Hansard: Debate on President's State-of-the-nation address
House: National Assembly
Date of Meeting: 18 Feb 2013
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Minutes
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 3
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,19 Feb 2013,"[Take-3] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][nm].doc"START OF DAY
TUESDAY, 19 FEBRUARY 2013
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY__________
The House met at 14:05
The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 3
Start of day
DEBATE ON THE PRESIDENT'S STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS
The SPEAKER: Hon members, I have received a copy of the President's address delivered at the joint sitting on 14 February 2013. The speech has been printed in the minutes of the join sitting.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon President, hon Deputy President, members of this august House, we meet today, heavy in the heart at the horrific and brutal loss of life of innocent babies, children and women through domestic and sexual violence. The scourge of this disease has taken hold in our communities and as much as we develop interventions, programmes and campaigns to stem this tide, we can all agree that the roots of this violence and the notion that life is cheap, can be traced all the way back to our dark and unjust past.
The evolution of our society has many lessons to teach. Institutional racism and discrimination involved the rationing of resources and power to ensure and achieve social exclusion through formally legitimated state policies. The dispossession of black people from their land took place over many years in our early history and largely through conquest. But the systematic land dispossession by the state came into effect after 1913, when 13% of the land area of South Africa were given as reserves for the Africans and excluded them from the rest of the country, which was made available to the white minority population.
The 1913 Land Act was instituted to ensure that more land was available to white farmers, to impoverish and enslave black people through dispossession, and make them dependent on their white employers for survival. This led not only to a creation of a pool of cheap labour for the white farms and the mines but also to enforce racial segregation.
By denying the black people the right to till their own land and access natural resources, there was the creation of cheap, black labour in the form of farmworkers, labourers, mine and domestic workers. The consequence of this political dispossession and economic exploitation of black people was in a way, deprivation of their humanity, ubuthu or botho. Such a deliberate act of dehumanisation by one group against another was the most inhuman and the worst of its kind to be instituted against human beings.
The teachings of white superiority and black inferiority doctrines and the creation of race as a mechanism for violence led to the nurturing of violent and crime-hardened individuals who indulged in violence as an extreme sport or at the slightest provocation. Sociologists believe that this led to the development of retributive reactive attitudes among all population groups. And thus, the results of the dehumanisation process endangered everyone in South Africa.
I refer to this dehumanisation process because it pervaded and still pervades every facet of our lives. The denial of access to markets, infrastructure and education to those categorised as black was apartheid's worst contribution, but especially, the denial of quality education.
Under your leadership, hon President, we have a government which has steadfastly resolved to address and redress the basic inequalities inherited from a past ridden with racially discriminatory laws and practices, decades of entrenched inequalities and separate development. The five priorities you identified are economic growth and job creation; fighting crime and corruption; education; health; and rural development and land reform. They are regarded by the ANC as key to transforming our socioeconomic inequities.
To restructure our society and focussing on the future you introduced, the National Development Plan, a broad strategic framework which sets out a coherent and holistic approach to uniting South Africa around a common programme. As articulated in the Plan, and I quote:
To build a socially cohesive society, South Africa needs to reduce poverty and inequality by broadening opportunity and employment through economic inclusion, education and skills, and specific redress measures; promote mutual respect and inclusiveness by acting on the constitutional imperative that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, and that all are equal before the law; and deepen appreciation of citizens' responsibilities and obligations towards one another.
In so doing, the National Development Plan will draw on the energies of all our people, grow an inclusive economy, build capabilities, enhance the capacity of the state, and promote leadership and partnerships throughout society. The dehumanisation of individuals through sub-standard education is a legacy issue. Living under institutionalised oppression, for many of us, our humanity was taken away and we were dehumanised.
Hon President, you prioritised education, believing that it is an instrument of liberation and is essential for our development as a nation. Through education and social change, we become rehumanised and can reclaim our dignity, our voices, and our humanity. Hon President, your nation building and development strategy finds support in renowned political thinkers. It was Ernesto Che Guevara who stated that, and I quote:
Education is the property of no one, it belongs to the people as a whole; and that if education is not given to the people, they will have to take it.
Our icon, Nelson Mandela equally believed that education was liberation. His famous words were, and I quote: "Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world". This is a mantra worth repeating.
Under your leadership, hon President, we can be proud of how far we have come and how much we have achieved. The ANC supports your resolve to use education to empower society as a whole, to change our mindsets and, most importantly, we support your resolve to make education the base of every development – social, political, economic and industrial, to enhance social justice and to eliminate ignorance and all form of religious, cultural and political intolerance. The ANC is fully conscious of obstacles to delivery that your administration faces, but we are satisfied with your ability to overcome these. We have not escaped unscathed by the global recession.
Unemployment, poverty and inequality threaten to derail our national democratic revolution. Your administration has identified targeted outputs of job creation; youth development and growing the economy and developed clear proposals on the potential of all sectors of the economy to generate substantial jobs, empowerment of the youth and effective monitoring of all the targets that have been set. Your infrastructure roll-out as well, would provide means to create jobs and build the economy.
In focussing on the future, re-emphasising that this is a government that looks forward, the country's National Development Plan which aims to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030 must be embraced by all. In support of your nation-building and socioeconomic development plan, the ANC will ensure that we stop the oversight stampede by co-ordinating and integrating oversight programmes of all three spheres of government as well as between the NA and NCOP.
Hon President, we shall ensure that your programme of action is taken to and co-owned by our people. As public representatives we can unashamedly tell South Africa, Africa and the world that you have a vision, a plan, the willingness and ability to deliver on your plan. As public representatives, the ball is in our court to support you and your administration. We have full confidence in you. [Applause.]
In support of your administration, Parliament and its representatives will move beyond the norm of merely accepting reports of the executive, briefings by various departments and rubberstamping the budgets of departments and entities. We shall move beyond merely accepting the legislative proposals by the executive and initiate critical legislation.
Our constituency offices offer a closer view of the trials and tribulations affecting our people. Engaging with the youth, listening to the aged, supporting the disabled and assisting the unemployed men and women in our communities allows us to open lines of communication, and offers us an opportunity to know where the people are, what they aspire to, and to respond to them faster and with consistency.
When we visit poorly performing clinics, surprise a hospital official who is asleep instead of offering a key service, when we visit a school and find the teacher assaulting a learner or teachers who are absent for days instead of teaching, when we catch a corrupt government official accepting a bribe for services they should be rendering as part of their job, when we see young girls being sexually harassed by men on the street, we will not turn away and fold our arms. We will rise to these challenges and know that when we do so, we are building South Africa brick by brick.
More recently, Parliament has been media fodder for the manner in which we seem to have abdicated our responsibilities to the courts. The opportunistic use of the courts by the opposition to score political goals has tarnished the image of this great institution. [Applause.] To effectively represent citizens, Members of Parliament must carry out their legislative and oversight roles in a way that is demonstrably in the public interest and do so in a way that reflects the ethical standards of the community and their standing as leaders in such communities.
The ANC has a proud tradition of consultation, engagement, contestation and consensus-seeking. The Freedom Charter stands as a testimony to those methods. We utilised those same significant methods in our constitution-making process, our Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the recent National Social Cohesion and Nation-Building Summit held at Kliptown in July last year.
We believe in these methods, because we believe fundamentally in the principles of the Freedom Charter and our Constitution and that this country belongs to all who live in it. Therefore, we would like to urge opposition parties to utilise these methods of engagement rather than the expediency of the courts.
Hon President, our people are responding to and supporting your nation-building and social cohesion project. The ANC received a delegation of eight members of the Afrikanerbond, led by Mr Pieter Vorster, who told us that they are fully behind your vision and development plan and wish to be partners with both Parliament and government in implementing it. [Applause.] The National Interfaith Council of South Africa, Nicsa, has signed a memorandum of understanding with government, through the Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs, Cogta, to support government's nation-building initiatives and fight against the triple challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality.
We wish to thank Minister Richard Baloyi for spearheading this partnership. To ensure that the achievements of government and Nicsa reach the people, Nicsa and the South African Broadcasting Corporation have concluded a memorandum of understanding. We wish to thank Prof Ben Ngubane, Chairperson of the SABC board and Mr Hlaudi Motsoening, Chief Operating Officer, for putting the public broadcaster at the service of the people.
Parliament and all legislatures will assume the responsibility for the promotion of democratic values and consolidate peoples' power for social and economic development. This is not a party-political responsibility; it belongs to all political formations and civil society organisations.
Hon President, this annual parliamentary debate is called upon to afford diverse constituencies, who are represented in this august institution by various political formations, a platform to contribute meaningfully to the important reflections you made on the state of our Republic on Thursday. This exercise is very critical as it is at the heart of our representative and participatory democracy, which makes this Parliament an institution of the people, not that of the few leaders who represents their jackets.
However, hon President, the large section of the views that are going to be expressed in this important national debate will not be a reflection of the aspirations of the diverse constituencies who voted some of the political parties on my left in this institution. Instead, what we will hear during this debate today and tomorrow will mostly be the views of the DA. This is because, except for the few opposition political parties, who should be commended for staying true to their principles and visions, the rest have surrendered their independence to their new political master in the form of the DA. [Applause.]
Following the state of the nation address on Thursday, these parties were summoned by the Leader of the Official Opposition to a hastily convened meeting, to what was euphemistically called 'co-ordinated strategy for Sona debate', while in fact, what they were called for was to obtain the marching orders and to later escort hon Mazibuko to a media briefing. [Laughter.] [Applause.]
We are aware of the increasing difficulties confronting these parties, particularly the principal challenge of their dwindling appeal to the electorate. However, by selling their soul and surrendering their autonomy to the DA means they can no longer claim to represent the views and aspirations of the constituencies they represent in this institution. They can no longer claim to enjoy freedom of thought and freedom of opinion, as their political views on parliamentary matters must now be sanctioned first by the DA. [Laughter.] [Applause.] They can no longer claim to advance their respective political policies or resolutions, as their mandate now is to advocate the policy decisions of the DA's federal council.
It is an antithesis of a multiparty democracy system, which provides for diverse and multiplicity of political views and interests, to have the throng of political leaders from diverse ideological persuasions dancing to a tune of the neoliberal and conservative agenda of their political master. Surely the constituencies of these parties did not elect these leaders into Parliament to serve the DA, to seek its permission before making statements on matters of national interests, and to advance the political fortunes of the DA.
I am raising this curious development precisely because it signifies the dearth of the democratic traditions of multiparty engagements, which this Parliament represents. [Applause.] This also means that, with the exception of the few parties that have elected to guard their political independence, what we will be hearing in this debate are the views of the DA, dressed in different party colours. [Laughter.] [Applause.] These views would be dressed in different suits and faces on this podium, but we know that they were cooked in a blue pot. [Laughter.]
Therefore, hon President, when you hear constant similarity of views and thoughts amongst these political parties during this debate, it is not because there is a convergence of thought on your reflections on the state of our nation, it is because they will also be singing from the same hymn sheet of their political master, hon Lindiwe Mazibuko. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Be that as it may, hon President, I envisage your job of responding to these views being much easier than before, given that there will now be fewer parties to respond to.
Last but not least, we wish to salute the founders of the Organisation of African Unity and join the people and nations of Africa in commemorating its 50th anniversary and acknowledge the great contribution it made to our liberation. We shall also not rest until the people of Palestine and Saudi Arabia achieve their right to self-determination and independence.
Thank you for the opportunity to address this august House. [Applause.]
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION.../tm END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 4
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Hon Speaker, hon President, hon members, the South African people have lost confidence in President Jacob Zuma...[Interjections.]...and his state of the nation address showed us why. With the pressure of re-election lifted, this was an opportunity for the hon President to show leadership after he received a new mandate from his party at Mangaung. But this address not only failed to inspire South Africa, it was devoid of new ideas and vision.
The nation had waited expectantly for the President to speak directly about how his government would implement the National Development Plan, NDP. The anger at his failure to do so is felt across South Africa. We all support the NDP, and the address should have been a turning point for a country which feels a lack of confidence in the national government. But instead this was the offering of a Presidency founded on compromise. One built entirely upon mediating the bitter factions that threaten to tear the governing alliance apart.
The President should have plainly set out how the National Development Plan would be put into action and its proposals implemented to fix the economy, education, crime and corruption. Instead, he offered a reheated version of last year's broken promises based on spin and lip service, stitched together with announcements about task teams, processes and accords. Ours is a president who says one thing to appease South Africa, and then does another to please himself and his inner circle.
Most importantly, hon Speaker, the President's speech failed to provide solutions to the unemployment crisis. Hon members, the President says he is committed to job creation but let's look at what he actually does about job creation. He promised five million new jobs by 2020 but unemployment rose again during his third year in office. The economy has lost half a million jobs since he assumed the Presidency.
Has the President ever reflected on what it must feel like to be a young person without a job in South Africa today? Does he feel for the five million young South Africans under the age of 34, who are unable to find work? The speech he gave on Thursday did not really show this.
Does the President empathise with a young unemployed woman who opens her eyes every morning, and sees another wretched and empty day stretching out before her? She knows she needs a job. She needs the means for her daily survival but she also needs to feel the pride and dignity that come from work.
The few job opportunities she does find require applicants who have work experience but this woman has no experience. She needs that first break in order to gain experience. How this appalling paradox must frustrate and anger her! How powerless this young woman must feel to change the direction of her life! Does the hon President know the country that this young woman lives in? I believe he does not.
How can he, when his response to her circumstances was to announce that the National Rural Youth Corps had enrolled 12 000 young people in various training programmes? How can he, when his response to this crisis was a so-called plan to create nine rural youth hubs with no definition as to what this will achieve in terms of job creation?
How can the hon President empathise with the dire circumstances of jobless young South Africans when all he could offer them was vague utterances about learnerships and apprenticeships in state-owned enterprises and the Expanded Public Works Programme? He knows that none of these target young people.
Hon speaker, the worst betrayal of all was the President's abandonment of the Youth Wage Subsidy policy. This would benefit hundreds of thousands of young people by absorbing them into the formal economy and providing them with real work opportunities. By contrast, the so-called youth accord seems nothing more than a conjurer's trick which this government is using to divert attention from the fact that it has allowed Cosatu to water down the Youth Wage Subsidy policy. South Africa has one of the highest rates of youth unemployment in the world, and the ideas in this youth accord are a weak response to a huge and growing problem.
Hon Speaker, the President also claimed to have brought policy certainty to the mining industry. But then he proceeded to raise uncertainty with the threat to increase mining taxes. Following the Marikana tragedy, a wave of unprotected strike action in the sector, and a series of irresponsible statements made by members of his government and the ANC, confidence in the industry is at a low ebb.
The President seems to believe that investors will be forced to come here because we have such vast mineral wealth. But if conditions are not right they will simply find alternative investment destinations. If he continues down this path, the President will be remembered for standing by as our mining industry was decimated, in a country which enjoys the greatest mineral endowment in the world.
Hon Speaker, the President's failure to provide economic leadership is mirrored by his failure to fix education. The President says he is committed to education but look at what he actually does. Last year, he claimed that, and I quote: "Intensive focus is paying off". But our numeracy and literacy rates are second from last in 144 internationally ranked countries. How are our children supposed to learn to read and write without textbooks? It is impossible to understand how the President did not express outrage that children in the Eastern Cape and Limpopo did not receive textbooks on time. Why did he not undertake that this would never happen again under his watch?
Hon Speaker, this is a President who is out of touch. The National Development Plan provides clear solutions to fix the crisis in education but he ignores them. On the one hand, the President rightly said that we need to review teachers' remuneration, but on the other, he completely ignored the proposal of the NDP to link better remuneration with improved performance.
Above all, the hon President failed to commit to making education an essential service, as is the case with the health professions and the police service. Completely ignoring the definition of an essential service in the Labour Relations Act, he claimed that education is an essential service because it is something we all care very deeply about!
Then, as a repayment for the re-election debt he owes to Cosatu, the President endorsed teachers' unconditional right to strike. We know that there can be no meaningful expression of freedom unless a child can reach her full potential, and education is what defines her life chances. Until the President pursues this goal with the same energy and enthusiasm with which he pursues his own re-election, his words will be as meaningless in practice as they are on paper.
Hon Speaker, while our sense of national pride is strong, our society is broken. I commend the hon President for his statement condemning rape and sexual assault following the horrific murder of Anene Booysen two weeks ago. This was a wake-up call in a society where crimes like these have become normalised. How many women do we know who have been victims of sexual assault, violence and abuse? How many of our mothers, daughters and sisters, our friends, work colleagues and leaders?
Hon members, in our society, women are told not to wear mini-skirts in case they provoke men to rape them. Battered wives are asked what they did to anger their husbands. And political leaders who refer to their female counterparts as little girls, the madam, wild whore and my dear, are tolerated.
In this context, is it a surprise that one in three women in our country can expect to be sexually assaulted in her lifetime? It is in this context that every eight hours, a South African woman is murdered by her intimate partner. And it is in this context that Anene Booysen, a 17-year-old young woman from Bredasdorp was subjected to the horror of gang rape, mutilation and murder at the hands of a group of men not much older than she was.
Her attackers slit her stomach. They reached into her body, pulled out her intestines and left them lying in the dust next to her. They broke all of her fingers and both of her legs. They slit her throat and left her for dead. Anene Booysen's last words before she succumbed to her unimaginable injuries were, and I quote: "I am tired and I am sore".
Hon Speaker, by the time I have finished speaking, over 300 women will have been raped in South Africa today. Our country is tired, and our country is sore. If we truly cherish Anene's memory then we cannot be powerless bystanders.
We encourage the hon President to participate in a national dialogue to end this evil with the same clarity of conviction which marked the fight against apartheid. Will the hon President provide a detailed government plan to deal with sexual offences in his reply to this debate?
I hope he will not simply convene another task team because the President's fallback position is always to establish task teams. The clearest example of this is corruption. The President says he is committed to fighting corruption. But let's look at what he actually does about corruption.
We had expected the President to appoint a head of the Special Investigating Unit, a post that has been vacant for over a year, but he did not. Perhaps this is because he knows that the SIU will look into his actions in the same way that it must look into those of any public figure regardless of their office.
Most presidents' characters are revealed over time. But our President was compromised from the beginning because there were simply too many unanswered questions about his actions before he assumed office.
The Supreme Court of Appeal ordered the National Prosecuting Authority and President Zuma's lawyers to hand over the so-called spy tapes to the DA almost one year ago. These tapes, we believe, form part of the "reduced record of decision" documents, memoranda and transcripts which led to the NPA's decision to drop more than 700 charges of fraud and money laundering against him. The hon President has been unable to exercise leadership because these documents were the founding documents of his Presidency.
Hon Speaker, the Nkandla-gate scandal towers above all in the public mind. The President's private compound is being paid for by the hard-pressed public to the tune of over R200 million. Yet, he failed to mention Nkandla even once in his state of the nation address.
To the President's lasting shame, his ministers deployed one of apartheid's most sinister laws, the National Key Points Act, to cover up how the upgrade of his private home is being paid for. The government then self-appointed yet another task team only to declare that its findings would not be made public.
Today, I ask the hon President: How could he have allowed the upgrade to proceed knowing how overstretched the country's resources are? Will he commit in his reply to put this wrong right? Will he support the extension of this probe into a parliamentary investigation? And will he commit to making the findings of the Department of Public Works investigation public? If he fails to meet these basic requirements of accountability, Nkandla will forever stand as a symbol of corruption in our country.
Hon Speaker, we are however, not without hope. There will be a day; a day when every person will be able to turn the despair of others into hope.
We all know that the potential for greatness lies within South Africa. Consider just one endeavour in 2013. A radio telescope, the Square Kilometre Array, will soon rise in the Karoo. This instrument will search the furthest reaches of the heavens. We will find answers to some of the deepest questions about our universe.
This leads us to the biggest South African paradox of all. South Africa has discovered the means to uncover how the first stars and galaxies began. Yet, our poorest school children learn in mud schools and under trees.
We see clearly that South Africa has reached a fork in the road. In less than 18 months we shall all pass our verdict on this President and this government. South Africa cannot afford six more wasted years.
Last May, I urged President Zuma not to seek re-election in December, and to put the needs of the country before his own interests. He did not, and South Africa's crisis of leadership has deepened.
In November, I tabled a motion of no confidence in the President with the mandate of eight opposition parties in this House. The governing party ran scared because it was frightened that its own members would show the hon President the exit door. And the ANC's party managers twisted the democratic process with stonewalling tactics.
If the hon President knew that he had Parliament's confidence to lead, he would have asked that the ANC holds the debate immediately. But he did not. As soon as the Constitutional Court hands down its ruling, I intend to re-table this motion. This time the ANC will not be able to abuse its majority to delay the debate.
Hon Speaker, there will be a day; a day when this President and government will be removed from office at the ballotbox. [Applause.]
We have already seen the future and it is indeed blue. An ANC administration in the North West province was recently removed through a motion of no confidence by the DA in Tlokwe Municipality. In a few short weeks, the DA has laid the foundation of a capable administration. I was not surprised when the President himself panicked and rushed to Tlokwe last week to visit the municipality.
He knows that when the DA is given a mandate to govern, it spells the end of the ANC's electoral dominance because where the DA governs, we deliver to all. This is why, despite all of the grave problems that South Africa faces, the DA has never been so optimistic and confident that our nation will triumph.
There will be a day; a day when the DA will serve the entire nation, as we have been given the privilege to serve in the Western Cape.
Our message is clear: South Africa is a great country being let down by a weak administration. Our President is the wrong man for these times. The President and his party may have had young people's voices silenced on FNB's website, but they cannot stop these young voices from being heard in the most powerful place of all, the ballot box.
There will be a day; a day when the voices of young South Africans everywhere will finally be heard. A day when our country's confidence in its own greatness will be restored; when we have a president who puts South Africa first; and a government that cares for young people who are without hope and for the elderly who walk in fear.
There will be a day; a day when South Africa soars under the leadership of a new president and a government led by the DA. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M G P LEKOTA / A N N / END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 5
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,19 Feb 2013,"[Take-5] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][nm].doc"
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION
Mr M G P LEKOTA: Hon Speaker, hon President, Deputy President, hon members of the House, allow me to dedicate my contribution to this debate to one of the youngest souls in South Africa; a person who, alongside her peers, devoted the majority of her life to solidarity with the workers, peasants and the oppressed of our motherland and continues to do so even today. Mrs Epenette Mamofokeng Mbeki, who celebrated her ninety seventh birthday on Saturday is arguably the great iconic figure of her generation! She is also one of the oldest members of the Congress of the People! [Interjections.] I ask fellow members of the House to join us in wishing her well in the years that lay ahead!
I also wish to place on record our sincere and very deep sadness at the loss of Comrade Phyllis Naidoo who served the cause of freedom and justice at home and around the world. I plead with God that may her soul rest in peace!
Today I would like to invite members of the House and the people our country to join me in a short journey. As early as 2010, the Minister of Finance drew attention to expenditure on compensation on the government's wage bill, which he pointed out, in 2010, claimed 40% of taxpayers' revenue .In 2011 he warned that personnel spending and debt service costs had grown rapidly. In the 2012-13 estimates he pointed out that the wage bill budgeted for was 35%, which in itself was a staggering amount looked at against the backdrop of the national revenue of R967,5 billion.
Consequently, the Minister pointed out that the wage agreement of 2012, which added R37,5 billion over the medium term, would also absorb a large share of additional allocations. This means that the money that had already been budgeted for, services to our people, would now be absorbed by additional salaries to those who walk up and down the passages of government offices, leaving the people with nothing at all. The Minister then went further and promised that, and I quote:
Government will take a more deliberate approach to managing overall employment and wage trends across the public sector, government will curtail unwarranted growth in personnel numbers.
When we came to the state of the nation address here, I expected to hear that government had a plan to act on this urgent and devastating setback. I expected to hear that government, given the advise of the Minister of Finance, would take steps to review the public service, identify those who are redundant, eliminate such positions in staffing and save the nation huge costs. The President said nothing about it. I expected that I would hear that those who had been employed corruptly, not qualified and were appointed only because they were being rewarded for being members of the ruling party or relatives and so on, would be identified and eliminated them from the public service so that the nation can possess a sleek and trim public service effective and efficient. The savings from such an exercise would then be diverted to providing necessary services to masses of our people in squatter camps, in the rural country sides and so on. The President said nothing about it.
We believe that any one who is committed to fighting corruption must start by eliminating the corrupt act of paying, month after month, individuals who are not qualified but were appointed without any regard to their qualifications and who only consume but are not delivering anything on the agenda of the nation. I have listened to all of these speeches here, good speeches, about what needs to be done. The secret is not in what colourful promises you make. It is in what practical, hard steps you take to convert them into a hard reality that people can benefit from. It is not helpful to make all these colourful promises.
It is quite alarming that the Deputy Auditor-General recently said that government - both national and provincial - had spent more than R102 billion on consultants between 2008-08 and 2010-11 financial years.
A staggering R102 billion spent on consultants because relatives, friends and concubines who are employed have no qualifications to do their work. [Applause.]. It is not my Deputy Auditor-General who said this. It is the government's appointed Deputy Auditor-General who says this is what has been done by your government. So, the Auditor-General also revealed...
The MINISTER OF PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Mr Speaker, I have a question. [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Hon Lekota, will you take a question?
Mr M G P LEKOTA: Speaker, if you will give me additional time because this is trick to disrupt my speech.
The SPEAKER: Yes or no, Sir?
Mr M G P LEKOTA: I won't be disrupted.
The MINISTER OF PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: It isn't.
The MINISTER OF PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Thank you very much Mr Speaker. As the Minister responsible for public service, I wonder who the concubines are that are employed.
The SPEAKER: Continue, Sir.
Mr M G P LEKOTA: Speaker, I hope you will replace the minutes I have just lost. [Laughter.] The Auditor-General also revealed monumental losses as a result of fruitless and futile expenditure. In the 2009-10 to 2010-11 financial years an amount of R45 billion was wasted. The amount of R20 billion in 2009-10 and R25 billion in the 20010-11 was squandered by this government. I sit here and think to myself, had this amount been used for bursaries, some 125 university students could have been funded for over three years. If you gave them half a bursary, 150 000 university students could have been supported and over that time South Africa could have produced civil engineers, mechanical engineers, doctors and so on. But instead what happened to that money? It ended up in the pockets of friends, family and the favoured ones.[Interjections.].
All these corrupt people who are there do not know anything about the work that they are supposed to be doing, let alone to look after the resources of our nation. Billions of rands! This is money! It doesn't fall from the sky. That is what Shabir Shaik asked. Does he think that this money falls from the trees? [Laughter.] So this money is being lost in this way. I am talking about billions of rands. In the meantime there are people who go to bed without food; children are born in shacks in Khayelitsha, in the middle of water in winter. [Interjections.] In the meantime there are old and young, because the money has been squandered by you...
The SPEAKER: Order hon members! Order!
Mr M G P LEKOTA: ... therefore we have to say sadly, hundreds of thousands of deserving students were left without the support they could have got. Likewise, the R200 million that was spent at Inkandla could have been used to give bursaries to 10 000 to 20 000 matriculants. Today those children are walking the countryside of Inkandla, Mthunzini and other areas, without education or any support because one house had to be built for one individual or one family. I still have a question in my mind that I have not been able to answer: Why was former President Nelson Mandela not also given some R200 million? [Applause.][Interjections.] Why was former President Thabo Mbeki not also given R200 million? If Public Works did that, we want an account. Tell us. Let Public Works tell us that it spent similar amounts on former Presidents Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki.
The time has come and it must come that the ruling party must account for its actions. There cannot be this lack of equality before the law. This situation, where certain individuals load it over the entire nation, cannot be accepted. Otherwise the years we spent in exile, in jail and all of that are worth nothing. [Interjections.][Applause.]
I say again that I will not be silenced. I will not be silenced whilst those who are now privileged forget, that they come from the townships of Soweto, Umlazi and Mdantsane, that they come from nowhere. Now that they have climbed seats of power, they forget the people they left behind; they forget the homes from which they came. They forget their own people. Indeed, they forget that once we sat together in prison, eating mealies promising ourselves that when the day shall come, we will be loyal to the wishes of our people. We will prioritise the people and make sure that there is a better life for all, as former President Mandela first told us in Robben Island and then told us from this podium. A better life for all. Where is that better life for all? Look at our people in OlievenhoutBosch, Diepsloot and Mdantsane; where is the better life for all? Aren't we ashamed of what we have done? What has become of us?
In any event, most significantly, now we are being told that we are going to be taxed some more. But we have not been told. What is government doing to recover the R45 billion lost? They are not telling us about that. They tell us about how much tax we must pay. What are you doing to recover the R45 billion that disappeared. What are you doing now, today to recover our R200 million that went to Inkandla? What are you doing now to ensure that each and every one of these people who are being arrested for corruption pay for that? Instead they get elected to the leadership of the ruling party. They go into the national executive committee and all of that. The NEC is full of people who have stolen this and that, who are involved in the travelgate scandal and so on. [Applause.] But they are all in the national executive. [Applause.] Instead of punishing people who commit crime, the ruling party rewards them with higher positions, not only in the party but also in the government. We must tell these truths. If we do not tell these truths, we will be betraying the young people of our country; generations to come will condemn us. So, I refuse to be silent. [Interjections.]
The Minister will come and set up a commission, well government said he will have to set up a commission to revise our tax and so on. We will have to pay more, but we are not told being what is being done to recover the money that has been lost under the watch of this government. The President has no answers to those issues because he said nothing about them. He went dead quiet about it and spoke about all other things which are irrelevant when it comes to the question of survival of the people.
On the issue of Right2Know Campaign, other things are happening, and I must say these things quickly before the dark days come. The Right2Know campaign has drawn our attention to the fact that the ruling party is pushing for even more secrecy than before. The Right2Know campaign reported on a 2012 survey by the SA History Archive, which facilitates and tracks Promotion of Access to Information Act. Of the 159 requests made, the archive noted that 102 were refused outright or received no reply. The more we ask questions, the more silence we get. That is the government's track record on accountability and transparency.
The SPEAKER: Hon member, your time has expired. [Interjections.]
Mr M G P LEKOTA: Speaker, aren't you going to add a few more minutes? [Laughter.]
The SPEAKER: Order hon member! Your time has expired. [Applause.][Laughter.]You did not lose any time, the clock was paused. [Applause.]
Prince M G BUTHELEZI/ LIM... END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 6
Mr M G P LEKOTA
**isiZulu incomplete**
Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Mr Speaker, Your Excellency the President - Msholozi, Your Excellency the Deputy President - Mkhuluwa, hon Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members, I rise to speak with a sense of utter distress. As hard as I tried to hear something in the President's state of the nation address that would restore my confidence in the current leadership of our nation, I found nothing on which to pin my hopes. What I heard in the state of the nation address were aspirations and dreams. What I did not hear, are timeframes, strategies or anything for which we could hold the President's administration accountable, in this last year of the fourth democratic Parliament.
Indeed, Your Excellency, I doubt whether anything you spoke of, last Thursday, will come to fruition in the lifetime of your Presidency or perhaps even in your lifetime – let alone in the lifetime of my brother Mr Mlangeni and me. I say this with respect, but with utter distress.
IsiZulu:
English:
I looked for something last Thursday on which to pin my hopes, because I remember how hope actually sustained our liberation struggle. Even in the darkest nights, we retained hope of eventual freedom, and that hope kept our cause alive. Without hope, the future can no longer be imagined or pursued. For the first time in my life, I worry that our nation's future is darkening as, inch by inch, we drift further away from hope.
Last November the IFP stood in solidarity with the opposition parties in this Parliament as we tabled a motion of no confidence in our President. That motion was driven by the shared understanding that the divide between the ruling party and the opposition in South Africa is no longer purely a difference in ideology, perspective or opinion. It is a fundamental difference in values. The values which we believe in as the opposition, the very values which are held dear in our society, have been abandoned by the ANC - the ruling party.
These abandoned values are the values of Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme, Dr John Dube, Mr Makgatho, Rev Mahabane, Dr Moroka, Inkosi Albert Luthuli and other prominent past leaders of the ANC.
IsiZulu:
English:
Now, however, the ANC believes the state is there to be pillaged, abused and disrespected for the self-enrichment of the ruling class. The rest of us believe the state is an instrument to serve the people of South Africa, to meet the needs, wants and aspirations of our people. There is a fundamental divide between the ruling party and the people of South Africa, and that divide is growing.
The President referred to the vast number of comments he had seen from South Africans on Facebook and Twitter. He is right that South Africans have a great deal to say. We have much to contribute. But how many of those comments expressed concern, frustration and anger?
The IFP invited South Africans to comment on Facebook during the state of the nation address and to express their opinion on whether our President is telling it like it is or not. And they spoke. Not just on Facebook, but across the broad spectrum of social media. Sam Nujoma said "Zoooma lives in his own world, and expects us to believe him." Unathi Fiti said, "Yet another empty promise from our President." Anton Pillay said, "All the promises you made before you got elected; they aren't come true."
These few comments reflect an overwhelming public opinion that the President's address does not describe the state of our nation. The real state of our nation is expressed in the cry of more than a million young people who sit without work, while the President asks the private sector to absorb only 11 000 FET graduates. The real state of our nation is expressed in the children who sat without textbooks for more than half a year, while the President asks the private sector to fund maths and science academies and Saturday schools. The real state of our nation is very different to what the President describes.
I have said before that I cannot walk in harmony with a President who is perceived, by some people, to be speaking from both sides of his mouth. Mr President, you seem to speak from both sides of your mouth. What daring to speak about the Bill of Rights, as you did, when you yourself are compromised on this issue, when you sing Umshini wami, mshini wami. You allow the slogan "Kill the Boer, kill the farmer". You have stood in this House, sir, and declared, quite without qualms, that the minority has fewer rights than the majority. [Interjections.] Where is your Constitution, Mr President? Please, show me where that hallowed document grants some citizens more rights than others.
I have said, many times, even before Polokwane, that I do not see the President as merely the President of the ANC. He is our Head of State. He is my President too - I have no other head of state. I thus afford him the respect he deserves. I wonder though why the President seems not to respect me, even as a citizen. I have written to him many times and received nothing more than an acknowledgement of receipt from his staff. [Interjections.] How should I interpret the fact that my latest letter was not even acknowledged?
That letter informed the President of my reasons for joining the motion of no confidence. I felt that my President should know why I no longer have confidence in his leadership. I am not standing in this House merely to attack him, or even to criticise for the sake of criticising what his government has done. I am standing here as a citizen who has lost hope and lost confidence, and who sees no way for us to continue on this path.
The time has come to close the first Republic under the ANC, which is characterised by corruption, lack of vision and lack of leadership. The time has come to usher in a second and better Republic dedicated to the people and the values of our liberation.
Our President has used the expression that "one must cut the coat according to the cloth" in his speech. As someone with many years of experience in governance, I know what he means. You can only work with what you have. That is what the President meant. And no one expects the President to do more for the country than what can realistically be done with the resources at government's disposal. But we all know that the resources at government's disposal are enormous and the budget allocations are generous to address key issues like education, poverty, inequality and healthcare. It is not for lack of throwing money at our problems that we flounder.
Our President also made it clear that what is happening globally is bound to affect us. But even within these two confines of limited cloth and the global economic meltdown, one cannot escape the truth that this government has wasted money. It has wasted the resources available to it. What has been promised has not been delivered. And corruption has darkened the soul of our government. To my mind, the President has lost his credibility to speak of external challenges.
For three years I have said in this debate that the IFP will support this government where this government does the right thing, and I will support the President when the President does the right thing. Thus I will not stand here and say that government has done nothing for our people, that would be dishonesty. I was in government for ten years and I know what we did for this country. Even from the opposition benches the IFP has seen government doing some things for the people. But not enough things; not quickly enough. Not with the kind of commitment that reality demands.
Instead, resources have been frittered away at every level of government. In national government, provincial administrations and municipalities, performance is so poor and delivery so slow that I have lost hope of us ever coming close to addressing South Africa's problems successfully. I no longer believe that the vast sums of money set aside to address specific problems will actually reach those problems. So, even the amounts the President quoted for infrastructure development are meaningless - if there is no guarantee that they will serve the purpose for which they are set aside.
In spite of all the countermeasures the President mentioned that corruption is endemic. There is no visible improvement in corruption. Why should we be impressed that government has now decided that accounting officers should face consequences for noncompliance with accountability measures? Why have there been no consequences before?
Euphemisms and hyperbolic catch phrases will do nothing to solve genuine problems. The President told us that in 2008 government declared education as an apex priority. While education was an apex priority teachers were allowed to strike, textbooks were dumped in Limpopo, learners entered high school functionally illiterate, pass rates were dismal and thousands of learners simply dropped out.
So now, we are changing the name apex priority, as though the name had anything to do with the problem. Now we are calling education an essential service. But, just to clarify, that doesn't mean teachers cannot strike. It simply means - well actually Mr President, what does it mean? [Laughter.] [Applause.] Giving the problem a new title will not solve the problem.
It is insulting for the President to say, "We want society to take education more seriously" and "We want everyone in the country to realise that education is an essential service." Sir, with due respect, we do take education seriously. We know it is an essential service. The people of this country have been begging for solutions to our failing education system. The only one that has not been taking education seriously is government.
It is also insulting to the people of this country to say that the Annual National Assessments have become a powerful tool of assessing our education system, without having the honesty to say that the assessments have left us in a shock over how dismally our schools are performing. Study after study, report after report, South Africa's education system is proven to be worsening. Let us have the honesty to say so.
Let us also have the honesty to say that the R102 billion that has been spent on consultants in the past three years points to a civil service that has no idea how to do its job. Apparently over the past 19 years no progress has been made in building a civil service that knows how to govern effectively, efficiently or at all.
Yet when governance at all levels dismally fails, when money is rolled over and not spent, when corruption takes out service delivery; national government steps in. The interventions in Limpopo and the Eastern Cape indicate the extent of the problem. But such intervention is no panacea at all, as the President would have us believe. It is also blatantly untrue that when the state intervenes in private industry, it turns things around and creates success.
In fact, the opposite is true. How many state-owned enterprises are prospering? SAA? I remember how many times, as a member of Cabinet, we bailed out SAA and I know that that was a Cabinet secret, but in this House you can say anything, Mr President. Denel, for example.
There is no evidence to suggest that government would do a better job running our mines than private companies. Even if, after years of playing foodie with the idea of nationalisation, the ruling party has abandoned this notion, the crisis in mining has not gone away. The President would have us believe that because an interministerial committee supposedly restored social stability in Marikana, and because a Commission of Enquiry was set up, all is now done and dusted and squared away and there is nothing left to worry about.
It is again an insulting euphemism to refer to Marikana and the violent strikes that followed as difficulties in the mining sector in the past few months. Has any calculation been made of all that has been lost in the many protests and strikes that have swept our country? Has anyone calculated the cost of the looting of shops, the destruction of properties and the lost productivity? Has anyone calculated the cost to our national psyche, our social cohesion and our trust in the rule of law?
When I was in high school, our principal explained that one man's right ends where another man's right begins. When property is destroyed during violent protests, the Bill of Rights is trampled. And when teachers are allowed to strike, leaving learners without access to education, the Bill of Rights is trampled. Why then, Mr President, are you bowing down to Sadtu, except for the obvious reason that you need their political support?
I wonder how far we will get with the National Development Plan, when Cosatu has already compared it with Gear. I had butterflies in my stomach when I heard that. How long before we hear the resounding call, "Asiyifuni NDP! Asiyifuni!" [We don't want NDP! We don't want it!] Mr President, you cannot implement the NDP to please your alliance partners.
One cannot help but wonder if the analysts are right; that very few in either the ANC or its alliance partners have read the 450 odd pages of the NDP. How many departments offered comments to the National Planning Commission on specific details of the NDP? The IFP submitted some 20 000 words of advice. We thus have no illusions about the NDP changing anything in our country in the next year, or the next five years. This is a twenty-year vision, populated with aspirations and goals. We fully support the NDP, but we realise that it is not the Band Aid the President would have us believe.
There is no Band Aid for the crises in education, healthcare, unemployment and poverty. When R126 million is set aside in the human settlements budget for gap housing, and only R70 million is spent, the Band Aid clearly didn't work.
Let me offer the President some words of advice. Your Excellency, don't expect the Expanded Public Works Programme and the Community Work Programme to absorb all our unemployed youth. Do not insult those millions of young South Africans with the platitude, "Working together we will find a solution to youth unemployment." Don't expect South Africans to be silent as inflation robs them of food on their table and a roof over their heads. Don't think that the passing mention of the rape and murder of women and girls, in recent times, is enough to solve a scourge that has been plaguing our nation for decades. And, don't drive wedges between our people by making it increasingly impossible for some segments of our society to do business, find jobs and provide for their families, all in the name of Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment.
Finally, let me speak about the sanctity of human life. South Africa comes from a past of the people's war - of a black-on-black bloodshed and political violence. How much has the 19 years really changed? Even now we have intraparty and interparty violence; particularly in KwaZulu-Natal, we have rape, looting and rampant crime. With all the assurances that our police are gaining control, the situation appears to be out of hand. Perhaps, we should look to the number of prisoners filling our prisons to capacity. Perhaps, that would be a proper indication of whether we are winning this war, or losing it.
Marikana should remind us how easily things can get out of hand. Throughout the history of man, Homo sapiens, there have been conflicts which resulted in war. Coming as we do from a past of war, we should be more concerned about political violence. Disdain for the sanctity of human life clearly still hangs over our heads. It seems some people have no qualms of conscience, no scruples, either conscientious or religious, about killing people for political reasons. I was hoping to hear our President pronounce on this
matter.
He and I come from different schools. Our President knows that when the ANC abandoned the values of its 1912 founding fathers, which I clung to, and embraced violence as a means to end apartheid, the IFP did not agree. In 1979 our two parties met in London to discuss an armed struggle, and the ANC urged Inkatha to avail its structures to bring bloodshed and violence into this country, and we refused.
I upheld the sanctity of human life in every circumstance. [Interjections.]
Thos who are shouting Wow-wow-wow! Did I ask for amnesty? Mr Mbeki and some of the leaders, including the President, asked for amnesty. So, arrest me! [Applause.]
I felt we should adopt a composite strategy towards ending apartheid, through negotiations, which was the dream of the 1912 founding fathers of the ANC. Still, I never condemned the decision of the ANC to take up arms and I understood the frustration that drove our liberation movements, ANC, PAC, and others to take up arms. In fact, addressing a thousands strong rally at Jabulani amphitheatre, in Soweto, I publicly said that they could go through that fence, for our border is very wide. Cabinet then sent Minister Piet Koornhof to complain about what they understood to be my support for the armed struggle.
However, I have always believed in the sanctity of human life. My respect for life never diminished, no matter what happened, throughout the people's war and afterwards. Thus, I never ordered, ratified, condoned or authorised a single human rights' violation. I think it important that leaders pronounce where they stand on these matters, for even today political killings continue.
The political violence of last year demands that the President of the ANC, and the President of our country, pronounce on the sanctity of human life and declare where he stands with regards to political violence. Our President has spoken about people's right to life, but somehow this has no resonance given our history. One would want all our country's leaders to be able to say, "My hands are clean, my conscience is clear". But our history speaks otherwise.
[Interjections.]
Yes, there were lists before Mangaung of ANC people that had to be killed because they belong to certain faction and some of our names were in that list. Yes, with all your crowing – that is the truth and those are facts of the matter.
South Africans wanted to hear, last Thursday, what this government is going to do to turn things around. Instead, we heard nothing new. The state of the nation address was deeply disappointing. It has caused me, at last, to lose hope. Not in my beloved country, but in my President, whom I love and respect. It has given me no cause for renewed confidence and I find myself leading my Party to return to a motion of no confidence, mentioned by the Leader of the Opposition. And I am not worried about the juvenile political games of the Chief Whip.
The time is indeed here to close the door on this first Republic and to admit that through corruption, poor leadership and a lack of vision, South Africa was placed on a path to destruction. Let us open now, with the rising voice of a nation at odds with its government, the better second Republic that our people deserve. Let us set this country on the right course, by doing what is needed: by unseating a leadership not fit to rule. Nxamalala, Msholozi. Thank you. [Applause.]
THE MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY NATIONAL PLANNING COMMISSION ... END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 7
PRINCE M G BUTHELEZI
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,21 Feb 2013,"Take 7 [National Assembly Chamber Main].doc"
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: NATIONAL PLANNING COMMISSION: Mr Speaker, his Excellency President Zuma, hon Deputy President, Cabinet colleagues and Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, coming after the three speakers who have spoken before me, there is a fundamental question, I think, that confronts us in this House: What binds us as a nation? What binds us as Members of Parliament? Taking account of our history, we must agree that the great social compact that is our Constitution binds us together regardless of political affiliation.
The promise articulated in the Preamble where it commits us to: "Improve the quality of life of all citizens and to free the potential of each person" is what we must all strive for. So we are bound together as members to strive for development and that as the author, Duncan Green, so simply puts it:
Development is about transforming the lives and expectations of a nation's inhabitants, an ambition that goes far beyond simply increasing monetary income
This is, in essence, what the national development plan is about. It is a commitment to present generations of people living in poverty that we will act to raise their living standards, and a pledge to all the future generations of South Africans that they will be better off than previous generations. I know that this sounds somewhat trite. But, I use these principles as a reminder nonetheless about what actually convenes us here.
As a government and as reaffirmed by the ruling party recently, we made a strong commitment to ensuring we uphold the principles embodied in our Constitution. But, we understand that this cannot be done by government alone and recognise the importance of having united action by all South Africans to eradicate poverty, create employment and reduce inequality as outlined in Vision 2030 and the National Development Plan.
Our country is characterised by high levels of poverty and inequality. Governing in such an unequal country is difficult. The interests of a billionaire are obviously different from a manager earning R1 000 000.00 a year. The interest of that manager is different from the person earning R50 000 a year, and yes the interest of the worker earning R50 000 a year is very different from the unemployed women in rural Sekhukhuneland earning nothing. It is very difficult to govern in such an unequal country. It is very difficult to find a common ground. But it is in our collective interest to find solutions to our problems through dialogue and change rather than violence.
Our historic task is to transcend the success of the democratic transition and build a society in which we can all have opportunity, in which the state is capable and effective, in which people are able to find work, in which the poorest children get quality education and in which business can thrive.
When President Zuma stated in the state of the nation address on Thursday that:
The National Development Plan is a road map to a South Africa where we will all have water, electricity, sanitation, jobs, housing, public transport, adequate nutrition, education, social protection, quality health care, recreation and a clean environment.
It was the promise of the Constitution that he was referring to.
Now, we might want to pause and reflect on the imagery of a roadmap. We all have experience of a roadmap folded in the cubbyhole of a car, when it appears that the driver is about to get lost, the map cannot easily be unfolded and there is usually a huge debate about which direction the vehicle is actually facing to start with. That cannot be the type of roadmap that President Zuma was referring me to. Trust me on this one!
He was referring to a dynamic interactive process, more like the global positioning system, GPS, in our vehicles that will shout at us when we veer off course. "I said turn left 200 metres back, why haven't you?" It's not just that the destination of the third and prosperous society that is in itself important. The route we take, the processes we follow, are equally important because uniting our country is an essential element of achieving the destination. What is important in our context is to look back at the journey that we have travelled since we adopted our Constitution here, in this House, 17 years ago and to calculate the distance to reach the kind of society described for our country. Then we can agree again with Duncan Green when he writes:
People living in poverty must take or create power over their own lives and destinies. To develop, countries need educated, informed and healthy citizens and a state both willing and able to provide these essential services on which their wellbeing depends. The state must also ensure that both the quality and quantity of economic growth meet developmental needs.
It is important that we be conscious of the need to focus both on the quality and the quantity of growth. Occasionally, one hears in the corridors a viewpoint that suggests that the country can raise the living standards of the poorest without economic growth. We should recognise that rapid growth of gross domestic product, GDP, is essential to attain the objectives of raising the living standards. No country has succeeded at raising living standards without rapid growth and we are unlikely to be the first to attain this feat.
It is for this reason that the National Development Plan, NDP, presents itself as a composite of a whole range of policies. It is not possible to look at the NDP as focusing on social policy or only on nation-building and pretend that the drivers of the economy exist somewhere else. All chapters of the plan must be addressed for implementation simultaneously.
So, as we begin to address the implementation of the plan, our early choices have to be about those, and I quote: "essential services on which their wellbeing depends, there being the poorest in society". However, we need a new urgency in this phase of democracy. This new phase of the implementation requires an urgency and focus that is different from anything we've had so far. This new phase requires different mind-sets how to work, greater commitment to democracy and accountability and, most importantly, a higher purpose to serve all the people of South Africa.
We need to choose what we can and must do first. For this reason, I want to ask that you support the urgent need to transform the state from what it is into one that is developmental in its orientation and capable of providing the services that will transform the lives of our people.
A capable and developmental state cannot operate in isolation. We must work in unison with strong leadership throughout society and an active citizenry supported by a supporting development and holding their government accountable. In setting out steps to shift the orientation of the state, I want to ask that we give urgent consideration to few important actions. Amongst these must be the need to change incentive structure for those of us in public office to strengthen the accountability chain.
Firstly, we must raise the consequences for those who do not perform the functions required of them. If teachers get paid even when they haven't taught our children; it is wrong, and there should be consequences. [Applause.] When health workers make lots of money in the private sector while they are in the employ of the state, where they then report for duty only to rest, there should be consequences. [Applause.] When policemen and women avoid being involved in crime prevention, there should, of course, be consequences. And when public servants do business with their employer there should be very serious consequences. [Applause.] If we want development, then we must recognise that we must lead the behavioural change through our own actions and through appropriate legislation.
Secondly, we have a responsibility to retrain and reorient the public service. It's interesting speaking after two former Cabinet colleagues who are now in intense discussion, but it's interesting to speak after them. I served along with them, I've looked at the legacy they have left behind in their respective to departments, and I ask who are you to throw stones? [Interjections.][Applause.] But - unfortunately, Minister Sisulu is not in the House at the moment - what we must do is commit together to retrain and reorient the public service. We need a very different set of skills, one that is focused on evidence-based decisions. If we want to use evidence then we must train public servants to actually use available evidence, or ensure that the datasets are generated and used in decision-making.
Minister Sisulu shared with me earlier that she will share detailed plans in this regard quite soon.
Thirdly, the plan points out that the present interface between members of the executive and senior public servants often results in both instability and blurred accountability that leads to poor performance. It is in the best interests of all South Africans, and I hope that every members of this House will see themselves as part of the vanguard of this, regardless of our political persuasion that we build a professional and capable public service in this country. [Applause.]
The National Development Plan asks Parliament to look at the compatibility of the Public Finance Management Act and the Public Service Act with the view of clarifying the accountability chain. The National Development Plan recommends the creation of an administrative head of the public service. While it's fairly easy for members on one side of the House to exclude themselves from responsibility, let me make the appeal and the call on Parliament to review the Public Service Act to address these concerns.
Fourthly, the National Planning Commission has recommended changes to improve the functioning of the intergovernmental system. This includes clarifying roles and responsibility for municipal planning, urban transport systems and the suite of activities relating to the built environment, namely housing, water and sanitation.
The National Planning Commission also recommended greater differentiation in the allocation of powers and functions, based on competency; a proposal that we believe is entirely consistent with the Constitution. Simplifying the delivery chain and enhancing our intergovernmental system will both strengthen accountability and improve service delivery. Again, we appeal to Parliament to address these matters in the course of this year.
Fifthly, the Commission recommends that the public interest mandates of state-owned enterprises be made explicit and public. Furthermore, there are several areas where clarity is required on the roles of regulators, policy ministries, shareholder ministries and boards. This is an area where Parliament can take the lead in reviewing legislation to achieve tighter accountability and better outcomes consistent with the National Development Plan.
The National Development Plan also makes several proposals to fight corruption in society. These proposals focus on enforcement, prevention and educating society. There are also detailed recommendations to improve value for money in our procurement system. We must recognise that supply chain management is the Achilles heel of our democracy. So much of what goes wrong, whether these wrongs masquerade as intra-party factions or whether it is just the reality that a segment of society that has wealth whose origins the individuals cannot explain, all of these wrongs are traceable back to the fissures in our supply chain management system. Parliament can no longer ignore the seriousness of this issue.
I want to reiterate the importance of the role and position of this august House in the context of ensuring that we have a state that is both developmental and capable. The first step in improving the state is to strengthen the accountability chain. That starts here in this House. A constitutional democracy has, at its apex, an elected Parliament that holds the executive accountable. I don't know how many people have read the full executive summary of the plan but it has some harsh words for this institution. Mr Speaker, please don't throw me out for quoting these words:
Accountability is essential to democracy. The accountability chain has to be strengthened from top to bottom. To begin with, parliamentary accountability is weak, with Parliament failing to fulfil its most basic oversight role.
It is crucial that society is able to look to the skills and competencies of Parliament. Good technical skills of parliamentarians backed by solid research teams are critical to stronger parliamentary oversight.
The second priority is to use the outcomes approach launched by the President three years ago to build tighter accountability chains for each area of government. A ruthless focus on implementation requires detailed implementation plans across government. So as an example, if the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development has a policy to reintroduce sexual offenses courts, then it is incumbent upon members to ask the following questions: What lessons were learnt from the last attempt to introduce such courts? How much will it cost? What special training will be given to court orderlies in these courts? How will it be rolled out? Where will these courts be located and why? Will these courts be integrated into welfare services? Will there be appropriate facilities for women or children to testify in private? How do we know that these courts will not cherry pick the easy cases?
Let me remind us that no change occurs if we merely think about it, or even just agree on broad policy parameters. A huge behavioural change that must occur is a shift to detailed discussions about implementation. Who does what? By when? At what cost? And how will we know that a difference is being made? These should be the kinds of questions that are repeatedly heard within this Parliament both in this House and in the committee rooms but also in government departments.
Without attention to such basic issues that relate to the implementation metrics, we will never be able to determine who should be held accountable for delivery or implementation failures. As we said earlier, this new phase of implementation requires an urgency and focus that is different from anything we have had so far.
The other side of an active and dynamic democracy is how the state and public representatives engage with the people we serve, and in whose interests we take decisions, and write laws. The National Development Plan underlines the importance of community-based organisations, trade unions and other organised formations of civil society to become active in the development of their communities and their country. Many of our problems, from poor quality education to violent crime, can only be solved through organised communities acting in partnership with a capable and developmental state.
Schools are often a reflection of the community. Well-organised communities can help a school achieve its objectives. But well-organised communities can also hold their schools to account if results slip below the expected standard or if teachers do not teach at least six hours a day. There has been a worrying decline in sport in many black communities. The excuse cited often relates to facilities. This cannot be true and it was not true in our case when we were growing up. The availability of facilities may be poor but it is much better than in decades past, yet many of our communities can only reminisce about days gone by when young people played football, netball or participated in track and field athletics. The state cannot organise these activities; they require communities to become organised.
Too often, we hear people only when they are truly frustrated by our lack of action. We can and must change this – we must do so because of a fundamental belief that people are their own liberators and, as we quoted earlier from Duncan Green: "must take or create power over their own lives and destinies". I recognise that it may not be appropriate for the state to organise the voice of the people, but we cannot have a democracy; or indeed, attach meaning to the idea of a developmental and capable state, unless there is an organised voice that supports or points out the failings of the system of development. I want to reiterate that united action by government and the people of our country is exceedingly important for the attainment of the society that our Constitution promises. Our goals are exactly the same.
None of what I have raised should come as a surprise to you, hon members. Perhaps, by emphasis I have reached into the deep recesses of memory in order to remind every member who we are, where we come from and what our purpose is as representatives of the people.
Part of what we need is a belief in what is possible, and to act to convene even when cracks present themselves in society.
Last week, Deputy President Motlanthe and a number of Ministers met with farmers and farmworkers here in the Western Cape to ensure that all parties to the dispute that claimed lives and property were heard. If the measure of success is in the ability of these contending parties to now talk to each other and raise their respective difficulties, much would have been achieved.
In his address last Thursday, President Zuma took us into confidence on the meeting he held with Sir John Parker, the chairman of Anglo American plc on their decision to retrench 14 500 workers. That process will have to be taken forward with Amplats, the affected unions and the Department of Mineral Resources. But I know that the President left that meeting with Sir John Parker confident that that leadership intervention will save many of those 14 500 jobs. [Applause.] These are examples, but two examples, of leadership demonstrated by the Presidency. We should know that our people respond positively to leadership, and frequently see this as a signal for them to become directly involved in problem solving. We will all accept that such leadership must involve taking some unpopular decisions from time to time – given the scale of our challenges, it could not be any different.
Our commitment must be to build the change that matters in the lives of our people. That is what the implementation of the National Development Plan is about. It calls on us to be far more conscious of what we seek to achieve. It allows us to initiate change across a fairly broad front of activities. It recognises that governments, through their departments will ultimately remain responsible and accountable for the transformation. It rekindles the role of Parliament in a dynamic democracy.
There are many areas that are not covered by the NDP and many more where detailed work is required. This work must be done in a collaborative manner across society. The solution to many of our challenges lies in being able to listen to each other's concerns and to plot a way forward taking into account such concerns.
Social dialogue is not about negotiations. Negotiations are often characterised by agreeing to the barest minimum or stooping to the lowest common denominator. Social dialogue is about finding acceptable solutions to our country's complex challenges; be they in the mining or farming sector or in fact anywhere else.
Despite what was said from this podium earlier, I've just read a National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Nasa, report about something called asteroid 2012 DA 14, it poses no threat. [Laughter.] [Applause.] What we need to do is to lower the volume, put the rhetoric aside and be prepared to listen and be persuaded. Without such a spirit, we will not heal this fractured land. Yes, it is difficult to govern in such an unequal society, with strong vested interests, but that is our challenge; to mobilise all of our people and social forces to work in partnership with their government for a society that is more fair and prosperous. The task of implementation has begun.
I would like to end with the imploring words of the poet Nontsizi Mgqwetho, when she says,
IsiXhosa:
"Masizakhe"! Le nto imbongi inochuku
Kunokuyeka ukhozo lungadliwa ziinkuku
Sizwe sini esi singehlisi buthongo
Sigqibe izwe lonke ngamaxa obongo
Nditsho ke mna, masizakhe!
English:
For the uninitiated, we need to build for each other. We can't look past the realities around us. Despite all that, there is no reason for us to let up in our country. We can't be a nation that sees its citizens sleepless because of their circumstances. We can't live as a nation when some rot in hovels. The call from our poet is 'let us build'.
IsiXhosa:
Somlomo wePalamente namalungu ahloniphekileyo, enkosi kakhulu.
Mr J J MC GLUWA/ NS/LIM CHECKED// END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 8
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,19 Feb 2013,"[Take-8] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][nm].doc"
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: NATIONAL PLANNING COMMISSION
Afrikaans:
Mnr J J MC GLUWA: Mr Speaker, ons hoor daagliks op televisie en radio, en ons lees dikwels in die koerante en op Facebook hoe mense hul misnoeë uitspreek oor die toestand van ons land. Suid-Afrikaners is besig om vertroue in ons te verloor. Hierdie land het soveel gedaanteverwisselinge – met so baie diagnostiese planne en uiteindelik die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsplan – ondergaan. Nieteenstaande hierdie planne is die gebrek aan implementering en korrupsie aan die orde van die dag.
English:
If the government fails to clamp down on corruption how can we expect South Africans to have any confidence in President Jacob Zuma? The President's address supposedly provided a progress report on the R860 billion of government spending. This was the classical trick of double counting because these funds had already been spent in 2009. He failed to inform us how much money was lost on these projects due to corruption. The President also missed a golden opportunity to clarify if he actually condones the R206 million upgrade of his Nkandla compound.
The response of the Minister of Public Service and Administration to my question number 972 in April last year regarding the ministerial handbook was that it would be finalised in mid-2012. In 2009 the President established one of his famous task teams to review the ministerial handbook. Four years later this has not been done and some of our Ministers continue to spend taxpayers' money extravagantly on office upgrades and other perks.
Sesotho:
Ho monate mona Palamenteng!
English:
Parliament also remains in the dark about the so-called presidential handbook. Mr Mac Maharaj, whose criminal case was withdrawn by the Scorpions in 2009, informed Radio 702 that there was no presidential handbook. What a contradiction! If this is true my advice to the Deputy President is to be careful as somebody might just have set him up.
Mr Cyril Ramaphosa was recently asked about the implementation of the Integrity Commission. "Watch this space", was his laidback response, as if he was speaking about the next season of a soap opera. How can South Africans trust commissions like this when the government continues to shower rewards on those who are politically connected?
One of the most powerful examples of corruption is worth comparing to that of President Jacob Zuma's complacency in fighting corruption within his own government. The British parliamentary expenses scandal makes a powerful point of comparison, where 25 public representatives who were involved either resigned, retired or announced that they would not stand again. This included the Speaker of the House of Commons. Why is this significant? It is because public servants should be held to the highest standards of integrity and ethics.
The hon Speaker informed this House in 2011 that Parliament had failed to recoup R12 million owed by errant Travelgate MPs. It was decided to write the debt off. Some of these MPs remain here today. [Interjections.] The crisp point is that several MPs who were convicted for corrupt activities or fraud still have cushy jobs within the government and the ruling party. [Interjections.] Some of them head up important entities in government. This is a question of political leadership and the President's leadership. The buck stops with him.
A case in point was the opportunistic appointment of Advocate Menzi Simelane, which clearly ran counter to the interests of the justice system. Section 218 of the Companies Act bars any person who has been found guilty of fraud and sentenced to prison without a suspended sentence from being a director of a company. Yet, befitting this President's unique style of leadership, Tony Yengeni is heading up the ANCs political and misnamed school of thought. Mr Yengeni was found guilty of corruption and he only resigned his directorship after unprecedented public pressure. Those who admitted guilt were never censored by the ANC. On the contrary, Patrick Maloyi for example, was an ANC candidate in 2009 and Bruce Kannemeyer was rewarded with a municipal manager position.
The President's government often seems content to stay just inside the law but the President fails to understand that the absence of ethics is in itself a form of de facto corruption. Take the E350 Mercedes Benz that was meant to be delivered to the then Tlokwe Potchefstroom ANC mayor, costing the taxpayer more than R700 000. The new DA mayor who was appointed after a motion of no confidence was passed against the ANC administration, sent that car back. [Applause.] In the Northern Cape, John Block had for years mined salt in the Kalahari with a fraudulent mining licence. In KwaZulu-Natal, the Manase report exposed unethical behaviour by ANC officials on a massive scale. Once again, this report was then suppressed from public view. In the North West, the member of executive council, MEC, for Social Development used R170 000 worth of taxpayers' money to attend the ANCs elective conference in December to cast her vote to re-elect President Jacob Zuma as the President of the ANC. Yet some of them still remain in office. This list goes on and on and on.
The South African people do not have confidence in the President who looks away while the tentacles of corruption spread through our public life. He fails to understand that the importance of politics to government lies in the ethics and moral compass which he, and only he, can provide. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr B H HOLOMISA / TH (Eng and Afr) / Mosa (Sesotho) / END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 9
Mr J J MC GLUWA
15:56:24.59
Mr B H HOLOMISA: Hon Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and hon members, Mr President, I would like to extend my sincere congratulations on your re-election as the president of the ANC, at the party's 2012 conference in Mangaung. [Applause.] It was gratifying to see that, contrary to popular belief and media speculation, the conference was peaceful.
IsiXhosa:
Kuwe ke mkhuluwa, ndivile ukuba wonyulwe njengenqununu, ngoko ke, siza kuthumela abantwana esikolweni ukuze ubafundise ipolitiki. Ndiyabulela.
English:
Coming back to the business of the day, South Africans from all walks of life have, over the past few days, shared their views on your 2013 state of the nation address, Sir. In this regard, the UDM would like to add its voice by proposing solutions to some of the critical issues affecting South Africa today.
The overreliance of state departments on consultants and independent contractors requires urgent attention. According to the Auditor-General's report, national government departments spent R33,5 billion on consultants between 2009 and 2011, while provincial departments spent another R68,5 billion. In other words, government departments spent a staggering R102 billion on consultants during that period. This is a damning indictment of a modern-day public administration.
It is also clear that there are serious structural and organisational deficiencies which cause departments to procure the services of consultants to do that which the taxpayers pay them to do. The Public Service Commission should be requested to investigate and write a report on the causes of this overreliance of state departments on consultants and independent contractors. The truth of the matter is that the goals of the National Development Plan will not be realised if government continues to appoint incompetent people. The billions of rands wasted on consultants could have been used to create jobs.
While on the subject of job creation, we believe that it is possible to reduce unemployment. This can be done by government refurbishing, for instance, all the abandoned factories in areas such as Dimbaza Butterworth, Queenstown, Mthatha; kwaMhlanga in Mpumalanga, Ekurhuleni in Gauteng; Thohoyandou in Limpopo; and Mmabatho in North West, with a view to creating jobs for the youth.
We should partner with leading international and local companies in the textile and steel manufacturing industries in a mentorship programme for the youth. Upon completion of this mentorship programme, graduates should be put in charge of these factories. The much talked-about youth wage subsidy should be structured in a way that accommodates a programme of this nature.
In the past, a lot of raw materials were processed domestically, but today, these factories are closing in droves. The common denominator is their inability to compete with imports from countries where their governments subsidise their products. We are concerned about the business community's perceived preference for employing foreign nationals over South Africans. This trend has been observed in industries like security and hospitality, in particular. We need to address this, as it has serious implications for social cohesion. We have to consider whether businesses should not be compelled to ensure that 60 to 70% of their staff complement is made up of South Africans.
We must also deal with the tensions caused by the takeover of businesses in townships, small towns and rural areas by foreign nationals. These tensions are created by, amongst others factors, the fact that these businesses do not create jobs for local people – they are run by the foreign owners and their families.
There has been much talk about greening programmes for South Africa. Packaged properly, these programmes have the potential to create job opportunities for semiskilled workers. Such job opportunities could range from projects on combating soil erosion to creating community forests, and so on.
You mentioned infrastructure development as one of the government's apex priorities. It would help public debate as well as progress monitoring, if government publishes the infrastructure development map, including projects that are run by state-owned enterprises. For example, last year I wrote you a letter requesting your infrastructure committee to consider building a railway link between Mthatha, Kokstad, Queenstown and East London. The purpose of the railway line would be to improve public transport in these areas and reduce traffic, thus reducing the high rate of accidents on the N2.
The development of a monitoring mechanism is very important, Mr President, in that it enables one to keep track of progress. For instance, are you aware that the company that was tasked with the construction of the Mthatha Airport terminal building has left the work unfinished? We are pleased, however, with the progress made by the SA National Defence Force, SANDF, on the runway.
While still on the subject of infrastructure development, today, I received a letter from Mr Muthala, principal of the Tshadama Secondary School in the Vhembe District of Limpopo. He talks about the difficulties facing the teachers and 480 learners in eight classrooms. The school has been teaching many of its learners under trees. Despite these challenges, it managed to achieve a 100% pass rate in Physical Science, and this, without a laboratory. Their overall pass rate for 2011 was 69% and this increased to 96% in 2012. The school claims that the education department has not helped it with the request to build extra classrooms. Mr President, I have the pleasure of handing you this letter so that you can ask the relevant department to look into it.
In conclusion, we have taken note of your announcement that you will deal decisively with violent protests and strikes. According to the multilevel government initiative, in the first eight months of last year, a total of 79,2% of protests turned violent. In other words, eight out of 10 service delivery protests ended up in violence. This unprecedented increase in service delivery protests, together with the use of violence, is cause for concern.
Finally, not only are the poor unhappy about the levels of corruption, maladministration and poor service delivery at the various government levels, but they are so desperate for government's attention that they resort to the use of violence. We look forward to seeing government taking steps to address the underlying causes of this problem. We ought to ensure that our efforts to create peace and prosperity in the world do not distract us from our primary mandate of ensuring the safety and security of South Africans.
To you, hon Chief Whip ...
IsiXhosa:
... kuza kufuneka sikubeke endleleni ngokukhawuleza, ungasiqheli.
English:
You continue to feast on the National Party carcass. You are the last one to point fingers.
IsiXhosa:
Ndigqibile. [Kwaqhwatywa.]
THE MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS / Nb/ END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 10
Mr B H HOLOMISA
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,19 Feb 2013,"[Take-10] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][nm].doc"
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: Hon Speaker, President of the Republic of South Africa, Deputy President, Cabinet, colleagues, Deputy Ministers, hon members, fellow South Africans and friends, Mr President, there are many who have already described your 2013 state of the nation address as both honest in its assessment of our nation's progress in the 20 years of freedom, and as a useful basis for our plans going forward. As the ANC we can't agree more.
On the occasion of this debate, therefore, we are presented with an opportunity to take a pause and go back to the basics. To take a step back and remind ourselves of the foundation that forms the basis of our task in building and sustaining the democratic state.
In conceptualising the national democratic revolution, the ANC recognised that the first challenge facing our society was the need to build a nation out of the divisions created by years of colonialisation and sustained later through the system of apartheid.
The recognition that the racial and class stratification of our society has meant that South Africa entered into its democratic breakthrough in 1994 not as one nation. This may have resulted in a situation where that political breakthrough could represent different meanings to different sections of our society. Hence the call for nation building as a rallying point to unite our people and forge a common vision for South Africa. It is these basics that I want us to look back to in this debate.
Hon Speaker, as our country edges towards the third decade of freedom, the imperative for us as a nation is to build national consensus on what should constitute the absolute priorities for our country. This national consensus should be able to assist the country across political and other divides to unite on a minimum programme that transcends all sectors of our society.
In his address the President urged us to look at some of the essential priorities on which we can agree including, and not limited to, issues of education, health, poverty and the safety of our children. He went on to present the National Development Plan as an embodiment of our shared set of objectives; a common vision for a different South Africa.
In line with this we need to develop a programme of essentials on which we can agree. The National Development Plan commits us as a nation to accelerate progress, deepen democracy and build a more inclusive society. It calls on South Africans to translate political emancipation into economic wellbeing for all. Most importantly it strongly asserts that it is up to all South Africans to fix the future by starting today.
The President reported in his address last week that the government has accepted the thrust of the National Development Plan and offers it as a basis on which we should unite as a country despite our political affiliations. He has called for a collective effort when he reminded us that no single force acting individually can achieve the objectives we have set for ourselves.
Hon members, over the past four years or so the departments constituting government's Justice Crime Prevention and Security cluster have engaged with the processes and made inputs into the development of the National Development Plan. As part of the cluster, the Department of Defence has had a unique opportunity and we were fortunate that the development of the National Development Plan, NDP, coincided with process of the Defence Review ensuring alignment between the two.
The Defence Review which was initiated by my predecessor, and which will be finalized by the end of the financial year, already positions the role of our Defence Force as a key national asset that can without detriment to its primary functions, carry out directed actions to support national development. In this regard the Review also acknowledges that the inherent potential of the Defence Force to support national development can be realised almost automatically as a direct result of its normal peacetime activities.
It is however, also important to understand South Africa's international defence obligations within the context of its support to development. The role of the military in supporting peace and stability in the continent is in line with our foreign policy objectives. These objectives recognise the fact that South Africa's own development cannot happen outside that of the continent and that our fortunes as a country are dependent and linked to the success of the African story.
Situations of war and instability in any part of the continent are detriment to effective development and as a result may pose direct or indirect threat to South Africa's own national interest. As part of this national consensus it is important for all of us to understand and appreciate this principle and consideration in the role played by our Defence Force in supporting peace and development within the continent.
Deputy Speaker, I am aware that recently there have been attempts to present this important role as unnecessary, wasteful and without benefit to South Africa. This assertion, in particular with regard to our engagements in the Mozambique Channel, the Central African Republic and most recently the troops' contribution to theSouthern African Development Community, SADC, neutral force in theDemocratic Republic of the Congo, DRC, has at times been deliberately misleading and dishonest. As unconventional as it is I thought that I should use this opportunity of this debate to clarify some of these issues.
On Mali and in line with our commitment to democracy and stability in the continent, South Africa has on more than one occasion condemned the unconstitutional changes in government that took place in Mali in March 2012. We remain extremely concerned about the control exerted by the armed groups in northern Mali and their thwarted advance towards the south.
In particular, we have expressed concern at the senseless violation and destruction of the museums and other critical parts of the historical heritage sites. These included the holy shrines, infrastructure and manuscripts in Timbuktu, including the damage caused to the Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Learning and Islamic Research. As South Africa, we welcome efforts made by Economic Community of West African States, Ecowas, together with theAfrican Union, AU, and the United Nations in providing a platform for mediation to find a lasting political solution to the Mali crisis.
South Africa was part of the donors' conference held in Addis Ababa in January where we pledged to give support in whatever way we can. As a matter of record South Africa will not be contributing any troops to the African-led International Support Mission to Mali, Afisma, as troops have been pledged by the Ecowas region.
On the Central African Republic, South Africa's engagement in this country is based on a Bilateral Defence Corporation Agreement and the AU Peace and Security Council resolutions on requiring member states to provide support for the socioeconomic recovery and the consolidation of peace and stability in the Central African Republic. In line with this, South Africa signed a Defence Co-operation with the Central African Republic, CAR, to assist in capacity building of the CAR army. This military training assistance includes provision of equipments.
As we are all aware, towards the end of last year there were reports of rebel activity and military threats to depose the government of the CAR. In January this year, we extended the memorandum of understanding, MoU, for another 5 years and authorised the deployment of up to 400 soldiers as part of the military co-operation agreement.
The additional South African soldiers were sent to the CAR as protectors should the need arise for the 26 trainers to be defended. Of course, we had to ensure that the assets which we have in the Central African Republic, are also protected and that they do not fall into the wrong hands and be used in the conflict that was developing in that country. We have since welcomed the deal reached between the president of that country and the rebels, who sought to overthrow him, to create a coalition government.
On the insistence of the South Africa we have not moved out of the CAR because, amongst others, there has been a request by the UN representatives to that country, that countries that are on the ground in the Central African Republic should remain in the ground lest we see another Mali evolving.
On the Democratic Republic of Congowe have been actively involved on a bilateral as well as multilateral level in striving to bring peace and stability in the eastern DRC. In the multilateral fora South Africa at present continues to support the Monusco deployment in the DRC through the contribution of 1250 forces.
Following the March 23 Movement, M23, rebel group takeover of Goma city in the eastern DRC on 20 November 2012, South Africa has been actively involved as a member state of the Southern African Development Community in finding a lasting solution for the situation in the DRC. A joint strategy was developed by the chiefs of our Defence Forces of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, ICGLR, and SADC proposing that an intervention force be sent to the eastern DRC.
The AU is currently engaging the UN on the strategy and, only following this engagement will it be implemented. Recent reports of South Africa having sent troops to go and fight in the DRC are therefore misplaced.
Should the strategy go ahead, South Africa will not be sending additional troops to the DRC. We have pledged to contribute a brigade to the intervention force by removing our current brigade from Monusco so as to serve under the intervention force. I therefore, want to categorically reject recent allegations made in our local newspapers that we are endangering the lives of our troops by moving them to the intervention force.
It must also be mentioned that our troops have been deployed in the eastern DRC for a number of years and are familiar with the terrain and the forces on the ground. South Africa remains committed to finding a lasting political solution to the problems that result in the destabilisation of the DRC as a whole.
Hon Speaker, it is important that the Defence Force continues to be seen by all of us as an essential national asset that should be protected from political postulations or used to achieve sectarian political interest. All of us should make careful consideration to avoid the dangerous temptation to play political football with issues of our Defence Force. Keep it free from the influences of varying and competing political interests. Our part as government we will continue to ensure that the primary functions of our Defence Force will remain those of deterrence, defence and the protection of key national interests.
In a similar vein, it is important for all of us, both within and outside government to desist from the trend of viewing the Defence Force as merely a cost centre that consumes enormous resources without any substantial reciprocal benefits to the country, and for it to be seen for its true value to the nation and its national interest.
Informed by the requirements of the Defence Review, we will continue to engage with both the National Treasury and the Cabinet on the appropriate resourcing of the Defence Force. It is our view that given the centrality of the defence mandate to the development of our national interest in general, the state should ensure that the capabilities of our Defence Force are not compromised by rolling budget cuts to the detriment of South Africa's role and position in the geopolitical setup.
It is however also a key mandate of the Defence Force to create conditions of peace and stability so indispensable to economic development and the safety of citizens. We therefore, in line with the requirements of the Constitution deploy its members in support of theSA Police Service, SAPS, when it is necessary.
The maintenance of law and order and the fight against crime still remains the central responsibility of the SA Police Service. Only in exceptional circumstances of a serious threat to law and order should the Defence Force be called upon to assist the police. It is important that all of us resist the temptation to easily call on the Defence Force to conduct normal policing work as this could easily gravitates us into a militarised state reminiscent of the perpetual state of emergency.
As experienced in the past this kind of action has the potential to erode the public confidence and trust in the Defence Force a situation that can have dire consequences for the stability of the country.
Madam Deputy Speaker, following Mr Nxesi's release of the report of the task team that investigated the process followed in effecting security upgrades at the President's residence, we decided to pay attention to those matters in the report in which the South African National Defence Force, SANDF, or the Department of Defence and Military Veterans has played a direct role. We are of the view that those matters that are a subject of further investigation as recommended by the task team, including if any that involve the Department of Defence and Military Veterans, DoD, should continue to be dealt with through that process.
It is important that this investigation continues unhindered in order to ensure that we can account to the South African public about the corrective measures that are being taken in cases where any wrongdoing is established.
From an operational point of view, we have reviewed the work done in relation to the support that the SANDF provides to the President and made the following observations. Firstly, a clinic facility has been built as part of the operational requirements of the presidential medical unit under SA Military Health Service, SAMHS. Secondly, a helipad facility has been erected for the specific operational requirements of the South African Air Force. Thirdly, accommodation units for the various members of the SANDF who are required to perform duties in support of the President
This work and the costs associated with it is part of the operational requirements requested by various government departments involved in support of the President. The cost of these departmental requirements constituted the bulk of the total spend of the R206 million on the project, calculated at over R135 million. In terms of the report the rest of the expenditure, just over R71 million was accounted as having been used for security upgrades as per the assessment of security agencies. These security requirements included physical security, evacuation systems and fire fighting capabilities.
The investigation found no evidence that any of these funds were used to build the actual houses of the President which were at completion level at the time of his appointment in 2009. This is very important, hon members. [Applause.] There has also been no evidence suggesting that the conclusion of the task team investigation was wrong except general statements of painful accusations and baseless suspicions.
As I have indicated, the process of approval and procurement related to the operational requirements of departments, including the Department of Defence, will also be subject of the same investigation announced by the Minister last month.
For now, it is our decision to increase the initial size of the medical facility in the residence to a bigger clinic outside given the perimeter of the residence was wrong and miscalculated. Listen so that you can understand what I'm saying. In this regard having assessed both the location and the size of the clinic facility, it is our view that, save for minor adjustments, the clinic has adequate capacity to serve both the requirements of the Presidency whenever necessary as well as provide a service for the community of Nkandla. [Applause.]
Discussions amongst the various role-players, including the KwaZulu-Natal's Department of Health have already started to effect this decision. It is also important for me to indicate that even with the pending investigation on these matters, government has already acknowledge lessons learnt from some of the mistakes as reported by the task team.
I must however indicate, in general terms, that the burden of where the buck stops has meant for politicians that even in cases where you may not be directly responsible for certain matters associated with your work, you nevertheless are expected to take final responsibility. I have commented to some of my colleagues about the extent to which they personally get involved or aware of various works that is done in their residences through the Department of Public Works.
It is common cause that works such as upgrades and general maintenance on properties, including costing and acquisition of contractors, is entirely under the direct care of Public Works officials at national and regional offices. The Minister is on record about his concerns regarding the weaknesses and levels of collusion that have resulted in inflation costs and the poor financial controls in the department.
Speaking for all of us including you hon members who also live in state accommodation here in Cape Town, we can agree that none of us are ever consulted about the work done in any of our official residences where we live as well as the costs and the budgets associated with it...[Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon mermbers! We want to hear the speaker, please.
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS: ...yet should there be an enquiry about such costs, the impression is easily created that since money was spent in the property where you live, you are therefore somehow responsible.
At times therefore, I have found it unfair and unreasonable given our own experiences that there are some amongst us here who find it strange if a politician living in such a house says that they have not been aware of the nature of the work and costs done at their residences by relevant departments.
Hon members and colleagues, the responsibility entrusted on us as public representatives is too serious to be subjected to political whims and the usual temptations to gain advantage over one another. The attainment of freedom and democracy by our people, following decades of bitter struggle, was not just for a section of society but a national achievement embraced by all of us.
Therefore, what is our leadership task in this House in sustaining such nationalism and pride that our people were denied for so long before that? We yearned to be free. It was for this reason that our leaders before us convened across political divide in 1955 at Kliptown and declared unity in action for a future society our people yearned for. That was their leadership task.
If we are to emulate the revolutionary maturity of those who drew the Freedom Charter - the basis of our Constitution - then we should recognise that the task that history lays before us is that of uniting our people. If there is a common future for our people, then our task is to lead them on a common journey to such a future.
I thank you all.
Mr R A P TROLLIP / GC / END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 11
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND MILITARY VETERANS
Mr R A P TROLLIP: Hon Speaker and Mr President, Shakespeare wrote: "The evil that men do lives after them, the good is oft interred with their bones; So let it be with Caesar."
IsiXhosa:
Mongameli njengoBrutus, andizanga zokuncoma, iimbongi zakho zanele kwelo cala. Ndifunde kule veki iphelileyo Mongameli, kwileta behalwe nguGqirha uNtyintyane, kwiBusiness Day, ecebisa enye imbongi yakho uMphathiswa uThulas Nxesi, esithi...
English:
... "It is fine if party apparatchiks choose to shine the President's shoes, but don't ask the electorate to help you."
Mr President, you should not misinterpret your re-election at Mangaung to mean that the electorate share this fawning adulation. Considering the challenges that face South Africans on a daily basis, you would do well to consider the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of the independent India. He said in 1947, ...
IsiXhosa:
...mamela Mphathiswa...
English: ...
Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future? ... That future is not one of ease or resting but incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges that we have so often taken. The service of India means the service of millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.
These words are apposite to the challenges that face your government today, as presented so eloquently by Minister Manuel just before me.
Regarding the poverty in rural areas, let me state unambiguously that the DA recognises the devastating impact of the Natives Land Act, Act 27 of 1913 and the Native Trust and Land Act, Act 18 of 1936. We acknowledge that the consequences of this legislated and systematic dispossession of black Africans' property and the expropriation of their dignity, self-respect and freedom have bequeathed the victims of this grand larceny with impoverishment and grave disadvantage.
This needs to be redressed, hon President, much better than the ANC has done to date. Your latest promises though with regard to the reopening of the land claims process smack of ill-conceived and certainly unbudgeted political opportunism, especially in light of the failure of the land reform programme where the Minister, involved, Minister Nkwinti, by his own admission says that 90% of these programmes have failed. Mr President, you should know that the two ministers tasked with land and agrarian reform, Ministers Joemat-Pettersson, have become renowned for tilting at windmills in a vain endeavour to find scapegoats for their own spectacular failure in this regard. The snail's pace of land reform and the related agricultural productivity decline has much less to do with willing-buyer, willing-seller than it has to do with the cost of recapitalising failed land reform initiatives and incompetent and corrupt officials.
Your public endorsement of the National Development Plan is positive. It has hopefully brought an end to your uncomfortable egg dance performed to the tune of Zwelinzima Vavi and your disagreeable lapdog, Blade Nzimande. [Laughter.] What remains for you to do is to ensure that your mbongis and their departments implement the plan. There is scepticism, though, and some say this is a classic case of the right plan and the wrong man.
Mr President, let me warn you not to count on Minister Chabane's Department of Monitoring and Evaluation to ensure that this happens...
IsiXhosa:
...kuza kufuneka ikhokelwe nguwe Mongameli.
English:
Rather than holding separate, secret and exclusive meetings with the various agricultural stakeholders where government commitments and intentions are almost always ambiguous, you or your Deputy President should rather have called the agitators, who are the actual originators of the unprotected strike and thuggish behaviour in the Western Cape and explained to Deputy Minister Marius Fransman, Tony Ehrenreich and their acolytes that the destabilisation of the agricultural sector will have catastrophic job loss consequences, and the net result will be an increase of costs to the entire value chain that inevitably affects the poorest the worst.
IsiXhosa:
Abantu abachitha umsebenzi, lutshaba lomntu wonke ohlutshwa yindlala. Aba bantu bachitha imisebenzi, amaKomanisi noCosatu, bachitha nje imisenzi yonke le mihla.
English:
Your undertakings about how you will deal with violent protests will only gain credibility if you investigate and prosecute the perpetrators of violence in the Western Cape farmworker strikes through the priority courts that you mentioned.
IsiXhosa:
Sibone izolo ukuba iinkokeli zemibutho yokuhlala sezibanjiwe, zimangalelwe. Siza kubona ke ngoku ukuba ezaa nkokeli beziqhuba olu dushe apha eNtshona Kapa ziza kulandelwa kusini na.
English:
Despite the Deputy President's assurances to the farmers and commercial agricultural organisations that government has a vested interest in farming being profitable, the self-styled Western Cape Robin Hood, Tony "Errant Strike", and his gang members continue to adopt the strategy that the Spanish philosopher José Ortega y Gasset classically described: "When there is a shortage of bread, they burn down the bakeries." They demand higher pay despite unemployment, destroy the means of production and employment and strike while the fruit which pays their wages rots on the trees and vines. In Spain, for example, workers demand lower pay and chant, "Shed wages, not jobs".
IsiXhosa:
Kuba kaloku abazali baseSpain bayayazi ukuba baza kuhlala emakhaya xa kungekho misebenzi.
English:
What is most galling in this regard is that Minister Joemat-Pettersson has adopted a shop steward mentality throughout the stand-off and has disabused at least R10 million worth of taxpayers' money to fan the flames of unrest, instead of seeking a speedy and mutually acceptable and sustainable resolution to save an already very precarious yet economically critical sector of our economy. The eastern seaboard of this country has some of the most fertile agricultural land endowed with good reliable rainfall. This area is also home to three former Bantustans: KwaZulu, Transkei and Ciskei. These areas and the millions of people who live there remain as disadvantaged, unproductive and dependent as they were during apartheid.
The abominable KwaZulu-Natal Ingonyama Trust Act legislates that the citizens that live on its land, like those in the former Transkei and Ciskei to an extraconstitutional existence where the basic and founding provisions espoused in Chapter 1 of our Constitution, are abrogated and remain a figment of the imagination of especially the women who live there.
Instead of entrenching the prejudicial inequalities experienced by millions of South African citizens living on communal land, why, Mr President, don't you start immediately to redress this by granting all people who live on communal land, the ownership of their land? [Applause.] Why don't you give all beneficiaries of RDP houses freehold title to their homes? Why don't you ask hon Derek Hanekom why the people who farm in the Kat River have gone bankrupt because they were waiting for their title deeds that he promised them in 1995?
If economic empowerment and social emancipation is what you mean by providing a better life, you can do this one thing of simply removing the yoke of landlessness and state-designed dependency and the lives of millions of South Africans will start to improve. That is, Mr President, in the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, "If you are brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future." Ndiyabulela. [Thank you.]
The MINISTER OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES / LN/Mia / END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 12
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,21 Feb 2013,"Take 12 [National Assembly Chamber Main].doc"
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,19 Feb 2013,"[Take-12] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][nm].doc"
Mr R A P TROLLIP
The MINISTER OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES: Hon Deputy Speaker, honourable President, hon Deputy President and colleagues, in his 2012, state of the nation address, the President outlined the social and economic growth story of South Africa, which was about linking communities to small towns, from small towns to metropolitan areas and connecting provinces, as well as the movement of goods to facilitate economic transaction. This growth story recognised that we needed to change apartheid's development patterns skewed as they were towards a few but big cities and provinces.
In this regard, the 2012 state of the nation address recognised public sector spending as an important response to a shrinking global economy and sluggish domestic growth. Quite clearly, the 2012 state of the nation address was about outlining a new vision for inclusive growth and shared wealth, based on the progress of the previous 18 years of our democracy and the new socioeconomic challenges we faced as a nation in light of both the global economic recession, which had constrained our growth, as well as the persistent and pestilent challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality, which had continued stubbornly to dog our social transformation.
As you, Mr President, stated it, this year's state of the nation address was about reporting on the progress made since the 2012 state of the nation address when you outlined the new vision and also to discuss our programme of action for 2013. It would have been total folly to present a new vision again in 2013 on top of the vision the President unveiled in 2012, which has only just begun to be implemented. [Applause.]
But, of course, the opposition wants us to be stuck on endless visions so that they turn around and ask the question: Where is the implementation? When you implement the vision, they then turn around again and ask: Why is there no new vision?
The infrastructure investment the President unveiled in 2012 is a moral imperative for South Africa given the multidimensional nature of our social and economic challenges. It is pivotal to shift gear towards intensifying the struggle for social and economic freedom as we begin to usher the second transition towards the national democratic society characterised by high levels of equality, all-round development and a better life for all.
The President's government has chosen a policy approach predicated on three core developmental values, which are: to increase the availability and widen the distribution of wealth and income in South Africa; to raise the social living standards through employment and enhance the material wellbeing of the majority, which will generate national self-esteem; and to expand the range of economic and social choices available to citizens. These core values are achieved through the provision of social and economic infrastructure investment to drive economic development and growth.
In the last 12 months, under the leadership of the President through the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating
Commission, PICC, we launched the intergovernmental forums of the 18 strategic integrated projects.
We have seen that continued investment spending by public corporations and the broader public sector has contributed positively to the economic growth and development.
The key drivers are the ongoing public sector expenditure programmes, particularly the new transport infrastructure roll-out by Transnet and new power generation capacity by Eskom.
The concrete progress that has been achieved as a result of the heightened co-ordination, integration and focus - to which the President referred to in his address on Thursday - has been admirable and clearly demonstrating that the vision unveiled by the President last year is finding resonance in concrete practice.
Yet, the challenges ahead are mammoth, not least among which is the need to secure the future funding of the infrastructure programme both through the fiscus and the balance sheets of state-owned companies, as well as through unlocking domestic and foreign direct investments just to make a concrete reference to the infrastructure roll-out so as to make our people aware of the progress made.
Firstly, in terms of the strategic integrated project one, SIP1, aimed at unlocking the Northern Mineral Belt with Waterberg as the catalyst and despite recent labour unrest challenges, the Medupi Power Station is 58% complete, with a total spend of R60,4 billion, a total of 15 837 jobs. The Mokolo Crocodile Water Augmentation Project is 30% complete, with a total spend of R526,1 million, 300 jobs created and most of the components of the dam have been manufactured in South Africa. This project will increase water delivery by 37% at the end of February 2013. The De Hoop Dam and Pipeline Project are 15% complete, with a total spend of R505 million and 400 jobs created. The Komati Water Scheme is at over 60% complete, with a total spend-to-date of R807 million, over 300 jobs created. The Majuba heavy-haul line will commence construction this year, as the President announced last Thursday.
Secondly, with regard to the strategic integrated project two, SIP2, focusing on the Durban-Free State-Gauteng Logistics and Industrial Corridor, the new multiproduct fuel pipeline is on schedule, with the quantum spend on this project to-date being Rl6,9 billion, with an amount of 2490 jobs created. The procurement of rolling stock for general freight is at
73% completion, with a total spend-to-date of R2,7 billion and
159 jobs created. Fifty four per cent of local content on the manufacturing of locomotives has been secured and will strengthen Transnet engineering's manufacturing capabilities, contribute to job creation, skills development and the creation of downstream linkages. A feasibility study and an environmental impact assessment on the Durban Port Terminal's Pier 1 upgrade will be completed in 2014, and R70 million has to-date been spent on this project. The old Durban International Airport has been acquired and transferred to Transnet for the construction of the dig-out port. Cornubia, the first integrated human settlement will deliver almost 24 320 housing units - and 15 000 of which will be subsidised - has seen total spend-to-date of R94 million and created 554 jobs.
Thirdly, with regard to the strategic integrated project three, SIP3, the South-Eastern Node Corridor Development, the manganese ore rail to Ngqura project intended to increase rail capacity to increase the South African export of manganese from 5 to 16 million tons has not yet commenced, but is in its final planning stage. The manganese sinter plant in the Northern Cape reached cold commissioning stage in 2012. The Ngqura port was officially opened by the President in 2012 with further investment earmarked towards a fully fledged trans-shipment hub. The President has already reported on the Mthatha Airport.
Fourthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project four, SIP4, the focus is on unlocking the economic opportunities in the North West Province. The Taung Naledi Bulk Water is at 50% completion, with R272 million spent and 45 jobs created. Eskom has committed to an electrification programme of 20 000 houses. The government is revitalising the hospital, clinics and school in the provinces. The S'hamba Sonke Road Repair Programme has seen Rl27 million spend-to-date, with R892 million spend on the provincial road construction and both projects are 20% complete.
Fifthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project five, SIP5, which is the Northern Cape Development Corridor, R682 million has thus far been spent on the locomotives and wagons procurement, with 38% local content and 734 jobs created. The Sishen-Saldanha Phase 2 Rail and Port Expansion will commence in 2014 and current spend-to-date is Rl40 million.
Sixthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project six, SIP6, - the integrated municipal infrastructure projects - 177 facilities have been revitalised in the Eastern Cape and the project spend-to-date is at 22%. Five facilities have been revitalised in the Free State and 166 in KwaZulu-Natal, 150 in Limpopo, 37 in Mpumalanga, seven in the Northern Cape and 26 in the North West. The S'hamba Sonke road repair and maintenance project has thus far created 32 324 jobs, with a total spend-to-date of R2,5 billion.
Seventhly, with regard to the strategic integrated project seven, SIP7 - the integrated urban space and public transport system - Johannesburg Rea Vaya has created 1 185 jobs, with a spend-to-date R1,218 million. Cape Town's MyCiTi has created 635 job, with a spend of R2,923 million. The eThekwini has created 45 jobs, with a spend of R397 million. Nelson Mandela Bay has created 735 jobs with a spend of R83 million. Rustenburg has created 141 jobs, with a spend of R34l million and Tshwane has created 49 jobs, with a spend of R262 million.
Eighthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project eight, SIP8 - the green energy - the solar water heaters' roll-out has created 813 jobs, with a total spend of Rl,49 billion. The solar park to be located in the Northern Cape at an estimated cost of R150 billion is undergoing feasibility study. The construction has commenced on a number of green energy projects. The Cradock Ethanol Plant intended to produce 90 million litres of ethanol from sorghum and sugar beet as a feedstock has gone beyond feasibility study and they will go into detailed design followed by construction in quarter 2 of this year.
Ninthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project nine, SIP9 - the electricity generation - Camden, Komati and Grootvlei have been completed and commissioned, whilst Kusile has resulted in about 11 000 jobs and is at 19% completion to-date. The Ingula is at 58% completion and has resulted in 2 939 jobs and the total spend-to-date is Rl2,7 billion.
Tenthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project fifteen, SIP15 - expanding access to information and communications technology, ICT - 798 schools and 26 Dinaledi Schools have been connected and R61 million has thus far been spent on the township and rural access to broadband and on e-government, school and health connectivity, creating 100 jobs.
Lastly, with regard to the square kilometre array, SKA, a total of R23l million has been spent-to-date on this catalytic project, creating 177 jobs and achieving 93% local content.
The honourable President, already reported last Thursday on the progress of some of these projects and some of my colleagues will further comment on progress of other projects. What have just been done was picking some examples of very detailed progress achieved in implementing these massive projects that Inkosi Buthelezi suggested that it won't be implemented in his lifetime. [Applause.]
On a point of correction, Baba uShenge, these projects are actually being implemented in your lifetime and I think you should applaud for that. [Applause.]
As part of enhancing this co-ordination, integration and focus, we have submitted the Draft Infrastructure Development Bill to Parliament for public consultation and engagement by both Houses.
From the lessons that co-ordination, integration and focus are pivotal to infrastructure development and roll-out, two other lessons have been learned. Firstly, we must never cease building, new infrastructure and planning future capacity so that we never have to build new capacity under pressure when the need is urgent. Secondly, we must properly maintain existing infrastructure so that we can ensure that it has a longer lifespan. Of paramount importance is that we cannot allow this massive investment programme to be impacted by the global economic slowdown or derailed by lack of funding. We need to find ways of strengthening the balance sheets of the state-owned companies in order to reignite the private sector investment and private equity required to drive our economy both now and into the future.
We have made significant strides in positioning our stateowned companies to drive a holistic economic growth and development process through the infrastructure investment programme. We have built significant capability both to plan ambitiously and rigorously implemented those plans.
With regard to the Rl billion port rebates announced by the President in 2012 in order to support and bolster our manufacturing sector, R796 million was claimed and Transnet remains committed to disburse the full R1 billion discounts. We invite the private sector still to take up these incentives.
Hon Speaker, this programme that we have reported in detail is not simply about erecting cranes and lowering the cost of doing business, but it is more importantly about inclusive growth and shared wealth.
As compared to 2010, when infrastructure roll-out was taking place in inner cities, this time around, we can see infrastructure roll-out even in rural areas, distributing the wealth, income, jobs and spreading the better life to all. [Applause.]
As we continue with the roll-out, the youth is going to be absorbed into employment and skills development programmes across the country in order to address their very urgent plight.
I would like to quote what the President said during the 2012 state of the nation address, that:
The massive infrastructure investment in infrastructure must leave more than just power stations, rail-lines, dams and roads. It must industrialise the country, generate skills and boost much needed job creation.
With regard to skills, it is noteworthy that the skills development occupies pride of place in the infrastructure roll-out and that state-owned companies have been training more artisans in the past year than they have done in many decades. This programme, honourable President, is about getting South Africa working, growing and moving.
Joseph Stiglitz argued in his book The Price of Inequality, I quote:
America's inequality, and that of many other countries, did not arise spontaneously from abstract market forces but was shaped and enhanced by politics. Politics is the battleground for fights over how to divide nation's economic pie. It is a battle that one per cent of the wealthiest Americans won. That isn't how it's supposed to be in a democracy.
Quite clearly, all over the world, people are realising the intricate link between the political and the economic system and the important fact that the political, as well as economic systems need to be both fair and just.
Now, turning back to some of the issues that were raised earlier by some of the hon members, under your watch, Mr President, we have seen the National Health Insurance being promulgated and is going to start to be piloted in over 500 hundred schools with 600 health professionals being trained for this programme. [Applause.] We thank the President for ensuring that being poor is no longer a death sentence. [Applause.]
In your watch, Mr President, the National Development Plan has been adopted. We now have a plan for the future and we know the type of South Africa our children will leave in when we are gone. [Applause.] We have seen the largest infrastructure roll-out programme in the history of South Africa. [Applause.] Nobody, no matter how much they may want to lie about it, will deny the fact that this infrastructure project is a real game changer in terms of the socioeconomic situation of our people. [Applause.] In 2009, without pontificating, you introduced new HIV and Aids policies in this country - the largest in sub-Sahara Africa. [Applause.] Today, people living with HIV or Aids will have a real short at long and productive lives.
Under your leadership, Mr President, we have seen greater focus on rural development and radical changes in land reform policies. The anger from some on our left emanates exactly from this fact that they were comfortable with the Natives Land Act of 1913 remaining intact in South Africa. [Applause.] We have also seen for the first time, a woman, one of the best among South African women, who could occupy any office in this country including the presidency taking over the seat of the Chairperson of the African Union, AU, and commission for the first time in 59 years. [Applause.]
Mr President, what we have here is not a difference about whether your speech had content or not we have a fundamental ideological difference about what South Africa should be like and the future we need to build. [Applause.]
Our opposition outdo themselves in each time by their lack of content. The hon Leader of the Opposition is very tall on insults and eloquent English, but very short on content. Thank you. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Thank you, hon Minister. Order, hon Members. Hon members, business will now be suspended for 15 minutes for a comfort break. Bells will be rung to alert members of the resumption of business. Business is now suspended.
Business suspended at 16:59
The MINISTER OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM / AZM MNGUNI/VM END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 13
The MINISTER OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES
The MINISTER OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM: Deputy Speaker, His Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa, His Excellency the Deputy President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, on 14 February 2013, the President presented his state of the nation address to this House, setting out what government has undertaken to address the triple challenges of income inequality, poverty and unemployment. The President further set out what government is doing to give effect to the National Development Plan, which serves as our country's vision.
IsiXhosa:
Sekela Somlomo ohloniphekileyo, eneneni kuliqhayiya kakhulu ukuba namhlanje ndithabathe inxaxheba kule ngxoxo kaMongameli, ngoba le ngxoxo kaMongameli ichaphazela umbandela obaluleke kakhulu kuMzantsi Afrika uphela. Ichaphazela uhlengahlengiso lomhlaba. Uhlengahlengiso lomhlaba lume ngentsika ezine Sekela Somlomo ohloniphekileyo ezizezi zilandelayo, ukwabelana ngomhlaba; ukubuyisela umhlaba ebantwini; uphuhliso lomhlaba nokuhlengahlengiswa kobuni bomhlaba. Umhlaba kweli lizwe usezandleni zabantu abambalwa, uninzi lwabantu alunamhlaba.
Uhlengahlengiso lomhlaba belujongwa ngeentsika ezimbini ukususela ekuthatheni kwethu ulawulo ngentando yesininzi eMzantsi Afrika, ukuza kuma ngonyaka wama-2009 apho kuye kwamiselwa iSebe lezoPhuhliso lwamaPhandle noHlengahlengiso lemiMhlaba. Bekujongwa ukuhlengahlengiswa kwemihlaba nokubuyiselwa kwemihlaba ebantwini ngamabango. Iziphumo zaloo nto zaba kukuba siqwalesele ekubuyiseni ama-30 ekhulwini omhlaba ngowama-2014 ebantwini.
Ekwenzeni le mbuyekezo siye satyeshela uphuhliso lomhlaba, oluyintsika yesithathu, kwezi zine. Loo nto Sekela Somlomo isenze sanga siyaqhwalela, sahamba kancinci. Ibangele ukuba, phantsi kwesikhokelo sikaMongameli U J G Zuma, olapha kuleNdlu nathi namhlanje kubekho lenkqubo esisicwangciso ebizwa ngokuba yi-Recapitalisation and Development Programme.
Kwakhona phantsi kwesikhokelo sakhe uNxamalala kubekhona ukuqwalaselwa kobuni bomhlaba ukuze sikwazi ukubanendlela yokusondeza abantu bakuthi abantsundu kulo mhlaba. Yiyo le nto phantsi kwesikhokelo sakhe siphethe siqulunkqa lento kuthiwa esiNgesini yi- four-tier land tenure system, ethetha ngeendidi ezine zomhlaba.
Esokuqala isigaba kukuba umhlaba osezandleni zikarhulumente, singawuthengisi, siqeshise ngawo kubantu bakuthi ukuze sibancedise bakwazi ukwenza imveliso kuwo. Okwesibini, kukuba umhlaba osezandleni zabantu mawulingane, kungabikho oohili bangaka! Izigebenga zingaka! Makulinganwe ngabantu apha ebunini bomhlaba. Loo nto ithetha ukuba kubantu abanomhlaba, kuza kubakho uphahla oluza kunqanda ukuba abantu bangabingooHlohlesakhe.
Kukho abantu abaneefama ezincinci, nabanye abaneefama eziphakathi kunye nabaneefama ezinkulu kakhulu, kodwa bonke aba bantu barhweba ngokufanayo. Ngoko ke yonke le nto sixakeke yiyo ngoku yokuba kuqwalaselwe, ifama encinci, kuba imihlaba ayifani, inorthern Cape ayifani nesouthern cape neKwaZulu Natal, iimozulu azifani, umhlaba awufani kunye nezinto abantu abafama ngazo azifani. Kufuneka ukuba kujongwe ezi zinto ukuba umfama ziza kumbeka phi xa kuthethwa ngophahla lobuni bomhlaba.
Abantu basemzini akufunekanga ukuba babe ngabanini bomhlaba kweli lizwe, kufuneka baqeshiselwe. Okwesine, kukhona abantu bakuthi apho bahlala khona neenkosi, sibona ukuba inani linyukile laba bantu abanikwa umhlaba. Aba bantu ngabantu abakhokelwa ziiCPA neeTrust, kukho nalapho iinkosi zihlala khona. Lo mhlaba kufanele ukuba kubonakale indlela eza kuveza ukuba abantu abahlala kuwo, ngabantu abanelungelo nemvume yokusebenzisa lo mhlaba, babonisane ukuba lingakhuseleka njani ilungelo labo lokusebenzisa umhlaba.
Loo nto yenza ukuba ngeli xesha kufaneleke sibonisane ukuba siza kwenza kanjani ukuze aba bantu bakwazi ukusebenzisa lo mhlaba. Ukuze bakwazi ukuya ezibhankini; bakwazi ukuwenza ubelilifa labantwana babo; bakwazi ukuba bakhuseleke nokuba utata okanye abazali bonke beswelekile kusele abantwana bodwa,.
Ngoko ke, uMongameli usikhokelele ekubeni sijonge kanye encakrancakreni ukuba abantu bakuthi bafikelela kanjani emhlabeni welizwe labo.
English:
Farms transferred to black people and communities through the various redistribution programmes from 1994 to 31 January 2013 amounted to 4 813 farms, which translates to 4,123 million ha, benefiting 230 886 persons, of which 50 440 are women – accounting for 1,7 million ha in the hands of those women – of which 32 563 are young people, and of which 674 are persons with disability.
To acquire this land, the state spent R12,9 billion. Of the 4,123 million ha acquired, the government has, since 2010, recapitalised 696 farms into full operation, employing 4 982 permanent workers, and investing R1,8 billion in infrastructure, inputs and strategic support. Of the 696 recapitalised farms, 332 are on cropping and 364 on livestock. The gross income generated by these farms, which can be accounted for as of 31 January 2013, is R126 million.
Land acquired by the state for the restitution of land rights, since the inception of the programme, amounts to 4 001 land parcels – that is properties – translating into 1,443 million ha. Of these beneficiaries, 136 968 are female-headed households, and 672 persons with disability have benefited. A total of R16 billion has been spent on the programme thus far. This is in settling 77 148 claims, R10 billion for land acquisition, and R6 billion for 71 292 financial compensation claims.
The 5 856 settled claims, translating into 1,443 million ha, is land restored. Hon members can already see the difference between 5 856 and 71 292 claims that are for financial compensation, that it is weighted in favour of financial compensation. This clearly shows that claimants have chosen financial compensation over land restoration. This is a reflection of poverty, unemployment, and income want. In your state of the nation address, Mr President, you clearly stated these as being at the centre of the National Development Plan's transformation focus.
Taking into consideration the above analysis, it is clear that through the restitution process, the state was a compelled buyer. Prices in restitution were far higher than those paid in terms of strategic land acquisitions under the redistribution programme. This is a clear indication that where the state is able to strategically acquire land, it is able to acquire more land for less money, as the state is not a compelled buyer. Even by our own admission, we could have bought more, if the principle of a just and equitable redistribution was actively applied. [Applause.] You mentioned this to be the direction that government is going to follow this year, Mr President.
In terms of the new land tenure system for the country, we are introducing the four-tier land tenure system, which I spoke about earlier. The President, during the state of the nation address, announced the reopening of the lodgment of land claims, for those who could not claim during the first window of opportunity.
IsiXhosa:
Ubalulekile lo mbandela kuba uMongameli uthi kuza kuphinda kuvulwe ithuba lokuba abantu bakuthi babange imihlaba, kubantu abaphoswa lithuba lokufaka amabango emihlaba. Loo nto iza kwenzeka kulo nyaka. Esi saziso sikaMongameli sineendidi ezimbini. Eyokuqala yeyo kuvula, khange kubekho nalinye ilungu kwanga angasekhohlo ebelikhe lawuphendula lo mcimbi, ndiyabona ukuba ushushu. Bayawoyika lo mcimbi wokuvulwa kwamabango emihlaba kuba ngumcimbi onzima.
Eyesibini ithi kuza kukhangelwa inyoba yokuba njengokuba uMthetho wezemiHlaba yabaNtsundu we-1913, Natives Land Act, inguye nje iphahla, uza kuhlala kuba uMgaqo-siseko umile uyalawula. Ithi le nto kodwa, kukhona iiHertage Sites, kukhona iiHistorical Landmarks, kaloku iimfazwe zange ziliwe kwi-13% womhlaba, zilwelwe kuma-87% womhlaba. Kulapho zikhoyo iilandmarks zembali yabantu beli lizwe.
Okokugqibela uthi uMongameli, kukho abantu abanga maKhoi namaSan abalahlekelwa ngumhlaba kudala, phambi kwe-1913, baza kunikwa inyoba nabo bakrobe ukuba zeziphi na iindawo ezinokubuyiselwa kubo. [Kwaqhwatywa]
English:
Of the many dire socioeconomic consequences of the Natives Land Act, the following stand out: firstly, it destroyed a fledging class of African farmers; secondly, it destroyed the environment; and, thirdly, it placed black people, particularly Africans, in a situation of abject and grinding poverty.
Therefore, to reverse this legacy means rebuilding the class of black farmers, rebuilding the environment, and deepening production discipline for food security and sovereignty. The reopening of the lodgment process and the exceptions to the 1913 Natives Land Act will require massive preparatory work, which has commenced in earnest. Unlike in the first opportunity, people will be assisted with a manual on land claims in all 11 official languages, a manual which participants at the first preparatory workshop called the citizens' manual for land claims. Another component or element of the campaign is oral history which will be collected from those who have lived through the catastrophic effects of the 1913 Natives Land Act.
The 11 740-strong National Rural Youth Service Corps, Narysec, youth which the President referred to in his state of the nation address, will be distributing the citizens' manual and collecting the oral history. Furthermore, there are institutions and persons that have already come forward to be part of this campaign, including the SABC, Iziko Museums, Unisa, the National Heritage Council, the Departments of Justice and Constitutional Development, Public Works, Arts and Culture, and the Department of Women, Children and People with Disabilities.
There is a perception that land reform has failed, especially coming from the opposition DA. Our contention is that it has been slow, not failed. [Interjections.] We have completed the state and private land audit. [Interjections.] Here are the results, a beautiful ... you can see here.
IsiXhosa:
Oohili bangaka! Izigebenga zingaka!
English:
You can see the brown. It represents privately owned land and who owns it. The majority of the people who own it are white. [Applause.] You can see the Northern Cape is privately owned land. Here is the Northern Cape. Look at the Eastern Cape, Western Cape, Limpopo, and Free State. [Interjections.] The majority of this land is owned privately by whites. [Applause.] Therefore, our contention is that it has been slow but did not fail.
Mr G G HILL-LEWIS: Deputy Speaker ...
The MINISTER OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM: We have completed the state and private land audit and the statistics indicate that approximately 26 million ha is state land.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Minister, there is a point of order.
Mr G G HILL-LEWIS: Deputy Speaker, will the Minister take a question? [Interjections.]
The MINISTER OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM: No, Deputy Speaker. The statistics indicate that approximately 26 million ha is state land and that a whopping 96 million ha is privately owned land. This means the state owns 22% of the land, whilst 78% is in private hands, which shows that South Africa has predominantly privately owned land. Outstanding in the audit process is the breakdown into nationality and race in the privately owned parcels or properties.
There is an institutional challenge here. Again it has a lot to do with the fragmented land management services of our country. The Land Management Commission is meant to address this. That is why we say that it will be addressed soon. The political economy of restitution is that the state has paid twice as much for land for restitution as it has paid for land for redistribution, because the state is a compelled buyer. The numbers clearly show who has benefited from the programme – the supporters of the opposition DA. The small, white landed class has benefited R10,8 billion from land acquired, whilst the majority – 71 000 working class claimants – benefited a lousy R6 billion. [Interjections.]
This is what the Office of the Land Valuer-General and the other institutions will address, through the use of the just and equitable principle in accelerating the land reform process. In addition, the government will establish district land reform committees, as proposed in the National Development Plan, to contribute to and accelerate sustainable land reform.
In 2010, government introduced the Recapitalisation and Development Programme, which serves to provide emerging farmers with a range of support packages, in terms of inputs, strategic support and infrastructure. Going forward, the government will establish the Rural Co-operatives Finance Facility to provide much needed financial and other technical support to the fledgling class of smallholder farmers and co-operatives in both commercial and communal land spaces. During interactions, emerging smallholder farmers and co-operatives have expressed a wish that the government could procure from them so that they could grow and be sustainable.
The state of the nation address delivered by the President on 14 February is both reflective and programmatic. This approach has caught the hon members of the opposition off guard. [Interjections.] Mr President, don't lose focus. If you were doing badly, they would be showering praises on you. [Laughter.] You would have been sitting with the most dubious honour of being praised by people who have benefited for centuries in this country from the resources of this land, the members of the opposition DA. I thank you. [Applause].
Mr S C MOTAU / Mia (Eng) / LN (IsiXhosa) / END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 14
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,21 Feb 2013,"Take 14 [National Assembly Chamber Main].doc"
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,19 Feb 2013,"[Take-14] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][nm].doc"
The MINISTER OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND LAND REFORM
Mr S C MOTAU: Madam Deputy Speaker, unemployment remains the greatest threat to South Africa's Democracy and it mocks the promise of a better life for all. President Jacob Zuma's state of the nation address showed why South Africa does not have confidence in his government to create jobs.
Sepedi:
Bafsa ba Afrika Borwa ba lla ka megokgo. Ba llela mešomo. Kgopelo ya ka ke gore rena re le baemedi ba setšhaba Palamenteng ye, re kwe sello sa bona. Ge re ka se se kwe gomme ra ba thuša gore ba hwetše mešomo, gona naga ye ya gaborena e tla buna masetlapelo gomme demokrasi ye ya rena ya folotša.
English:
The National Planning Commission, NPC, believes that the country can create 11 million jobs by 2030. This would be achieved by building partnerships between the public sector, business and labour to: facilitate, direct and promote investment in labour intensive areas, and by strengthening the functioning of the labour market to improve skills acquisition, match job seekers and job openings and reduce conflict.
To achieve the objectives of the NDP requires leadership to implement change and above all, to inspire every South African to make medium-term sacrifices for longer-term rewards. The President's address last week failed by all three counts: leadership, implementation and the ability to inspire sacrifice.
The National Planning Commission expresses the challenge of adaptive leadership pointedly: "Leaders, especially in government, must also face up to difficult decisions and trade-offs." Indeed, this is the time for tough decisions and trade-offs if we are to fight and defeat unemployment. This will require all of us to make sacrifices for the national good. We must review the labour laws to make them job creation friendly.
One of the most meaningful definitions of inequality in South Africa today is between those who have jobs and those who do not. We need to guard against the employed being unable to imagine the plight of their fellow South Africans who don't have jobs. As painful as it is, we need to recognise that the world has changed. Many workers in the European Union, for instance, are being asked to work fewer hours to allow young people to enter the job market.
Global competition, cheap goods made in China and India and technological innovation are also playing a part in changing the labour environment. People are being given greater flexibility to manage their working time. Many working people no longer wish to be in traditional permanent employment. Our labour laws need to adapt to this growing trend; not to go against the grain of reality. As legislatures, our primary role must be to make sure that all workers are treated fairly and paid appropriately.
In a job stressed economy such as ours it would be an abdication of responsibility for this Parliament to pass a law that denies even one South African a job opportunity. This is exactly what the ruling party's alliance partner, Cosatu, wants us to do. The union federation wants Parliament to pass a law banning private employment agencies, or as we like to call them, labour brokers. I believe such a law will clash directly with a constitutional push for every citizen to access work opportunities.
Section 22 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa is very clear on this matter:
Every citizen has the right to choose their trade, occupation or profession freely. The practice of a trade, occupation or profession may be regulated by law.
The President must prevail upon the ANC alliance partner, Cosatu to support the regulation of labour brokers as proposed in the amendment to the relevant section of the Labour Relations Act. The government must work diligently to remove noncompliant agencies. For the sake of labour market peace and stability, the Labour Relations Act must also be amended to replace the winner takes all majoritarianism entrenched in our collective bargaining system.
The Marikana tragedy was a lesson we must heed. Non-majority unions can no longer be ignored. They must be included in the collective bargaining processes. So, let us never fear to negotiate, let us never negotiate out of fear. With cool tempers we must reach consensus on the principle on non-majority union representation. We must determine the relevant thresholds for recognition and participation in collective bargaining.
This country cannot afford another series of very costly violent unprotected strikes such as the ones we experienced last year. South Africa can rise to these challenges if and only if we have the courage to summon forth the political will. Here I have to say: No amount of talking and spinning can explain away the Nkandla scandal. No amount of praise singing and fawning on President Jacob Zuma will change this fact. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr I S MFUNDISI
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 14
Mr S C MOTAU
Mr I S MFUNDISI: Deputy Speaker, hon President and the Deputy President, hon members, listening to the delivery of the address by the President one was left astounded as to whither abound this country. Whilst in some circles it is expected that repetition enhances assimilation and understanding, one never bargained for such repetition from such an office or to such an extent.
On an occasion like a speech from the head of state, people expect pertinent issues to be addressed. Millions of the unemployed look forward to be reassured that employment is within reach, not the monotonous and sterile saying that there has been an economic meltdown. All they need is to earn an honest living through the sweat of their brow as they were promised that if they vote for the party in question they would get better jobs. Now is the time to deliver on such a promise.
Victims of crime want to know if there will be urgency in ensuring that justice is carried out. They live on the maxim that justice delayed is justice denied. Parents want to know when their children will receive decent education. The hackneyed statement of good results carries no weight when children are made to pass at 30%. Imagine a doctor who has to operate on a patient whilst he knows only 30% of what has to be done. [Laughter.] This applies for all professions. When people opted and voted for democracy they never imagined that they were getting themselves into some form of adulterated education.
The issue of e-tolling that is about to turn the country into a battlefield went unsaid by the President, as if it is a non event. Could it be that it does not matter as those in charge go past those existing tollgates without having to stop? To the average citizen, it is these tollgates that cause concern and the President missed a golden opportunity to cough thereon.
It is not a matter to be left untouched when Cosatu, the affiliate of the ruling party, turns our roads into slow drives at the drop of a hat.
The fact that the National Development Plan has been accepted by all in this country cannot be gainsaid. The rub is on the implementation thereof. The question is not how those million of jobs will be created; it is the detail that has to come forward. We reiterate it here and now that the NDP was put together in the most democratic and consultative way.
The envisaged implementation of the National Health Insurance in 2014 is set for a big surprise when hospitals are imploding with inefficiency. Whether you go to George Masebe Hospital in Limpopo, Moses Kotane in the North West, Charlotte Maxeke or Chris Hani Baragwanath in Gauteng it is all in ineptitude at its best. One wonders where is the wisdom in naming these failing institutions after stalwarts of the struggle when people who work there have no pride in them. Surely those after whom these centres have been named are turning in their graves because of this disgrace.
We in the UCDP believe that teaching is a labour of love. It boggles the mind that the President can go to such lengths to justify striking by teachers and virtually retracts or modifies the resolution to declare teaching as an essential service in the way the expression is known world-wide. As much as the teachers have a right to strike, the pupil's right to education and learning is equally entrenched in the Constitution. The interests of both parties have to be addressed and met by government.
Ordinary citizens are always told that this government has, in an unprecedented manner, provided electricity to so many houses in so many years. The very citizens at Seolong, Makoshong or even at Sakutswane are surprised when the same government that boasts of providing electricity claims that its hands are tight when it comes to tariff hikes.
We all support the strong words the President used in speaking against children and women abuse. We hope and believe that the instant and specialised courts that the President spoke of are not only a sweetener and measure to appease the aggrieved. Let us see them spring into action. Notwithstanding that the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission identified 10 major roads in the North West as a priority last year. Nothing has come out of that. The Koster-Lichtenburg road which was due for completion before the 2010 Fifa World Cup is yet to be completed and has deteriorated further. This is one route that could serve as an alternative to the most expensive tollgate in the Republic of South Africa, the Swartruggens tollgate. It is high time that the priority status of the road is re-prioritised. Quiet interestingly even Minister Gigaba in his recitation on the achievements of the party over these other things, said nothing about this.
The UCDP welcomes the envisaged filling of all vacant posts in the criminal justice system but pleads that they should be men and women of substance. In the case of the National Director of Public Prosecutions, we pray much that it be someone who will at least complete the set term of office. Up to so far, almost all of them left office with their heads hanging in shame.
We have noted with trepidation that the new tax regime is on the way. We shall watch the space, come next week we will have our eyes wide open. [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT / JN (Eng) / MM (Sepedi)///tfm/// END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 15
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,19 Feb 2013,"[Take-15] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][nm].doc"
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,21 Feb 2013,"Take 15 [National Assembly Chamber Main].doc"
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,19 Feb 2013,"[Take-15] [National Assembly Chamber Main][NAC-Logger][nm].doc"
Mr I S MFUNDISI
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT: Madam Deputy Speaker, the President, the Deputy President, hon members, I would like to dedicate this speech to my former boss, Mrs Phyllis Naidoo, who employed me as a young article clerk way back in the seventies. May her soul rest in peace!
This year's state of the nation address is significant in many respects. Not only does it reflect on the strides we have made and challenges that we have encountered in the past year. More importantly, it provides an important yardstick by which the country's transition from apartheid colonialism to a national democratic society must be measured. This assessment becomes critical as we approach the 20 years anniversary of our constitutional democracy.
A concise and an honest reflection of where we come from gives us a better understanding of our destiny postulated by the National Development Plan. I'm sure I am speaking for everyone in this House when I say that the National Development Plan has succeeded in marshalling all of us around the same vision for a better country and a better future in the same way that the 34 Constitutional Principles that underpin our Constitution, marshalled political opponents to a historical political settlement 17 years ago.
It is therefore befitting that the National Development Plan gets similar acclaim as the 34 Constitutional Principles which shaped our constitutional destiny. The National Development Plan is our cherished ideal of a nonracial, nonsexist, equal and prosperous society. An ideal that many laid down their lives for, in order for all of us to enjoy the fruits of democracy. Our transformative Constitution envisions a future where no child will attend school under a tree; everyone will be free from violence; and every person will realise his or her potential. I must hasten to caution that it will be tragic to share a common vision of where the National Development Plan is leading us to without understanding where we come from, a feat which our President has articulated so impeccably when he delivered the trend-setting state of the nation address this past Thursday.
The tabling of the National Development Plan in November 2011 occurred just before the commencement of the 100 years celebration of the struggle against colonialism and apartheid led by the ANC. The forces of colonialism and apartheid on the one side arrayed themselves against the forces for freedom and democracy on the other side. It was an epic confrontation which over time, preoccupied the global agenda and culminated in heroic stunts by the United Nations when it declared apartheid a crime against humanity and the threat to world peace.
On the occasion of the debate on the state of the nation address, it is important to reflect on these historical realities because sometimes we get lost in the maze of political expediency and forget that peaceful democratic breakthrough of 1994 which we achieved primarily because we collectively put aside our differences and reached out to one another. We triumphed over our differences because we all focused on the vision portrayed in the Freedom Charter which yielded our world acclaimed Constitution. It was a recognition that in spite of the untold suffering, strife and racial hatred sowed by apartheid, we all became bound by the vision of the shared constitutional destiny.
We must spare no effort in forging the same unity and common purpose in ridding our country of the triple challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment which permeate the diagnostic review that culminated in the adoption of the National Development Plan by our people. These triple challenges reaffirm what our President and world statesman, Nelson Mandela, stated when he signed our Constitution into law, and I quote:
Out of such experience was born the understanding that there could be no lasting peace, no lasting security, no prosperity in this land unless all enjoyed freedom and justice as equals.
Our transformative Constitution is a commitment to save our people from the poverty trap and the vicious cycle of inequality perpetuated by the legacy of apartheid and colonialism. We cannot delay this promise any longer. The lessons of the Marikana tragedy to which our President alluded in his address attest to the impatience which was waiting to implode. It is for this reason that the ANC, in its conference in Mangaung in December 2012, adopted a robust programme geared to transform our socioeconomic landscape. This programme is premised on the Bill of Rights enshrined in our Constitution which states that:
This Bill of Rights is a cornerstone of democracy in South Africa. It enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom.
As the ruling party, it is our proud heritage that the African Claims principles of 1943 and the Freedom Charter of 1955 informed the golden thread of our internationally acclaimed Constitution. We are all enjoined to ensure its practical realisation in the lived experiences of all South Africa's people. We will therefore leave no stone unturned in living to this commitment as the ANC, of a better life for all and to improve the quality of that life for all citizens and free the potential of each person as we are required to do so by our Constitution.
Madam Deputy Speaker, through the agenda it has adopted at its conference and which will translate into government programme of action, the ANC seeks to reverse the legacy of the Land Act and restore people to what is rightfully theirs through the application of a just and equitable principle. It is in this context that the land reform initiatives, including the reopening of the lodgement date - as the Minister has indicated - will become the priority of our government. The Land Claims Court will also be strengthened to develop and enhance an appropriate land jurisprudence that has the effect of full restoration to those who were arbitrarily disposed of their land. In dealing with Land reforms, we will be guided by our Constitution which enjoins our government to implement compensation which is just and equitable, and reflects an equitable balance between the public interest and the interests of those affected.
In spite of the challenges of high levels of poverty and the continued socioeconomic vestiges of the past, we have in place state machinery across the three branches of the state which is capable of delivering on the principles and mandate of our Constitution. In doing so, these equal branches of the state are bound together by the Constitution which is a non-negotiable framework within which we must continue to express our political differences as we endeavour to build a better life for all.
Hon members, after dealing with our contentious issues during the crafting of our new democracy, it is essential that none amongst us politicises to the point of eroding the fundamental principles and values of our Constitution such as the Bill of Rights and the principles of the separation of powers as basis for a just order and peace and stability of our constitutional democracy. It is common cause that any false alarms about what are supposedly threats on values of the Constitution, including the principle of the separation of powers, may in itself, ironically, be the actual threat to our democracy.
We must take this opportunity not only to reassure our people about the importance and place of our Constitution in our democracy, but also to implore all hon members not to create the impression that anyone amongst us is about to undermine the Constitution when the empirical evidence not only hails the ANC as its originator as the African Claims could attest, but also as its architect, champion and defender.
Hon members, the legitimacy of our constitutional democracy rests on all of us across the three arms of the state, as well as on the shoulders of each and every citizen of this country. In our own respective ways, we must endeavour to ensure that the Constitution is a living document that requires all our people to put their shoulder to the wheel to ensure its survival and longevity well into the future.
The Constitution is the supreme law of the land and any act or conduct which is contrary to it is invalid. Importantly, we must all be mindful of the fact that the Constitution not only enshrines rights to citizens, but that concomitant to these rights, are duties that must be observed by all. It is therefore fundamental that while the Constitution enshrines the right of assembly, demonstration, picket and petition, this right must be exercised peacefully and unarmed as the President indicated in the state of the nation address. This Constitution does not sanction any protest that violates the freedom and security of another person, lead to injury or death of persons or damage to property, regardless of the reason for such protest actions. It is therefore important that the state excises its authority to ensure respect for the Constitution and the law.
The Justice Crime Prevention and Security, JCPS, cluster will leave no stone unturned in its endeavour to maintain peace and stability and to protect the rights of innocent citizens and private and public property. Measures are already underway that include the enhancement of the capacity of law enforcement agencies and ensuring an integrated approach to fighting crime and lawlessness. These measures will be unpacked in the next few weeks when the JCPS departments announce their policy statements and plans for the financial year 2013-14.
Our Government also has adopted a zero-tolerance to corruption which threatens to erode the fruits of our hard-earned democracy. The reality is that corruption is a matter with which we must collectively embark to uproot as government and we have taken various measures in this regard.
Before I conclude, let me address the incidents of rape and violence against women which are reaching alarming proportions in our country. We are moving steadfast to combat this barbaric conduct by merciless perpetrators who show no respect to the right of women to enjoy the freedom of their security. We have taken conscious decision to re-establish sexual offences courts to complement the work of the Sexual Offences Unit in the police.
We are in discussions with the judiciary to ensure that sexual offences cases are placed on a prioritised roll, that we strengthen the case flow management system to ensure that the chain from investigation to trial stage is water-tight. [Applause.] We are also considering measures to strengthen our legislative framework. These include aspects relating to bail, admission of evidence and sentencing of perpetrators of this heinous crime.
I have confidence in the President of the Republic. [Applause.] The ANC has confidence in the President of the Republic. [Applause.] The people of South Africa have confidence in the President of the Republic of South Africa. [Applause.]
This is evidenced by the overwhelming majority that our President and the ANC amassed during the 2009 elections in which the ANC got one million votes more than it did in the previous elections in 2004. [Applause.] Those who are barking from the sidelines are in denial and I would like to remind them of a stanza from Maya Angelou's poem and I quote:
You may write me down in history
With your bitter, twisted lies,
You may trod me in the very dirt
But still, like dust, I'll rise.
I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr S MOKGALAPA / KC//A N N(ed)/ END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 16
The MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Mr S MOKGALAPA: Mr Speaker, hon President, the widespread and pervasive corruption is wrecking the capacity of the state to deliver services to the people of South Africa. President Zuma's dithering on corruption goes to the essence of his leadership. Because he is compromised, he lacks the strength for this fight. The South African people do no have confidence in the President to tackle corruption.
The harsh reality is that under this President's watch, corruption has become systematic in all spheres of government: nationally, provincially and locally. Many local municipalities spend a lot of taxpayers' money on commissions of enquiries. This in itself is absurd because if the President decisively dealt with corruption, there will be no need to hold enquiries.
Undermining the principles of transparency, the recommendations and reports made by these commissions are not even made public. These recommendations are not even implemented, which begs the question: What is the point, Mr President? Examples include the Municipalities of Tshwane, Mosoma and Ntsebeza Report respectively. Neither report has been released despite the fact that both are said to contain damning allegations of corruption and maladministration.
Systematic monitoring of corruption is poor. With only half of governments' departments keeping databases on corruption, this means that we do not know the full extent of corruption. The eThekwini Manase report has yet to see the light of day. This secrecy and inaction by government, in turn, often incites violence and protests.
Setswana:
Batho ba lapisitswe ke bobodu. Ba batla puso e e emelang ditlhoko le go tlhompha ditokelo tsa bone, ka go direla setšhaba.
English:
The lack of intergovernmental relations is a source of concern because this leads to underspending, lack of planning, alignment and collaboration. This in turn leads to duplicate projects and programmes that waste taxpayer's money. The President in his reply must spell out how he will work to provide better co-ordination between the spheres of government and the departments.
Corruption is endemic in the public service and government should act and walk the talk. It is an indictment that in this government nearly 2, 5 million people do not have basic access to basic sanitation. This is nearly 20 years after the advent of our democracy, especially in the rural areas. The government is working backwards with the rectification programme. Approximately R1 billion is used for rectification of shoddy workmanship by contractors who are appointed for their political connections with the ANC.
The lack of monitoring, inspections and accountability are the direct causes of this fruitless and wasteful expenditure. People are being robbed of their rights to access to decent housing through corruption and irregular tender contracts. Corruption in housing is very endemic, from the illegal sale of land to the manipulation of beneficiary lists and tender entrepreneurs; those are the norms in housing. A clear example of this was the R900 million tender in Limpopo awarded to friends and allies of politicians through the rectification programme of precisely the same amount.
The Good Agricultural Practices, Gap, market is an important market that has been neglected by government. The President boasted last week that R126 million has been set aside for the Gap market programme. This is pathetic when you consider that this is almost half of what is being spent on his Inkandla compound. Almost 10 000 people could have been accommodated, which means 2 500 households, Mr President.
The R1 billion guarantee fund and 83 000 subsidy scheme has not been implemented by provinces since the announcement last year. Most of all, the provinces have not spent the 70% of their allocated Human Settlement Development Grant, HSDG. And mostly, the R7 billion allocated for Urban Settlements Development Grant, USDG, for the upgrading of informal settlements, only 32% of informal settlements have been upgraded thus far. This is a shame.
In conclusion, all of this points to one systematic issue, which means the systemic disintegration of the government's human settlements policy under this President. And South Africa has lost confidence in him to root out corruption when and wherever it manifests its ugly head. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr K J DIKOBO
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 16
Mr S MOKGALAPA
Mr K J DIKOBO: Hon Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, hon members and guests, indeed the year 2013 marks 100 years of the notorious Native Land Act of 1913. But 2013 also marks 19 years since the first democratic elections in our land. For many of us, the primary reason for the liberation struggle was land dispossession. We know that they might have been those who were more interested in fighting for the sharing of toilets and other amenities between blacks and whites. It therefore follows that for Azapo, the matter of land restitution was supposed to have been item number one on the agenda of a free South Africa. We said it then, that it was wrong to entrench land dispossession with clauses such as the willing buyer - willing seller principle. We said it then that it would not work. We were therefore heartened by your admission, Mr President, that the 'willing buyer willing seller" principle does not work. There is need to fast-track land restitution, Mr President.
We have also taken note of your concerns about food security and we agree. However we want to disabuse the nation of the notion that black ownership of land and farms represents a threat to food security. The problem is lack of post-settlement support to communities that had land restored to them. We have also noted with concern how certain individuals and groups have hijacked land restored to communities, with some selling sites to unsuspecting community members. Communities claim that they have reported such acts to the authorities, and nothing is being done. The community of Masakaneng outside Groblersdal is a classical example of that.
On education, Mr President, Azapo welcomes the announcement that by the end of the financial year, 98 schools shall have been build. We also welcome the fact that 40 of those schools are in the Eastern Cape, replacing the infamous mud schools. It is actually a disgrace Mr President, that 19 years after the democratic elections, we are still talking about mud schools. It is even more worrying that government and the Department of Basic Education had to first be dragged to court in order to do what should have been an obvious thing to do.
While we welcome the fact that Kha Ri Gude has reached 2, 2 million people between 2008 and 2011, Azapo would like to know: What the impact of such an encounter has been to the lives of those people; are we able to quantify the success of Kha Ri Gude, except to refer to the numbers?
Azapo has noted with disappointment that you are now backtracking on the need to designate education as an essential service. There is a legal definition of what essential service means, and this definition is found in the Labour Relations Act, as amended. The implications of the designation are far-reaching; among others being that workers in such a sector cannot go on strike. We are disappointed that after murmurs from some union, you have backtracked and tried to find a new definition for essential service. Azapo believes that many ordinary people would support the designation of education as an essential service and this includes teachers. The concern that unions have, stems from their observation on how government has treated the health sector as well as the safety and security sectors. After designating them as essential services, government has failed to go the full distance by refusing or failing to conclude a minimum Service Level Agreement, SLA, in those sectors. Designating education as an essential service will mean that systems will be put in place to fast track collective bargaining and dispute resolution in the sectors. It will mean that everything possible will be done to remove the need for teachers to go on strike.
You have also referred to the work that will be created through the Expanded Public Works Programme, EPWP, and the Community Work Programme, CWP. Our Offices are inundated with complains from citizens that every time that opportunities arise in those programmes, they are told that they must produce a membership card of a political party. We also hear that in some cases people have to belong to a certain faction of a political party before they can be employed. The people of Radikgale can tell you better on this issue.
Azapo supports, as you said Mr President, the Palestinian people's right to national self-determination. Like all of us, Palestinians have a right to statehood. We heard you speak against Israel's expansion of Jewish settlements in the Palestinian territories. How I wish we could hear more even outside this House. South Africa must not forget the Saharan people in their struggle for self-determination. Finally, hon Speaker, I would like to end my speech by saying happy birthday to my son, Regaugetswe Kwame Dikobo.
IsiNdebele:
Khula Tlou, Ledebele, Mogwasha!
I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr N T GODI / EKS/LIM CHECKED// END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 17
Mr K J DIKOBO
"National Assembly Chamber Main",Unrevised Hansard,21 Feb 2013,"Take 17 [National Assembly Chamber Main].doc"
Mr N T GODI: Mr Speaker, I wish to dedicate my speech to the late Comrade Joe Mkhwanazi; may his revolutionary soul rest in peace. Comrades and hon members; Comrade President, congratulations on your Sona. We noted your report on the progress made in implementing some of last year's commitments and the plans ahead. We are in agreement on the challenges facing our country, namely education, health, infrastructure, rural and urban development, land reform, unemployment, inequality, poverty and so on.
However, the critical question is: How do we tackle the issues of urgency, resolve, capacity and appropriateness of our responses? It is the considered view of the APC that enhancing the capacity of the state is of the most critical necessity, for everything else depends on it. To this end, the Department of Public Service and Administration has to play a much bolder and central role in this regard. The public Service Commission has to be strengthened, better led and given more powers. We need a single public service with a single entry point. We cannot overemphasise the need for stability at the senior management levels and doing away with the act of looking only at the short term.
Our education suffers from lack of proper, energetic and courageous administrative leadership. Some of our school principals, circuit managers etc, leave much to be desired as leaders, thus the poor outcomes. The sometimes poor focus and discipline of students and teachers is actually a reflection of a lack of competent leadership. We need urgent intervention and a bold performance management system to weed out the unfit from office.
Whilst we have an energetic Minister and competent Director-General in the Department of Health, reports of patients going without food or medication, and professionals not being paid require firm and drastic intervention. These kinds of things should be considered intolerable acts deserving a harsh sanction against managers. We look forward to the implementation of the National Health Insurance, NHI. It is the way to go to ensure universal access to quality health care and better run health facilities.
It is the contention of the APC that the challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment cannot be addressed without the state playing an active role in the economy. A mantshingilane [security guard] state will just guard over the continued impoverishment of the majority.
There is no doubt that the years of freedom have been good to business. Huge profits have been made in peace without the burden of operating in an apartheid state. But the question is: Has business been good to freedom? The answer is to be found in the more than R500 billion stashed away in banks and not invested in the productive economy. It is also to be found in the conduct of Anglo Platinum, Harmony and the criminal conduct of construction companies, etc. It will be waiting for Godot to expect them to help in addressing these challenges. The state does not resonate with the political feelings of the owners of capital. They were politically defeated in 1994. There is still a grievance to nurse. It is no coincidence that the beneficiaries of colonialism and apartheid have bended themselves together into a political formation to be unco-operative, negative and oppose the rule of the majority. [Applause.] Some of the machinations we see in this House and outside are related to this fact; a fight back against 1994. [Applause.]
The APC believes that the progressive forces in our country have a responsibility to train their collective focus on these rightist manoeuvres. [Interjections.] On this centenary of the Native Land Act...
The SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon members!
Mr N T GODI: On this centenary of the Native Land Act, as the APC we say, let's cast aside tentativeness; let's move forward with boldness to end this century of untold suffering and national humiliation. The Native Land Act was a response of the settler government to the calls by its constituency. Let us now respond to the cries of our people as their representatives. The land of the African people must be returned to its historical and rightful owners. [Applause.]
Lastly, the APC salutes its founding fathers for setting up the Organisation for African Unity, OAU, half a century ago, to strengthen the bonds of African solidarity and fight for the decolonisation of Africa. We want peace, development and integration in Africa to improve the lives of our people. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr J R B LORIMER
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 17
Mr N T GODI
Mr J R B LORIMER: Mr Speaker, when she spoke at the mining indaba earlier this month, Minister Susan Shabangu suggested that all was well with the South African mining industry. The question is: Compared to what? She told us about increased numbers of mines, revenues and jobs. Use different periods of comparison and I could as easily show results crashing, production at a fifty year low and thousands of jobs being lost.
The point is: We have more minerals under our soil than any other country in the world. But for that to mean anything, we need mining to take them out and sell them. For there to be mining there has to be investment, which we do not have. Some established large miners are still putting money into their minds, but we have only 3% of new mining projects worldwide between now and 2020. Mining juniors simply cannot get funding for their proposals. That is due to the international perceptions of our industry
Last year we were rated by the Frasers Institute as 54th most desirable destination for mining investment, and that was before Marikana and everything else that followed. This message was brought home at the mining indaba where South African born Rangold Resources Chief Executive Officer, Mark Bristow, said they would rather continue with the gold mining operations in Mali, despite the civil war, than put money into South Africa.
He said in South Africa there are problems with the reliability of legislation and policy, and no recognition of the importance of new investment. Another guest at the indaba summed it up for me. He said: "The people of the event listened politely to Minister Shabangu, but they were there with no intention of investing in South Africa, they would rather invest in the rest of Africa".
There has been a long list of bad news for mining in South Africa. We lost out on the resources boom because of bad and badly implemented laws. Then Marikana showed us the consequences of our labour dispensation designed to accommodate the interests of the labour arm of the ruling party rather than the workers. A disastrous funding model for Eskom means the massive rises in power prices will push more mines into unprofitability. How can Minister Gigaba be proud of the fact that Medupi is 58% complete when it was supposed to have been finished last year?
When the inevitable consequences of all this manifested in planned lay offs, the mask that pretended to welcome investment dropped. The ANC accused companies of stealing our resources; threatened to take away their mining licenses and accused them of blackmail. What international investor would be crazy enough to put their money into a country where the environment is so obviously hostile?
If that was not bad enough, the mining sector is now being faced by amendments to the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act, which are either very poorly thought out or simply mad. This law includes provisions to nationalise mine dumps to make government approve every mining share transaction on the Stock Exchange, limit exports of certain strategic products and open a way to force the sale of quantities of these in South Africa at a price set by the state. This is surrounded by lots of happy talk about beneficiation.
Those in mining might be right if they think they've heard this before. The Diamond Second Amendment Act, seven years ago, limited exports and forced sale of some products to the state. State intervention was disastrous. Before we had some 3 500 diamond and cutters and polishers, now we are left with only about 500.
The National Development Plan is cautious about beneficiation. It echoes the warning that we don't have the electricity and it will suck capital from the other parts of the economy. If there was money to be made from beneficiation, business would have done it already. These projects will not be economically viable. Where we win on the manufacturing swings, we will lose on the mining roundabouts.
Last week, Mr President, announced or hinted at – because he didn't announce anything – more increases in mining taxes. At the root of all this, is a failure to understand mining or the South African state. The ANC has is held prisoner by its own socialist mythology that fatally overestimates the state's capacity.
The theory is that we will have a few very clever people in government, who willdecide where to direct money and activities. They will succeed where thousands of companies and billions of rand have not. If such clever bureaucrats existed, please move them to run housing, hospitals and indeed the issuing of mining licences because they can really use some planning genius.
The truth is that such state capacity does not exist. It never has through recorded history and the ANC's socialist ideals have failed everywhere they have been tried. Yet we are going to try them again. John Templeton called them the most expensive four words in the world, the phrase that says: "This time it's different".
And when the ANC's mining policy fails, more jobs will go. Those people who lose jobs or never get them in the first place because of stifled growth are the real victims. The government will not take responsibility. It will blame a host of imaginary enemies from its own nightmare subconscious which is rooted in the last century - enemies from international capitalism to the United States imperialism, to an unpatriotic bourgeoisie - all of this shows that this is why the ANC government cannot and should not continue to rule.
Is it not interesting that every time there is a project to be done, the ANC decides on the plans, the money, it hires people and then it all goes wrong? Then we get an appeals from Minister Manuel, among others, that we all should take responsibility for putting it right. Well, we can start right here in this House where committee chairpersons protect officials rather than holding them accountable.
Minister Manuel, I did enjoy your image about the development roadmap and the GPS. The problem is that the ANC's fondness for turning only left means we are going round in circles... [Laughter]... The only map on your GPS is the map of Red Square. [Applause.]
Now, you would think that money would not be spent on Ministers' homes if the Ministers ordered that money should not be spent on those homes. The media has published a letter which shows that the President knew about the expenditure on Inkandla. The excuse of Ministers for not knowing deserves a prize for sheer gall. I think perhaps the people at Inkandla can thank the opposition for now getting access to a new clinic. If we hadn't complained, I doubt very much whether it would have happened. That shows the folly of the project in the first place. [Time expired.]
Mr K B MANAMELA / EKS/LIM//CHECKED// END OF TAKE
UNREVISED HANSARD
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Tuesday, 19 February 2013 Take: 18
Mr J R B LORIMER
Mr K B MANAMELA: Hon Speaker, honourable President and Deputy President and hon members, if there are any willing-clever people we would have to borrow them from the DA because their collective response has been so terrible today, so they actually need willing-clever people to help them to respond to the state of the nation address.
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members.
Mr K B MANAMELA: Hon Athol Trollip, Shakespeare also said, and I quote, "I will challenge you to the battle of wits, but I see you are unarmed", and you have left the House. [Laughter.] In The Tempest, he also said, "Hell is empty and all the devils are here." Maybe I should remind you of what he said in The Merchant of Venice, and I quote, "You speak an infinite deal of nothing." I am sure Shakespeare had you in mind when he wrote in "The Fall of the White
'
Xhosa-speaking Prince", and I quote, "Et Tu Zille, why had thee moved thy lap, for I, your loyal dog, had fallen."
I was listening interestingly to hon Holomisa who was complaining about "ukugwinya nokugwinywa". The only difference is that when you "gwinya" means you are processing and excreting the whole thing; therefore it has got no effect on you, but "mawugwinyiwe" means you have no say at all; and to be "gwinyad" by the DA is the most unfortunate thing that can ever happen to a former democrat. [Laughter.]
Last week, we listened attentively to a state of the nation address of a special type to be delivered ever since the commencement of this fourth Parliament. It was presented as both a government report-back on the five priorities, which is education, health, job creation, rural development and safety and security; and included a set of actions to be implemented this year.
The state of the nation address detailed practical projects that are being implemented since 2009 by this government. With all the projects in place as detailed both by the President and eloquently by hon Minister of Public Enterprises Malusi Gigaba, it came as no surprise that some in the house and other social and political commentators had no clue on how to respond to such complex progress that has been done by this government. [Applause.]
The state of the nation was also a government programme of action that was not premised on mere promises, but gave hope where it seemed to be fading, and more importantly, a clarion call for collective action by all our people to build a better nation.
Yours, Comrade President, was not an address clouded with fancy and flair quotations from renowned scholars, but was one intended to communicate the needs, interests and aspirations more so of the Grade 12 learners that you met with in preparation to the address. [Applause.] We applaud you and the government for being frank about the challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality without paying lip service to these challenges.
There are those who deliberately choose to be blind to the intention of the state of our nation, and quickly rushed to their pigeonholes of feeble criticism, whilst others desperately tried to score cheap political points, as we have seen over this weekend's newspapers and the showmanship displayed here today.
According to them, the crime of the honourable President was not the content of the state of the nation address, but the fact that it was delivered. In fact, I am sure if you were there when Jesus was walking on water, as Bishop Tutu would retort, you would have actually accused him of not knowing how to swim. [Laughter.] For example, the hon Lindiwe Mazibuko, in her blind charade, in the Sunday newspapers, which she repeated here today, reflected this bankruptcy. Even tweets showed that it was expected of what she was going to say that the President is a lame duck, a weak leader and all manner of things; there is no confidence; and there is Nkandla and corruption.
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members. Order!
Mr K B MANAMELA: The fact of the matter is that there are processes which have been undertaken by the Public Protector, for instance, on the Nkandla issue and no one has interfered with that. No one has said that it should not be done. We must clarify this distortion which keeps on being repeated in this House that the President used public money to build a house for his family. We must clarify that distortion. I hope, hon Speaker, at some point you'll have to take those members who repeat that distortion head on. I am sure in her position, occupying the glorified post of Leader of Opposition when the are far better people in both her party and the opposition benches, she would know what it means to be a lame duck as she has perfected that cliché by being one on a daily basis whilst party leader Hellen Zille runs the show from the provincial legislature. [Applause.]
By the way, the only reason why hon Mazibuko would appraise an FNB advert - which FNB itself has acceded that it was scripted and people have acted - and why she would accede to that is because she herself comes to this House with pre-scripted speeches and repeats that to all of us and the whole country. [Laughter.]
The SPEAKER: Order! Order!
Mr K B MANAMELA: The reason is that every year and in every debate the goal posts keeps on changing when it comes to the response by the opposition parties. When the President presents a vision, they ask where is the implementation plan and when he presents a report card, they ask where is the vision. I can type, I can write, you see. So, don't worry, I can do that. This did not arrive by email from the Provincial Legislature of Cape Town. [Laughter.]
In fact, a closer look at the speech by the hon Lindiwe Mazibuko reflects that a response to the state of the nation was already written even before the President delivered the state of the nation address. [Laughter.]
She accuses the President of reheating the previous state of the nation just so that she can be excused for her repetitive annual "inhlamba" session that she dishes out in every debate. A colleague of mine was showing me a tweet by City Press on-line, "Lindiwe Mazibuko repeated the same thing she has been saying for the last four years. So, it's not only me who sees that, even the City Press and the people out there. [Laughter.]
The response by some in the coalition on my left, which in our view does not honour the title of the official opposition, was so weak that even if strengthened calls from afar that we need to be blessed with a new opposition party after 2014 general election. We have had just recently when people saying that we need a new opposition because the current opposition has just failed us. [Applause.] Hopefully, when that happens, we will have a valuable debate about the state of the nation address.
Honourable President and hon members, youth unemployment is a global crises and there is no silver bullet for it. According to the International Labour Organisation, ILO, more than six million young people have joined the long queues of the unemployed, and are neither in school nor in a training facility or skills institution. Countries such as Brazil, Russia, India and China, BRIC, and all over the world are battling with the same problem that our own government is dealing with. And because of its global phenomena, our country had to deal with both internal and ex1ernal drivers of youth unemployment.
Typically, many nations have resorted to traditional measures such as imposed austerity, increased tariffs on imported goods, stricter control of their borders and oversubsidisation of their mainstream economic sectors.
As governments all over the world steamed ahead to save individual shareholders in the financial sector, our government was bold enough to increase public sector spending, halt retrenchments and introduce new schemes and incentives to encourage job retention and job creation. This has led to government saving millions of jobs and concentrating their efforts to create new ones. This required boldness and determination in a period where there was none and as a result we are recognised as one of the few countries that will soon come out of the red in relation to youth unemployment.
Our economy, like all other major economies, has not been creating new jobs and this has affected millions of young people eager to join the labour market. To suggest that youth employment is stagnated by inflexible labour laws and high entry level wages is simplistic, to say the least.
Go and tell that to the workers in De Doorns who for years were subjected to starvation wages. Go and tell that to 14 000 workers in Gold Fields who may actually be retrenched and the DA has the pride to come in this House and defend; it is about time that you are exposed for whom you are.
The SPEAKER: Order, hon members. Order!
Mr K B MANAMELA: I am actually not only prepared my accent to present a speech, but I also prepare the actual speech. [Laughter.] So, people who only prepare their accent must not disturb me. [Laughter.]
The DA should take full responsibility of what happened in De Doorns. Your leader, still with the beautiful aroma of the curry she enjoyed at the Guptas, and a cheque in hand, went straight to De Doorns and opted to meet with the farm owners and take their side. It should also take full responsibility for the fact that it was their MEC for police who issued instructions that led to the death of two workers and the injury of many others. For you to always blame the national Ministers when you fail to lead in the Western Cape is disgusting and a reflection of the same weaknesses that you claim were done by us as the ruling party.
Some in this House, Comrade honourable President, were only interested to hear the words "youth wage subsidy", and for them without this, there was no state of the nation address. They closed their eyes and ears to a plethora of interventions that were proposed as part of the state of the nation address. This is solely because of several reasons, and one of those being that the DA sees the youth wage subsidy as their own pack project. When the President says, "Youth wage subsidy," for it means a lounge for their election campaign and banking on the vulnerable young people. But it also means that they will want to continue to fuel divisions between the aligned structures and also the progressive youth alliance. It is actually disingenuous to suggest that the President conceded to the youth wage accord and youth employment incentives solely because he saw re-election in Mangaung for your information and free education. You see, this thing of jumping courses doesn't help. [Laughter.]
Cosatu does not vote in the conference of the ANC. [Applause.] The alliance between Cosatu and the ANC is not based on a tit-for-tat; it is not based on convenience, but it is an alliance forged in struggle and it will never be divided on the basis of interparty elections.
The SPEAKER: Hon members, order!
Mr K B MANAMELA: Unlike your alliance with what you have just "gwinyad", which is Cope, UDM and everybody else, in these corridors of power and have no principles, and is not in the interest of our people, but merely seek to assert the dominance of the DA with the hope that one day we will only have a two-party parliament and so forth. [Applause.]
Cosatu and the ANC will remain allies forever and will outlive all paper alliances, especially of those who bumped each other here in Parliament. It is interesting to note that your orchestrated, mischievous, cunning plot behind a motion of no confidence, which was raised last year, was intended to ensure that the President is not re-elected in Mangaung. Your confession was quite revealing and we are happy to learn that to hide behind the constitutional court proceedings, and the fact that the motion has expired, does not hold water at all.
The fact is that structures of the ANC have spoken. The people will speak in 2014 and vote for the ANC again in government and you will remain here. [Applause.] Hopefully, the Madam honourable Premier of the Western Cape would have found somebody else to repeat what she once said here in Parliament.
In fact, if I were you, hon Mazibuko, I would be busy doing a background check on hon Lekota because everything that he touches - although it seems like goldish - actually turns into something else. [Laughter.] I can favour you with the numbers of Mr Mbazima Shilowa and many other people who fell in his road to a vicious trail to political power. [Laughter.]
Instead of cutting a dress to celebrate your short-lived governance of Tlokwe, I would be watching the Cassius Lekota, for he has a lean and hungry look. Look at it. [Laughter.] Such men are dangerous. One of the most forgiving leaders of the ANC and of the country, Comrade Nelson Mandela, had to relieve hon Lekota as Premier of the Free State and redeployed him here in the National Council of Provinces. [Laughter.]
His energy of refusing to be silenced was not there when he was a leader of the ANC and of the Free State government. If this energy was there and was positive revolutionary energy, we would not have had Harrismith as the first ever service delivery protest in this country under your clock and leadership. If this honesty, integrity and holier than thou attitude would have been there, the ANC and Parliament would not have penalised you for having being silent about some wine cellar here and a bit of property in Bloemfontein and Durban, and probably a couple of shares in a petroleum distribution company. Now because you are in the comfort of the opposition benches, the responsibility of governing is no longer in your shoulder, that's why you can easily without fear, hell all of those allegations and shout all of those things that you have been shouting every year when there is a debate on the state of the nation address.
In our view, as the ANC, the youth employment accord, which you referred to, honourable President, represents an integrated strategy to resolve youth unemployment in both the immediate and long-term. It is an accord based on long days of engagements and discussions, but more importantly, it is a sign of collective commitment by all sectors of our society. If the DA and all its hangers-on are unwilling to accept this consensus, the train will move with those who are prepared to move.
This accord identifies problems on both the supply and demand side of the labour market; it also facilitates commitments by both the private, Nedlac and public sector. As you don't have any experience in governing except in Tlokwe for six days, you wouldn't know what it means to establish consensus amongst different parties. [Laughter.] Part of these consensus includes a youth employment incentive; support for youth small medium and micro-sized enterprises and youth co-operatives; the expansion of the community works programme through a youth brigade; the public sector investments in fast growing industries; skills and training by both the private and public sector; and making education fashionable by the government and society in general.
To all of these, close to six areas, which have been agreed to by all sectors in Nedlac, the DA says it just want one solution which is the youth wage subsidy. Now, that exposes the opportunism that lies behind the campaign by the DA for a youth wage subsidy. I think some other day on a different day I will have to sit with my comrade at Cosatu House and see how we finally deal with this energy on youth wage subsidy.
Honourable President, as part of "the year of the artisan" that is driven by the Department of Higher Education and Training, this government needs to urgently train thousands bricklayers, roofers, electricians, plumbers, bricklayers, welders, motor mechanics, painters, tillers, fitters and turners and panel beaters in order to take advantage of the public sector infrastructure plans or to support them as SMMEs and co-operatives. [Applause.]
The vocational component of FET colleges is an important platform to ensure that we produce these skills in their thousands. Listen who is talking about selling out and where she is sitting. [Laughter.] We call on young people who qualify to take advantage of the free education already being provided in further education and training colleges.
According to the Minister of Higher Education and Training, no young person is required to pay when registering in an FET college. We hope that young people will take advantage of this opportunity. It also means, honourable President, that the government and the private sector have to join hands in revitalising the manufacturing sector and ensuring that young people are employees of choice.
Creating jobs for youth and supporting youth SMME and co-operatives initiative means taking advantage the demand for cheaper but importbased goods such as mobile phones, laptops, tablets, decoders and million other goods that will create youth employment.
There are more cars, for instance, in South Africa than people in Swaziland, but all of the cars on our roads are either imported or locally-assembled. Honourable President, is this not time that we ask the question: Where is the South African car?
The fact that since January there were more than 315 000 solar geysers installed in poverty-stricken households means that there is potential to support SMMEs and co-operatives, but also support a huge manufacturing capacity and yield thousands of jobs.
In fact, with the more than 50 incentives that are already in place in the Department of Trade and Industry, DTI, and in many other government initiatives, we hope that those initiatives will be directed towards new initiatives such as this one of solar geyser heaters and so forth.
Mr President, over time, you have been called upon - and that call was repeated here today – that you have to build the confidence of the private sector in businesses. We believe, as the ANC, that the people who need reassurance are the marginalised, excluded, impoverished and the exploited youth who had never doubted the commitment of this government or ever lost confidence in it.
As you serve the last year of your first term as President, let it be for the teenagers who have just passed their Grade 12 and hope to enter the university world, or for the young person who has just completed their FET studies and hope to be an artisan, or for a collective of young men and women who need seed capital to start a small business or cooperative, or for a school drop-out who wants to re-enter the education system, young people out there are not expecting a handout from this government; they are expecting a hand-up; and look up to us to facilitate opportunities. I promise you Comrade honourable President that if that can be achieved, no amount of vulgar from my peer, hon Mazibuko, will ever shake you or the ANC. Let it be done for the youth and let it be done before it is too late. Thank you. [Applause.]
The House adjourned at 18:50.
VM/ END OF TAKE
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