of advancing nation-building through reconciliation, patriotism and a proudly South African identity, rooted in the long-standing ANC tradition of nonracialism, nonsexism, nontribalism and unity.

Our history calls on the ANC to initiate and drive the national democratic project on nation-building. It was incumbent upon us as the ruling party to ensure that in our quest for a developmental society, our social policies foster national healing and social cohesion.

We built a strong legislative framework, based on equity and development. This has served us well, considering that much of our underdevelopment and inequality was legislated by the previous government.

However, over the years we noted that much of our social disintegration, mutual mistrust and disunity as a nation was kept alive by material factors, not spiritual matters. Building a strong culture of legislative rights gave our people one type of equality - systemic rights - which was necessary for us to sever all ties with racist apartheid laws.

Building an egalitarian society, which is what we are striving to do in the ANC, is far more complex. It entails creating a form of inclusive citizenship, founded on eliminating the causes of social distance between our people, such as persistent poverty, unemployment, the growing divide between the rich and the poor, all of which alienate our people from their own country.

Thus, the quest for social cohesion must be practical and strategic if it is to reduce alienation. In this way, we can achieve the vision of our Freedom Charter - a South Africa that belongs to all who live in it. However, we are under no illusion that this is going to be easy.

The impact of apartheid stripped our people of their dignity and citizenship. So, at our 50th national conference in 1997 we called for a new patriotism. Imbued in this message was that the responsibility for nation-building was the responsibility of every individual in South Africa.

At the Social Cohesion Summit in July this year, President Jacob Zuma set the tone for social cohesion by calling on sectors and stakeholders to participate in shaping the strategies for our cohesion. Historically, the ANC government has led the project of nation-building and of creating a proudly South African vibe, premised on patriotism and unity in diversity.

In the ANC we feel that difference must be construed as forming part of a very colourful and inclusive whole. Nation-building is not about wiping the historical slate clean and enforcing a future. Instead, nations are built by resolving conflict, by reconciling the divided and by building patriotism among proud citizens.

It is safe to say that we were able to successfully dissolve the apartheid regime through steadfast protest and resistance measures led by the ANC, its alliance partners and the international arena. Through a common struggle for liberation we conceived a common space for reconciliation.

Reconciliation, through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, sought to lay the foundation for a nation based on solidarity, accountability, tolerance and caring. Although the value of the TRC was praised by many, the approach and impact of the commission have been debated over the years. In spite of this, South Africa remains one of the few postcolonial countries that have not shied away from prompting debates about how to approach reconciliation and social cohesion in a divided society.

Social cohesion, it seems, is contingent on us facing difficult questions about our past and our future. Take, for instance, the impact of patriarchy on gender relations. Because some refused to acknowledge the distortion of culture under colonialism and the patriarchal underpinning of capitalism, it is going to take a long time to eradicate sexism and gender inequality.

Not talking about the things that exacerbate socioeconomic division is undialectical because it leaves us with no analysis of the problems we face and so any social change initiative is disconnected from reality, therefore resulting in a continuation of the past. Nation-building that is honest, transparent and encourages participation is sometimes difficult and painful, but that soon passes.

Related to this is the importance of balancing interests. When you want to build a nation, you must listen to all voices, not just your own. Discouraging conflict resolution is also deeply unpatriotic because it cripples nation-building attempts by suppressing dialogue about what shape and form a country's future should take.

Simple initiatives, such as encouraging the youth to design sport graphics for team kits or designs for our airlines and public hospitals, are nation-building because they incorporate the youth into our vision. We encourage all South Africans to participate in expressing themselves in these national opportunities, including the jobless young people whom we support in our integrated development projects.

The business community can also play a role in social cohesion by receiving previously disadvantaged young people into economic sectors where the youth can expand their social networks and social capital. However, stronger social integration measures, such as economic growth, job creation and access to education, are needed for youth so that we can incorporate them in our social fabric as responsible patrons of South Africa.

Patriotism is not a natural phenomenon, it is a social goal. If you look at any country, irrespective of its history, you will note that measures have been taken to build common consensus in the country. This is the definition of a nation. Hence we support the Moral Regeneration Movement, which seeks to unite our country by drawing on the positive and universal characteristics of our people, irrespective of their race, class, gender, ethnicity and sexual orientation.

South Africa belongs to all who live in it. And so we cannot have a situation where only the values of a certain few prevail, whether it is the values of those in power or the values of those who wield economic power. We call on all leaders to unite against the growing social economic inequality among our people. In particular, the business sector can do more to promote cohesion by ending the immorality of exploitation in our country, especially since the exploitation of the poor has weakened the moral fibre across numerous sectors in our economy.

The ANC has fought hard to create an environment conducive to business. Through the Presidential Infrastructure Plan an environment for growth and participation is going to be created. This is an opportunity for business to respond to our government's people-centred development.

Exploitation simply impedes dignity and incapacitates our people so that they remain suspended in the same condition as their fathers, mothers and forebears, where there were pools of opulence that interacted with pools of poverty. There has been super exploitation of the poor, hence the transformation of our society and economic conditions can draw us closer as a nation and make us more proudly South African.

In closing, the ANC is the only party that has made a brave attempt at driving nation-building. The result of this project has been fruitful, but as the ANC said, it is not an easy journey. As such, we encourage all other parties and organisations to support nation-building that generates a new and transformed future.

Mr I S MFUNDISI

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M R MORUTOA

Mr I S MFUNDISI: Hon Deputy Chair, Deputy President and hon members, to speak about nation-building means one thing and to build a nation means another. Simple steps towards building a nation do not hinge on promoting supremacy over others. It does not help when a winner constantly reminds a loser of the latter's position. It rather requires a winner to do all he can to assist a loser.

Nation-building would start in this House if speaking time was given a decent baseline where all parties could start from. Allocating one minute to a time slot is far from nation-building. [Laughter.] There can be no balanced and a meaningful contribution to the national debate in a minute or two.

South Africa should be a model state when it comes to social cohesion and nation-building. The World Trade Centre deliberations turned foes into friends. We all know that it was unthinkable for people across the colour line to live together, but the skies have not fallen since it happened. All that remains is for the heritage to be nurtured and sustained.

The domination that Nelson Mandela fought against in his days should not be practised by his party in the present. We should live in a spirit of "live and let live". The one party that dominates the others makes a mockery of democracy. We should not be made to feel like we are at the mercy of some big brother. After all, South Africa belongs to all who live in it.

It cannot be right that people out there, or even in this House, are perpetually reminded of their unfortunate past, yet the good they did is interred while they are still alive.

Words of wise men can assist in the striving to build a nation and to promote social cohesion. Winston Churchill put it well when he said, and I quote: "In war, resolution; in defeat, defiance; in victory, magnanimity." Do not brag about your victories and treat compatriots like strangers in their fatherland. [Applause.]

Mr R B BHOOLA


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Mr I S MFUNDISI

Mr R B BHOOLA: Hon Deputy Chair, Madiba, our icon in the eyes of the world and the father of our democracy, once said:

Our rich and varied cultural heritage has the profound power to help build our new nation, and the struggles against the injustices and inequalities are part of our national identity.

Having said that, I would also like to say that we come from different ethnic beliefs and diverse religious backgrounds. However, the MF says that we are one nation; a proudly South African rainbow nation. This, however, is only being appreciated now, particularly its complexity and diversity.

We must meet the objectives of our Constitution and enhance service delivery in crucial areas right now. Our heritage sectors can serve as a vehicle to address social cohesion, crime and unemployment. It must be meaningful for the poor, the landless and the unemployed. This is where we must locate service delivery and these are undoubtedly the people to whom we must take the celebration. Our heritage sectors must be transformed so that we can build a strong foundation to deliver a strong society.

Our vast cultural diversity and heritage are locked in traditions, customs and religions, which are usually celebrated at the level of institutions. The public display of our cultural diversity is fundamental and must be brought to the fore. In this regard, more can be done at the level of educational institutions. The important factor is that our heritage should focus on how we as South Africans can publicise our heritage, histories, religions, customs, etc, and foster reconciliation as opposed to igniting conflict. Our Constitution is the cornerstone of our heritage and it must be celebrated so that there would be more meaningful participation in the democratic order.

President Zuma said that Africa was recognised as the cradle of mankind and therefore showing respect and tolerance for all minority groups was crucial in addressing unemployment, poverty and inequality.

Martin Luther King once said: "Darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can do that."

Let us march forward with courage, conviction and determination, side by side, hand in hand, to build a beautiful South Africa, based on mutual trust and understanding for our heritage, to leave an indelible impression for all South Africans. [Applause.]

Mr A J NYAMBI


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Mr R B BHOOLA

Mr A J NYAMBI: Deputy Chairperson, Deputy President, hon Ministers, colleagues and guests in the gallery, hon Mfundisi, I am reminded that today is the 35th anniversary of the death of one of the sons of our soil, Stephen Bantu Biko. I am also reminded of the wise words of Martin Luther King Jr, which Biko quoted:

There is little hope for us until we become toughminded enough to break loose from the shackles of prejudice, half-truths and downright ignorance.

Heritage Day offers us as a nation the opportunity to reflect on our achievements as a new democracy over the past 18 years. We can assess the concerted effort that democracy demands of us to build South Africa as a nation state with a common national identity and South Africanness. We do this not only out of the recognition of the supreme sacrifice that many of our cadres and comrades made to ensure a democratic South Africa, moulded on the Freedom Charter, but also because history is a scientific indicator. How we shape the future depends on our ongoing analysis of our performance and an ongoing historical analysis of our deepening democracy.

We also do this knowing that in any multiparty democracy, there is the tendency of some sections to interpret our constitutional democracy out of the desire to bring back what they have lost politically in the democratic process. These tendencies manifest themselves in a separatist manner as the desire to entrench cultural, economic, racial, tribal and ethnic divisions. Left unchecked, these distorted tendencies form the basis of the entrenchment of division and the consolidation of sectional, elitist interests.

Great strides have been taken in the nation-building project since 1994. Key tasks have been undertaken to advance the national democratic projects, including reconciliation, patriotism and a proudly South African identity. These tasks are rooted in the long-standing ANC tradition of nonracialism, nonsexism, nontribalism, unity of purpose and unity in action.

In 1997, at a Heritage Day address on Robben Island, our icon, former President Nelson Mandela, said:

In affirming a joint heritage, in this place, we are reminded that our noble ideals were spurred on even more by their long denial, that today`s unity is a triumph over yesterday`s division and conflict.

The memory of the political prisoners confined on this island and in other prisons, reminds us that these ideals must have concrete content if they are to have real meaning. They must bring secure protection under the law, access to justice, clean water, adequate health care and shelter. They must entrench the conditions in which one can participate in building our collective democratic future; speak one`s own language, have pride in one`s culture and one`s heritage.

The founding of the ANC in 1912 served not only to unite the oppressed against the oppressor but also as a foundation for national unity and social cohesion. The South African society has shown through the ages that it entrenched the values of altruism and benevolence. It has always been customary to aid the prosperity of the other, as evinced by indigenous economic networks like Ilima/Letsema, Ukusisa and others.

The bold declaration of the Freedom Charter evinced the essence of nation-building and social cohesion. The charter's injunctions remain the ideals that South Africa should strive to realise. The Charter declares inter alia that:

We, the people of South Africa, declare for all our country and the world to know: that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white ... that our people have been robbed of their birthright to land, liberty and peace by a form of government founded on injustice and inequality; that our country will never be prosperous or free until all our people live in brotherhood ...

Our Constitution is unequivocal on the common ownership of South Africa by all who live in it and on the need to build a new society. The society envisioned by the Constitution is not different from the one envisaged by the Freedom Charter: a democratic society underpinned by fundamental human rights and social justice. The Constitution makes its vision true by entrenching the Bill of Rights and ensuring that the rights therein are protected by the law, the violation of which is cured by litigation and judicial intervention. It therefore follows that the society envisaged by the Constitution bears similarity to the national democratic society in which race, gender and class shall not be tools of disunity as substantial equality would abort any attempt at sharpening any of the three contradictions.

So, on this Heritage Day, why do we express a cautionary note? We should not - as some would want to - get into the practice of selective amnesia with regard to the experiences of the past and the form of apartheid denialism that is being promoted. We are now being instructed by those who contributed very little to the liberation struggle and in a number of cases actually supported apartheid.

The socioeconomic transformation programmes of government since 1994 have been aimed at reversing the impact of colonialism and apartheid. Nothing should attempt to erase this historical fact, unless those who do so wish to rewrite history and hide their own discredited participation in defending minority interests. This takes the form of attacking majority viewpoints, insisting on the recording of minority views and attacking personalities instead of proposing what will enhance social cohesion and nation-building. This alien practice has its origin in the Eurocentric political arena, where the fascination is with form and not content; an unscientific approach to complex scientific matters.

While an analysis of our last 18 years shows us that there are challenges, which we have attempted to deal with but which are an ongoing transformation project, we cannot erase the fact that at the source of underdevelopment is a deliberate system of dehumanisation that was in place for centuries, and that the democratic administration faces the mammoth task of reversing the impact. It is also unscientific to deny that a lot of progress has been made by the democratic government in only 18 years.

This is usually accompanied by denialism of the magnitude and impact of apartheid on the racial spatial configuration of services and facilities, as well as on underdevelopment as it affects the overwhelming majority of our people. Such denial is deliberate and self-seeking; a supercilious approach designed to try and obscure an understanding of the challenges our country faces and from appreciating the progress we have made since 1994 and the distance we still have to travel to achieve an equal and just society.

Some of our political achievements are: stability and the democracy we enjoy today; a Constitution that guarantees human rights for all; the right of all people to elect a government of their choice in regular, free and fair elections in a multiparty democracy; an independent judiciary; and freedom of expression.

For the ANC, the promotion of social cohesion, nation-building and a national identity is central in our struggle to build a national democratic society - the kind of society envisaged by those who wrote the Freedom Charter. We are a nation that thrives and finds solutions to difficult problems through robust engagement and debate.

Mr J J GUNDA


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Mr A J NYAMBI

Mr J J GUNDA: Hon Deputy Chair, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, indeed, today is a very important debate for social cohesion and building the nation. Today I would like to say that I have just checked out the definition of social cohesion and let me say it shortly. Social cohesion implies the ability of the society to ensure the welfare of its members, to minimise inequalities and avoid disparities.

Let me quote the wise words of Martin Luther King Jnr:

An individual has not started living until he can rise above the narrow confines of his individualistic concerns to the broader concerns of all humanity.

Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe said:

Here is a tree rooted in African soil, nourished with waters from the rivers of Africa. Come and sit under its shade and become, with us, leaves of the same branch ... We dare not compromise, nor dare we use moderate language in the course of freedom.

Today, in this Heritage Month of September, what amazes me regarding the first nation of this country, the indigenous people of the Northern Cape, the Khoisan, !Xun and Khwe communities, is that there is still a Bill in which this government does recognise these very people, while the United Nations has given recognition to the indigenous people. Why is this taking so long? Why do we delay and not recognise the Khoisan people as the first people of this country? Why? That is a question we need to answer.

We have also not done enough to ensure that all schools teach at least one indigenous language. Heritage Month is a time to reflect on our constitutional responsibilities and develop our South African culture. This means nurturing our indigenous languages and supporting South African literature. We must develop all languages so that they have equal status in our day-to-day lives and not only in our Constitution.

Let me close with more words from Martin Luther King Jnr:

The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands in times of challenge and controversy.

This is telling us that, yes, we have come a long way, done a lot and achieved many things, but to build this nation we really need to respect each other's cultures and to know that we are all human beings.

Lastly, let me close with the very precious words of my saviour, Jesus Christ, when He said in Luke that the value of a man is not measured by what he has but by who he is in Him.

Umntwana M M M ZULU


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Mr J J GUNDA

Umntwana M M M ZULU: Sekela likaSihlalo wale Ndlu, namhlanje usuku olubalulekile kule nyanga kaMandulo lapho sikhuluma khona ngokuziqhayisa kwethu ngamasiko ethu.

Ekwakheni izwe, singalakha kangcono uma sizobambelela kulezo zinto, Mhlonishwa Sekela likaMongameli nabaholi bezombusazwe abakhona bamaqembu aphikisayo kule Ndlu, futhi siyohlangana sonke senze ilimo lokuthi lokho okuzilimi namasiko ethu ase-Afrika kuyagcineka, kuyahlonipheka futhi kunendawo ezweni lakithi. Uma singakwenzi lokho, kusho ukuthi kungafana nephupho lokhu okwalwelwa uMqalajuba, nalokhu okwalwelwa uyise: uDinuzulu akabulali uqoth'imbokodo nesisekelo... asikwenzile ngoba babenikela iminikelo yabo bonke ukuze zonke izinto zama-Afrika zihlonipheke ezweni labo lase-Afrika.

Kule Ndlu yethu sonke, thina njengeqembu leNkatha, siyabonelela ukuthi kungaba yinto enhle ukuthi kulokho okwakwenziwa obabamkhulu nalokhu okwenziwa manje sikuhlanganise. Obabamkhulu babengenabo bonke lobu bucwebecwebe osebukhona. Kodwa ubucwebecwebo osebukhona uma singabuhlanganisa nobucwebecwebe obudala singakwazi ukuba nendlela, mhlonishwa Sotswebhu Omkhulu, siqhubeke siye phambili siyeke ukuthi ngalo Mthethosivivinywa weNdabuko amakhosi ethu athe ukuwukhotha kancane, kuqondwe ukucindezela abathize. Kulesi sifundazwe sikababamkhulu engibuya kuso kunamakhosi esifazane, kunezinduna zesifazane eziphethe izwe. Amakhosi uma ekhona la ayosukuma asho ukuthi kuyiqiniso lokhu engikushoya.

Akukho-ke lapho engibona khona, Sekela likaMongemeli, ukuthi kukhona lapho kucindezelwa khona. Umama uNgubane noma engekho la kule Ndlu ngithi ingabe lokhu akukhulumayo ukukhuluma ngeqiniso elimsulwa yini noma uhlala eMlazi noma eSobantu, noma kwaMashu. Uma ehlala oSuthu noma ehlala Ekushumayeleni uyazi ukuthi omama banendawo. Obaba bafa kudala, ubaba wahamba emhlabeni ngonyaka we-1965, kepha umama akazange aphucwe umhlaba ngoba engowesifazane. Izinto zonke lezi okufanele ukuthi uma sizikhuluma sibe nobuhlakani bokuzibukisisa.

Ngingaphiki ukuthi kukhona la kunezinto ezinjengalezi ezweni lethu, kodwa akufanele sibhecwe sonke ngobubende inyama singayidlanga. Yizo lezo zinto, mhlonishwa Sekela likaMongameli, okufanele sizibhekisise ukuze sikwazi ukubhekisisa ukuthi izinto esikhuluma ngazo sizikhuluma ngeqiniso yini. Uma singakwenzi lokho, konke lokhu osekuzuzekile kungaba yiphupho leze leze.

Isicelo esiphuthumayo kini njengabaholi bezombusazwe kanye nakuNgqongqoshe wezoBuciko namaSiko, ngimi njengomZulu wamaPhumuzane, ukuthi izilimi namasiko ethu ase-Afrika ake niwabonelele indlela yokusebenza ezweni lethu. Asikwazi ukuba yiMelika engenyoni futhi engelutho, noma sibe ngamalulwane; masibe ngabantu ngqo, siqonde ukubhekisisa izinto zethu e-Afrika. Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.]

Mr K A SINCLAIR


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Prince M M M ZULU

Mr K A SINCLAIR: Hon Chairperson, we as South Africans have a chequered history, with distinct defining moments embedded in it. While debating the topic, it is necessary to remember some of these events: 1912, 1914, 1948, 1955, 1961, 1969 - when the ANC had a conference in Tanzania – 1976, and so we can continue, until 1996, when we had the acceptance of the Constitution.

Then the trend changes. Since 1996 the defining moments have become fewer, more focused on negativity and more entrenched with the activities of the ANC. This reality unfortunately started to exclude the aspirations and ambitions of the majority of ordinary South Africans. While we were perceived by some as the rainbow nation of God after 1994, prominent religious leaders, 18 years later, consider praying for the fall of this government.

What went wrong? [Interjections.] The answer is simple. We have the wrong defining moments. As South Africans, our defining moments are now contextualised by the next ANC activity, or national crisis or disaster. Some of these moments include ANC conferences like Polokwane 2007 and the upcoming Mangaung 2012, the Marikana tragedy and, even worse, Malema's next populist appearance! [Interjections.]

The national democratic revolution is bad news for South Africa. But this is the result of a political programme that went wrong. It created a pseudo-democracy that is not conducive to the establishment of a winning nation. In essence, these events fuel the negativity of our nation and impact drastically on social cohesion and nation-building.

The answer is simple. We must have defining moments that are contextualised outside of the parameters of the ANC. How do we change it? The political playing field must be equal and fair. We need two strong political opponents that can contest elections in a free and fair manner. South Africa does not have the luxury of seven or eight small opposition parties. We must unite. As opposition parties, we have an obligation to redefine our role and approach. We must be instrumental in establishing defining moments. We must break the hold that the ANC has on the defining moments of our country.

These defining moments must include winning local, provincial and national elections. Collectively, as South Africans, we deserve better leadership, better government and a better future. We will only achieve that once these activities are not controlled only by the ANC. [Interjections.] The ordinary people of South Africa must determine their future at a real defining moment. That moment might happen sooner rather than later.

Dr H C VAN SCHALKWYK


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Mr K A SINCLAIR

Dr H C VAN SCHALKWYK: Voorsitter, ek wil aan die hand van 'n voorbeeld die begrippe "sosiale kohesie" en "nasiebou" illustreer. Oud-President Nelson Mandela het in sy aktiewe openbare lewe die grondbeginsels van sosiale kohesie as volg verreken. Hy het daarin geslaag om mense te laat voel hoe dit is om aan mekaar verbind te wees. Reeds in sy toesprake voor 1964 en in die beskuldigdebank tydens die Rivoniasaak, het Mandela sosiale kohesie se wesenstrek as volg beskryf:

English:

I have fought white domination and I have fought black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a free society in which all persons live in harmony.

Afrikaans:

Mandela het inderdaad harmonie tot stand gebring deur die wyse waarop hy oënskynlik onversoenbares saamgevoeg het. Wie van ons sal ooit die nr 6-rugbytrui tydens die Wêreldbeker-rugbytoernooi in 1995 of sy besoek aan Mev Betsie Verwoerd in Orania vergeet? Om soos Mandela op te tree, is om in harmonie te wees - oral tuis, juis omdat jy in jouself tuis is. Dit laat jou waardering hê vir wat jou eie is en net soveel waardering vir wat vir ander van waarde is.

Om sodanige harmonie in 'n diep verdeelde samelewing te bewerkstellig, is 'n geweldige uitdaging wat nie oornag kan geskied nie. Daar bestaan eenvoudig geen kortpad om dit te bereik nie. Dit gaan voortdurende harde werk verg van alle Suid-Afrikaners. Waardes soos eerlikheid, integriteit, lojaliteit, sorgsaamheid, respek vir ander mense en nasietrots moet nie net deur ouers of voogde by hul kinders ingeskerp word nie, dit moet in hul huise geleef word. Kinders wat hierdie waardes internaliseer, sal as volwassenes in harmonie leef en samehorig wees.

Elke Suid-Afrikaner moet sy of haar geleenthede in die lewe benut en, belangriker nog, hulle moet verantwoordelikheid vir die benutting daarvan aanvaar, want elke mens is 'n aktiewe vennoot in sy of haar eie ontwikkeling én die van die land. Geleenthede maak 'n verskil, mits dit benut word. Daar kan geen nasiebou wees sonder aktiewe, verantwoordelike burgers wat hul geleenthede tot voordeel van die land gebruik nie.

Sosiale samehorigheid gaan oor mense wat in vrede met mekaar saamleef, wat 'n gevoel van behoort - "belonging" - ervaar en wat in die burgerlike en sosiale lewe van hul gemeenskappe deelneem. Dit is 'n integrale komponent van wat in die DA bekend staan as die oopgeleentheidsamelewing vir almal. Waar individue bemagtig voel, gesinne en families funksioneel is en gemeenskappe bymekaar betrokke is, is daar minder misdaad, gesinsgeweld, werkloosheid en, uiteindelik, minder armoede.

In 'n samehorige gemeenskap word kinders groot deur te verstaan dat jou vryheid as mens verseker word deur geleenthede op die lewenspad te benut. Hulle erken dat onderrig en opleiding deure tot voorspoed oopmaak en hulle maak seker dat hulle minstens hul skoolloopbaan voltooi.

Sosiale samehorigheid beteken ook om regte met verantwoordelikhede te balanseer. Daar bestaan nie iets soos regte sonder verantwoordelikhede nie. Individue, gemeenskappe en regerings moet almal verantwoordelikheid aanvaar vir die manier waarop hulle hul regte uitleef. Ouers en voogde moet dit by kinders inprent.

Ek sluit af. Die enigste manier om 'n inklusiewe gemeenskap en sosiale samehorigheid te bewerkstellig, is om 'n Mandela-gesindheid aan te kweek en toenemend geleenthede te skep en ondersteuning te verskaf, hoofsaaklik deur opvoeding, onderrig en opleiding aan individue, wat op hul beurt die geleenthede moet benut deur harde werk en toewyding. Op hierdie wyse word gesinne versorg, armoede teengewerk en misdaad bekamp.

Laastens, sosiale samehorigheid en nasiebou is nie iets wat die staat op mense kan afdwing of met 'n towerstaffie te voorskyn kan bring nie. Dit kan alleen bereik word deur die harde werk en toewyding van elke individuele Suid-Afrikaner. Kom ons dra hierdie boodskap oor deur dit uit te leef. Ons geliefde land het ons nodig.

Ms T B SUNDUZA


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Wednesday, 12 September 2012 Take: 273


Dr H C VAN SCHALKWYK

Ms T B SUNDUZA: Hon Chairperson, hon Deputy President, Members of Parliament and distinguished guests, today I'll be speaking about the national democratic society in which we seek to develop a popular culture, a nation with progressive values and a sense of nationhood. For us to achieve this, I think we all need the forgiving spirit of uTata Nelson Mandela, the peaceful heart of Albert Luthuli, the peaceful soul of Mahatma Gandhi, the bravery of Winnie Mandela, the love of Albertina Sisulu and the humility of Helen Suzman.

The Preamble of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa states very clearly:

We, the people of South Africa, recognise the injustices of our past; ...

Believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.

Before I continue, I would like to correct something, because we have students here who will get wrong idea from some members of this House. I will start with the hon Mfundisi. You know, it is not the ANC that decides how many minutes we get to speak. It is the people on the ground who vote, not us. You cannot come and complain to us here. Maybe we need to teach you, because you have not been in this House for that long. [Interjections.]

Secondly, if you say we must not be reminded of our history, what are you raising then? That is very disappointing, because history is what we live in. We have come from a period of slavery to colonisation - you name it, we have had it all! Are you saying we must just forget about that? Really, I'm very disappointed with what that hon member said. Are you saying we cannot talk about Steve Biko today? [Interjections.] That is part of our history. He died on this day. Are you saying we are making it an abomination - I will call it that?

IsiXhosa:

Hayi nhoko ndiyadana mntu'omdala kwaye bendingenako ukukuyeka kulo umba.

English:

I just want to say to the hon Gunda, let's not come here and confuse South Africa. The Constitution of South Africa is very clear, especially section 6: As South Africans, we are equal. A Khoisan is equal to a Xhosa, to a white person, to anyone. The Constitution is very clear, stating that no one is inferior, no one is superior and there are no first-class citizens in South Africa. We are all equal.

IsiXhosa:

Andazi noba ndiyifunda kakuhle na. Ngoko ke yifunde kakuhle mnt'omdala nawe mhlekazi kuba ingathi aniyiqondi kakuhle lento. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

English:

I want to say to the hon Mulder, please don't take us backwards. There are no minorities here. You are reminding us of a bad time in our history; of having a Minister for a Bantustan. Therefore, we cannot have a Minister of Minorities. [Interjections.] No, no, no, we will not agree to that. People fought and died for this freedom in order not to have such classification. I think I must just correct that. [Applause.]

I believe that if we still had floor-crossing, all these members of Cope would come to the ANC. [Interjections.] They speak of nothing but the ANC. They read about the ANC but fail to hold their own conference. They come to us and talk about us. One cannot speak about the national democratic revolution if one does not understand it. This is what we are living for. [Interjections.] You don't know anything because there is no policy in Cope! Now you come and tell us about something you don't even understand. [Applause.]

IsiXhosa:

Hayin mani musani ukusihlaza sinabafundi apha, bazakuthini bethuna.

Mr D V BLOEM: On a point of order ...

English:

Ms T B SUNDUZA: I want to say that our ... [Interjections.]

Mr D V BLOEM: On a point of order ...

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Hon Sunduza, just hold on.

IsiXhosa:

Nks T B SUNDUZA: Oh! Ingaba kukho ingxaki?

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Ewe, sisi.

English:

Mr D V BLOEM: Thank you very much, Chair. Do you think I will go back to the ANC? Do you really think so? [Interjections.] [Laughter.] [Applause.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Hon Bloem, do me a favour and please behave. Sit down. Continue, hon Sunduza. [Laughter.]

IsiXhosa:

Ms T B SUNDUZA: Ibuhlungu inyani ngakumbi xa ithethwa ngumntwana omncinci.

English:

While it is true that South Africa made history by changing from an apartheid state to a democratic state through a negotiated settlement, we cannot deny the fact that we still have challenges of social cohesion. President Zuma put it correctly at the opening of the National Summit on Social Cohesion, held at the Walter Sisulu Square of Dedication in Kliptown. He said:

Whilst we have made progress in institutionalising the principle of an inclusive citizenship, there are certain matters that still cause divisions and frustrations.

It is true that when the ANC took over power, it inherited a hugely divided society in terms of race, gender, ethnicity, class, colour and so forth.

Ms M L DUNJWA: Chairperson, I rise on a point order. It is not in regard to what hon Sunduza is saying. [Interjections.] [Laughter.] The hon Bloem from Cope is not a member of the National Assembly. He is not supposed to be seated where he is sitting and he knows that. Thank you, hon Chairperson. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Hon Sunduza, continue.

Mrs J D KILIAN: Hon Chairperson, equally, I just wanted to say that ...

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Order, please! Order, please!

Mrs J D KILIAN: On a point of order: the hon Magwanishe is not a member of the NCOP and he was seated there in the NCOP benches. Then he ran back here. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Hon member, I'm still talking to you. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] Please, I'm not going to entertain trivial allegations here. Hon Sunduza, continue.

Ms T B SUNDUZA: Thank you, Chairperson. As I was saying, we come from a legacy that caused massive divisions, tensions and inequalities, which are still deeply entrenched today.

The throwing of Nelson Chisale into a lion's den, the Boeremag killings, the farm killings across the country, the recent killing of a Muslim man, Muhammad Fayaaz Kazi, in Magaliesburg and, recently, the gruesome killing of a farm worker who was electrocuted with jumper cables in Vryburg because of tyres and diesel that went missing - these are the issues that show that we are still a divided society.

For us to have a national democratic society, it is our responsibility as a society to put aside our differences, to pick up the pieces, put them back together and forge ahead with our resolve to build a nonracial, nonsexist, equitable, inclusive and united society.

People speak about the nondelivery of services. They forget that even in the First World, like the United States of America, in countries that have been so-called democracies for years, there is still racism and inequality between black and white.

We cannot achieve a united society if cultures are not respected. In Africa today, the traditions of Africans are not respected; they are called "barbaric". When an African slaughters a cow, the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals is called. That undermines our culture. However, when other people go hunting and shooting animals, that is a game. [Interjections.]

To that end, the ANC government and, in particular, the Department of Arts and Culture came up with a number of social cohesion and nation-building initiatives: the Truth and Reconciliation programme, Social Cohesion Colloquium, a National Strategy for Developing an Inclusive and a Cohesive South African Society, the National Summit on Social Cohesion and the Moral Regeneration Programme.

To show that this ANC government is still committed to this, the National Development Plan 2030 outlines the following: Firstly, we must ensure that the different cultures are respected and equal citizenship for all is guaranteed. We must implement and enforce the nice basic human rights that we have in South Africa, as enshrined in the Constitution.

Secondly, on the issue of languages, all our languages must be equal. Our languages should ...

Mr J J GUNDA: Hon Deputy Chairperson ...

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Hon Sunduza.

IsiXhosa:

Ms T B SUNDUZA: Ingaba yintoni ngoku?

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Kukho ingxaki mntak'abawo.

Ms T B SUNDUZA: Oh! Bawo.

Mr J J GUNDA: Hon Deputy Chairperson, I think the hon member is busy misleading the House because that Bill has not been passed yet. I am the member of that committee. The Khoisan people are not yet recognised as a traditional community in South Africa. We are still waiting for the Bill to come.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Hon Gunda, when you were standing there, you had the chance to express yourself. Right now, I am ruling you out of order.

Mr J J GUNDA: But, hon Chair ...

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Please! Please, I've ruled you out of order. [Interjections.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Deputy Chairperson, with the greatest of respect, we want to put it on record that in this Parliament, we have children who want us to be their role models. The conduct of Mr Bloem, who doesn't even know where to sit in this House and does not even know what a point of order is, is not acceptable. [Interjections.]

Mr A WATSON: On a point of order, Madam Chair: That was not a point of order! [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Hon Sunduza, can you finish up, my dear?

Ms T B SUNDUZA: Thank you, hon Chairperson, I was going to say that ... [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Unfortunately, right now, I'm not going to actually allow anybody to disturb the hon Sunduza. Let her finish her speech ... [Interjections.] ... because you stood up at the beginning and I listened to you. Now, what is it?

Mrs J D KILIAN: Hon Deputy Chair, all we are asking for is that you mete out sanction equally to all in the House ...

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): I have done that.

Mrs J D KILIAN: ... and that the hon Chief Whip of the NA of the ANC did not rise on a point of order. So, please also give him a dressing down. Thank you.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Ms T C Memela): Continue, hon Sunduza.

Ms T B SUNDUZA: Thank you, Chairperson. This is exactly what I was talking about. How do we create social cohesion when there is no tolerance, not even in this House, where we make laws?

We create equal opportunity by ensuring that factors such as gender, ethnicity, place of birth and family background do not influence people's chances in life and by increasing interaction between South Africans from different groups and social backgrounds.

As uTata Mandela once said:

We are all one nation in one country. Each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the Bushveld ...

We enter into a covenant that we shall build a society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity - a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.

As I conclude, I want to borrow words from the teachings of Lao Tzu, a Chinese philosopher, who said:

If there is to be peace in the world, there must be peace in the nations. If there is to be peace in the nations, there must be peace in the cities. If there is to be peace in the cities, there must be peace between neighbours. If there is to be peace between neighbours, there must be peace in the home. If there is to be peace in the home, there must be peace in the heart.

As I am about to conclude, we appeal to all South Africans, especially parents - and that should start in this place – to continue to promote our languages and not make them inferior, by speaking to our children in our own languages. Our children are being poisoned in certain schools and told to speak English, even at home. [Interjections.] That is part of those issues that we, as South Africans, are not ... [Interjections.] I am speaking in English because I was colonised by your forefathers. [Laughter.] That is why. I was forced to speak it. [Interjections.] That is part of history that we want. That is one of those issues I was talking about: people are intolerant. They seem to have forgotten their history very easily. I speak English because I grew up in a back room with my grandmother and I used to say "missus" to people like you, hon Kohler-Barnard. Therefore, you cannot come here and ask me why I am speaking English in this House. [Interjections.]

As I conclude, it hurts many ... people seem to forget very quickly and now they ask me why I am speaking English, while they know exactly ... [Interjections.]

IsiXhosa:

Andizokuhlala phantsi tu. Wena uxakene nenkomfa yakho apho. Ungathethi into ongayaziyo apha. [Uwelewele.]

English:

I want to reiterate that if it was up to me - and I continue to say this in your presence, Deputy President - as we speak about transformation and social cohesion, let's have oneness in history. I repeat that the statue of President Botha must be removed and be replaced with a statue of President Nelson Mandela. That will be cohesion. And remove that horse! One cannot even take photos on that horse because it is too high. Let's put Madiba there. Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE


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Wednesday, 12 September 2012 Take: 276


Ms T B SUNDUZA

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE: Hon Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, His Excellency the Deputy President, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members of the NA and members of the NCOP, as the Ministry of Arts and Culture, we would like to express our gratitude for having been allocated this time for the debate on Heritage Day. Our department declared 2012 "the year of heritage" in recognition of our celebration of 100 years of the oldest liberation movement on the African continent. This is a year when we join members and supporters of the ANC and, I believe, the vast majority of South Africans in marking a historic watershed in the shaping of what is today a free and democratic South Africa.

I am very pleased that the hon member, our colleague in this portfolio, hon Van den Berg, was grateful enough in terms of what he experienced when he visited the graves of our forebears and founders of the ANC, including the grave of Chief Albert Luthuli. We have gone further to declare that during Heritage Month, we will celebrate under the theme "Celebrating the heroes and heroines of our liberation struggle".

Therefore, I want to again thank the presiding officers for choosing today, 12 September, for this debate. This is indeed a fitting day. It was on this day, 35 years ago, that we woke up to the news that Steven Bantu Biko had been murdered by the security police. Steve Biko was only 30 years old at the time of his death, but he was unquestionably already an influential figure in the re-emergence of popular resistance against the apartheid regime.

Despite being banned and restricted to his hometown of Ginsberg in King William's Town, Biko had remained a highly influential figure. As a first-year medical student at the University of Natal's Black Section at the time, where Biko had also been a student until about five years before his death, I can attest to his aura and influence on many of us, even though he was restricted to being hundreds of kilometres away from Durban.

As young recruits into the South African Student Organisation, which had been founded by Biko in 1968, we were eagerly looking forward to the day when we would be able to meet him. You can therefore imagine our shock and anger at receiving the news that morning that this hero of ours, whom we were so eager to meet, had been murdered by the notorious apartheid regime. As details of how he was humiliated before his final demise emerged later at the inquest into his death, we were even more enraged. However, we were guided by the leaders of the time to turn our anger into a positive commitment to continue his legacy by fighting for freedom.

Biko and his generation of young, mainly university student activists filled a vacuum left by the incarceration of leaders of the ANC, PAC, SACP and other allied organisations in the liberation movement in 1960. By moving out of the then multiracial liberal National Union of South African Students, declaring, "Black man, you are on your own", and advocating the psychological liberation from the racist subjugation of the regime, they planted the seed of black pride and the confidence that black people can be the only guarantor of their own liberation.

In recognition of Biko's contribution to our struggle for freedom, as the Department of Arts and Culture, we have partnered with the Steve Biko Foundation to construct the Steve Biko Memorial Centre, with funding from our department of more than R100 million. [Applause.] This monument is ready and will be unveiled next month, October, in Ginsberg. [Applause.] It comprises a museum, archive and library resource centre, a commemorative garden, training rooms, conference centre, cultural performance and production spaces, a community media centre and retail spaces. We look forward to the hon members of both Houses visiting this monument after the unveiling next month.

As we celebrate the heroes and heroines of our struggle, we draw inspiration from their contribution, their commitment, their values and aspirations, and we learn from their legacies. We learn from the lives and times of our warrior kings and generals, as well as their foot soldiers, who led our people in battle, in defence of their land, crops, livestock and dignity. Even when they were outgunned by superior firepower, they never gave up. We admire the resistance of the Khoi – hon member, we do honour the resistance of the Khoi – and San in the south, here in the Cape especially, the Xhosas under King Hintsa and other kings in the east, the Zulus under King Shaka, Dingaan, Cetshwayo and others from our the eastern shores, Moshoeshoe from the west, Sekhukhune, Ngungunyane and Makhado in the north.

They fought hard to preserve their cultures, languages and customs, and we can be proud today that all of this is now protected by our democratic Constitution. We celebrate the wisdom of the founding fathers and mothers of our early formal political and social movements. We celebrate the lives of Charlotte Maxeke, Ida Mtwana, Clements Kadalie, W Champion, Abdullah Abdurahman, J T Jabavu, Mahatma Gandhi and others. We pay homage to the founders of our oldest liberation movement in Africa, such as John Langalibalele Dube, Pixley ka Seme, Sol Plaatje, Sefako Makgatho and their peers.

We also recognise the founders of other formations, especially our trade union movements, such as the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union. As we face the challenges of transforming our economy, addressing poverty, unemployment and inequality, we are reminded of other struggles of the workers, such as the mineworkers' struggles in the 1920s, 1940s and 1980s. We remember great leaders of the working class such as J B Marks, Ray Alexander, Moses Kotane, Billy Nair, Vuyisile Mini, Curnick Ndlovu, Emma Mashinini, Rita Ndzanga and many others. We recognise their role in laying the foundation for the building of the progressive workers' movement that we have today.

We celebrate the men and women who stood up against the increasing brutality of apartheid regime, especially after 1948. We appreciate all the volunteers of Chief Albert Luthuli, led by volunteer-in-chief Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, who came forward to defy various unjust laws. We pay homage to the more than 20 000 women who refused to carry passes and marched to the Union Building with a clear message to Prime Minister Strijdom: "You have struck a woman, you have struck a rock." "Wathint'abafazi, wathint'imbokodo". This is indeed our history; it's our heritage. The question we must ask ourselves is whether we can rekindle the spirit of volunteerism as an antidote to the greed, selfishness and moral decay that is slowly creeping into our society today. This is indeed a challenge we must live up to.

May we find inspiration as a nation from remembering the willingness of Nelson Mandela and his Rivonia Trialists, including Tat'uMlangeni here, to commit their lives to the struggle for equality, freedom and nonracialism and their preparedness to die for those ideals, if need be. Today, we are not being asked to die for any cause, because others have already done so for us. All that our country expects of us today is to have the commitment to serve with honour, humility and selflessness in contributing to the creation of a truly nonracial, nonsexist, prosperous society and a caring, proud nation.

It is in the context of our understanding of the importance of preserving and promoting our heritage that, as a department, we have identified more than 28 heritage and related projects, which are receiving attention during the course of this financial year. These projects will go a long way in contributing to social cohesion, nation-building and reconciliation. In his state of the nation address in early February this year, President Zuma referred to many of these projects, which are currently at various stages of completion. I have already spoken about the multimillion-rand Steve Biko Memorial Centre in Ginsberg, King William's Town, which will be unveiled next month, as I've mentioned.

Earlier this year, as part of promoting nation-building and reconciliation, we declared the Voortrekker Monument in Tshwane a national heritage site. Prior to this, on 16 December 2011, President Zuma had already opened a road that now links the Voortrekker Monument with the Freedom Park Monument. [Applause.] Again in pursuit of reconciliation, we have finalised the plans for the construction of a bridge between the Ncome Monument in KwaZulu-Natal, to link it with the Blood River Monument. [Applause.]

Earlier this year, we launched the John Langalibalele Dube legacy project in Inanda, Kwazulu-Natal. The project comprises an interpretive centre, the restoration of the Dube family house, upgrading of the graves, which has already been completed, and the mounting of an exhibition. Other projects, such as the upgrading of the graves of several other leaders of the liberation movement, are in progress. Some have already been completed, as witnessed by hon Van den Berg. As you are aware, hon members, the renaming of the presidential guesthouses in Durban and Tshwane after the late ANC presidents J L Dube and S M Makgatho respectively has already been done.

Work has already begun on the O R Tambo Memorial project in his birthplace of Kantolo, Bizana, in the Eastern Cape, which comprises his statue, a garden of remembrance, an interpretive centre, a youth leadership school of innovation and also the upgrading of the Tambo family homestead. [Applause.] The Matola Raid Memorial in Mozambique will be completed next month and will be ready for official opening by our President and the President of Mozambique early in January 2013. [Applause.] Only last week, we also commemorated the 20th anniversary of the Bisho Massacre. The Bisho Massacre site will also be part of our Liberation Heritage Route in honour of those who fell there in pursuit of freedom and democracy.

It is our hope that the various heritage sites and new monuments will go a long way in contributing to the healing of the wounds of the past – we must heal those wounds because they still exist – and the building of a united, nonracial, nonsexist South Africa. We also hope that these sites will contribute to local economic development by becoming tourist attractions, which both South Africans and foreigners will visit to learn more about where we come from.

In partnership with the Unesco World Heritage Centre, from 26 to 29 September this year in Ekurhuleni, Gauteng, South Africa will be hosting an International Conference under the theme "Living with world heritage in Africa". The conference will bring together high-level decision-makers from African governments, heritage institutions, local communities and development sectors.

The African position on world heritage and sustainable development will be presented at the closing ceremony of a later conference, the 40th anniversary of the World Heritage Convention, which will be held in Japan. A continental approach to this matter, which will be discussed here in South Africa, is necessitated by our unique reality, where we have to balance heritage preservation and developmental needs.

On 12 August last month, we finally buried the remains of Klaas and Trooi Pienaar in Kuruman in an official funeral that was addressed by His Excellency President J G Zuma. This brought to a close the ugly face of dehumanisation in which indigenous South Africans were treated as nonhuman, both in life and in death. We thank the Austrian government, academics in various institutions there and civil society in Austria for their co-operation and support in this project.

Lastly, on 24 September, on Heritage Day, we will again be going back to your province, hon MEC, to the Northern Cape, for the official function in Upington. In a way, this will be the highlight of the work we have been doing since the beginning of this year in celebrating our heritage, the heroes and heroines of the liberation struggle. We hope to see all hon members there in Upington on 24 September.

The Joint Sitting adjourned at 17:13.


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