SADC EPA
Group - EC Negotiations:
Assessing
the Emerging Outcome
30 January
2008, Pretoria
Introduction
1.
At the outset of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs)
negotiations with the European Commission (EC) in 2002, SADC was divided. Four
groupings emerged in the negotiating process: i) the SADC EPA Group comprising Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia,
Swaziland (BLNS), as well as Mozambique, Angola and Tanzania; ii) East African
Community (EAC) comprising Kenya, Uganda; iii) Central African Economic and
Monetary Community (CEMAC) that includes DRC; and iv) the East and Southern
African Group (ESA) comprising the all other SADC members.
2.
As the negotiations proceeded, Tanzania was compelled o leave the
SADC EPA Group and negotiate as part of the EAC. The emerging EPA outcome now
creates a series of new policy divisions in SADC, among the SADC EPA Countries
as well as in SACU.
3.
South Africa joined the SADC EPA
Group in February 2006 in an attempt to resist further fragmentation in SADC.
We had hoped to align the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA)
free trade agreement that we have with the EU to the SADC EPA arrangement. In
particular, we saw the negotiations as an opportunity to consolidate the
customs union in SACU vis a vis the EU.
4.
This brief provides some background to South Africa’s
participation in the EPA negotiating process. It then assesses the emerging
outcome before outlining, in broad and brief terms, possible next steps and
options.
Some
Background
5.
South Africa entered the EPA negotiations
in an effort to harmonise the TDCA with the region’s trade relations vis-à-vis the EU, in an effort to
strengthen regional integration in SACU and SADC. We were under no legal
obligation to do so as the TDCA is the basis for our trade relations with the
EU.
6.
Together with the SADC EPA States, we developed a
negotiating framework that was agreed by Ministers in February 2006. The
Framework, submitted to the EC in March 2006, contained four key elements.
First, since the BLNS were de facto
subject to the TDCA by virtue of being part of the SACU customs union with South Africa,
they would accept the TDCA as a basis for a negotiating outcome so long as
their sensitivities under the TDCA were addressed. Second, the other SADC EPA
Members (Mozambique, Angola and Tanzania), all least developed countries
(LDCs), should be allowed to continue to receive non-reciprocal duty free quota
free access to the EU under the EC’s Everything but Arms initiative that
extends such treatment to all LDCs, globally. This is consistent with the
negotiating objective taken by LDCs in the WTO negotiations, and one supported
by South Africa.
7.
Third, all SADC EPA States, including South Africa, should
obtain duty free market access to the EU – a harmonisation of the region’s access
to the EU at the best available conditions. South Africa conceded that this
should not be achieved at the expense of any other SADC EPA Member, and
recognising the EU’s sensitivities in agriculture, this could be obtained over
a transitional period. Fourth, all new generation trade issues (services,
investment, procurement, intellectual property, competition, labour, and
environment) should be subject to non-binding cooperative arrangements to allow
time for building policy, human and institutional capacity at national level.
The development of national positions should then be followed by processes for
regional convergence to build regional markets and common regional policies. We
argued that sufficient progress on both processes at national and regional
level should be prerequisites to entering into negotiations with the EC at a
future date.
8.
The EC responded to this framework in March 2007 (one year
later). While it agreed to include South Africa in the negotiations,
it challenged each of the SADC EPA negotiation objectives.
Emerging
Outcome
9.
The shape of the outcome shows that South Africa
will not obtain duty free market access (our tariff negotiations are based on
reciprocity). LDCs will reciprocate tariff concessions in line with WTO
obligations as interpreted by the EC (80% coverage). BLNS sensitivities are
narrowly addressed. All SADC EPA States, except South
Africa and Namibia, agreed to negotiate
services and investment, and have further agreed to consider competition and
government procurement for future negotiations. In this way, a new generation
of division has opened in the region’s trade policy.
10.
As the negotiations have unfolded, it is increasingly clear
that different SADC Members will be required to undertake different obligations
to the EC under the various EPA configurations. While this is technically
possible under the free trade area that currently defines the SADC integration
process, the situation becomes more complex if SADC seeks to achieve customs
union status. Moreover, differential obligations to the EC on new generation
issues (services and investment) will complicate efforts to achieve common
positions among the SADC countries.
11.
The emerging negotiating outcome as set out in the Interim
Agreement is deeply problematic in two basic respects. First, in negotiating
terms, it involves a set of negotiating concessions that is inequitable and
highly imbalanced in the EU’s favour. Second, it poses the most serious and
immediate challenge to advancing regional integration in Southern
Africa. The Interim Agreement was initialled in December by Botswana, Lesotho,
Swaziland and Mozambique. Namibia
initialled with reservations on the understanding that they will re-open
contentious aspects of the Agreement. Angola has not yet initialled the
Interim Agreement.
Tariff
Negotiations
12.
The tariff negotiation involves an exchange where SADC EPA
States would simply retain their existing Cotonou
market preferences in the EU but must, for the first time, substantially open
their markets to EU exports, accept an extensive set of onerous legal
obligations to regulate their markets, and establish new institutions that will
oversee the implementation of the EPA agreement. The EC offered all SADC EPA
countries, except South
Africa, duty free quota free access to its
markets for all products except rice and sugar which are subjected to a
transitional period. While this is impressive in form, in substance all ACP
countries account for less than 2% of EC world imports. In Southern Africa,
aside from South Africa,
products of significant export interests include beef (Namibia and Botswana)
and sugar (Swaziland).
In exchange, the EC has secured open 80% of the SADCEPA market to EU exports.
13.
Important tariff negotiation took place between South Africa
and the EC. The EC had offered to grant South Africa a zero tariff over a three
year period on the last outstanding industrial tariff lines (6 aluminium
lines).The EC was still to respond to South Africa’s request to rectify
technical errors in nine jewellery and two textile lines. We reached a
reciprocal deal on trade in fish. The EC offered a good deal on a range of
agricultural and processed agricultural products including an immediate zero
tariff on 126 products due to be liberalised in 2010. It also offered alignment
with the good deal Chile
has with the EC on canned and fresh fruit, a better offer on cut flowers; duty
free quotas for ethanol and some beverages. In exchange, the EC requested that South Africa
accelerate the phase down of agricultural products due to be liberalised under
the TDCA in 2012 to 2010.
14.
The difficulty was that this EC offer came on 8 November
leaving little time to consult with stakeholders in South Africa and for the other SACU
Members to concur. As we did not have sufficient time, the EC removed the
latter offer from the table one week later. In sum, tariff negotiations between
the South Africa
and the EC are unfinished and the TDCA remains the basis for our trade.
New
Generation Issues
15.
The Interim Agreement also contains a commitment to continue
negotiations towards a “full EPA” in 2008. In this way, the SADC EPA States
have also had to agree upfront to accept new disciplines on services and
investment, and future negotiations are envisaged in government procurement and
competition policy.
16.
Our opposition to including these issues in the EPA was
spelled out in the original Framework Document agreed by the SADC EPA Group.
First, there is no compulsion to negotiate the so-called new generation trade
issues under the EPA to meet the requirements of WTO compatibility. Neither the
Cotonou Agreement nor the TDCA contain any obligation in these areas. Second,
some new generation trade issues are currently under negotiation in the WTO
(services, IP, and environment), while others have been excluded (investment,
competition, procurement, labour). Third, SADC EPA Member States have limited
institutional and negotiating capacity, which would be severely strained if
these issues were to be negotiated under the EPA. Further, new generation trade
issues would pose serious policy challenges as SADC has no common policies in
these areas. Negotiating these subjects under such conditions runs the risk of
delivering unbalanced outcomes that may be prejudicial and limit national
developmental objectives and policy space, and outcomes may foreclose prospects
for deeper integration in SADC and SACU. Fourth, outcomes could result in
obligations that go beyond those agreed in the WTO (WTO-plus), and introduce
into the bilateral context, issues that contributed to the failures of Cancun
(investment, competition and government procurement) and of Seattle (labour and
environment). Moreover, by negotiating these issues bilaterally, SADC EPA
Member States would be complicit in bypassing WTO negotiations or prejudging
its negotiating positions in the Doha
round in areas of services, IPR protection, and environment where multilateral
negotiations are ongoing
17.
Our approach was that SADC EPA Member States would be
prepared to engage these issues in an appropriate framework. This framework
should focus on technical exchange and cooperation where the EU could assist in
the development of SADC institutional, policy and legislative infrastructure.
This may extend to the development of common policies in SADC to foster regional
integration. In recognizing that these issues are important dimensions of
economic governance, SADC EPA Member States propose a cooperative engagement
with the EU. Such cooperative
arrangements would not extend to negotiations nor involve any substantive
obligations. Furthermore, we argued that any final agreement in these areas
would not be subject to dispute settlement under the EPA.
18.
Other SADC EPA members shifted position on these issues.
Initially, the SADC EPA Members, except Namibia
and South Africa,
indicated that they would consider committing to negotiate only in services so
long as they received adequate technical assistance. In the final negotiations,
under considerable pressure, these Members committed to immediately enter
negotiations in services and investment without any binding upfront commitment
for technical assistance from the EC, and they committed to negotiate
competition and government procurement in future.
Legal and
Institutional Issues
19.
The Interim Agreement establishes the legal, institutional
and market prerequisites for a new regional project in Southern
Africa. It creates differential policy and institutional
obligations among SADC and SACU Members vis a vis the EU
and, thereby, drives a series of wedges in the ongoing regional integration
projects in Southern Africa. Taken together,
the EC market and legal-institutional proposals will profoundly complicate
ongoing SADC and SACU integration efforts.
20.
The EC seeks to define Parties to the Agreement as the EC
and EU Member States on one side, and the SADC EPA States as a single Party
acting collectively, on the other. This presumes a legal and institutional
basis for decision-making among the SADC EPA States that does not exist. The EC
also proposes new regional institutional structures to implement the agreement.
It is not clear how these relate to existing SADC structures or to national
competencies.
Other
Contentious Issues
21.
MFN Clause: The EC proposed both
sides extend any advantages offered to any other trading partners in future
negotiations to each other. The SADC EPA States, except for South Africa,
will have duty and quota free access to the EC under the EPA and therefore
cannot receive anything more from the EC if the latter negotiate a more
preferable arrangement with others. South Africa may gain but only in
agriculture. Conversely, the clause means that when we negotiate a deal with
any other large trading partner (developed country or countries/grouping
accounting for more that 1% of global trade; i.e. Mercosur,
India, China) any more
advantageous tariff concession we offer must be extended to the EC. This goes
to the heart of our trade policy sovereignty, limiting our negotiating leverage
and options. There may be technical means to limit the effect of this clause
but the overall effect is clear. No other partner would be able to get a better
deal than the EC in our market. This EC proposal was received late in the
process (31 October 2007) was said to non-negotiable (a deal breaker). Aside
from Namibia and South Africa,
other SADC EPA States accepted it. The EC offered a compromise to exclude South Africa
but as the others would remain under this obligation, the EC has effectively
driven a wedge in SACU’s trade policy.
22.
Export Taxes: The EC originally proposed that South Africa
eliminate its export taxes (currently on diamonds) and then extended the demand
to all SADC EPA States. South Africa
agreed to accept the discipline already in the TDCA (not to introduce new
export taxes) for itself, while Botswana
and Namibia
opposed its extension to their jurisdictions. The EC offered to compromise to
allow those countries exceptions under demonstrable “critical”
circumstances.
23.
Political issues: The EC has introduced
references to the political titles of the Cotonou
and TDCA (human rights and weapons of mass destruction). The difficulty with
importing these notions is that it upsets the balance of the negotiating
outcome of those negotiations (by highlighting only some issues interest to the
EC) and, more importantly, subjects them to more rigorous dispute settlement
procedures in the EPA that includes the possibility of trade sanctions.
24.
South Africa has identified a range
of other contentious provisions including those related to safeguards, and
customs administration that would also need to be revisited.
Further
Developments
25.
South Africa refused to initial the
Interim Agreement on the basis of an overall assessment of the imbalanced and
inequitable nature of the outcome. We have expressed strong reservations during
the negotiations themselves, and at the SACU Council Ministerial Meeting, the
Africa-EU Summit and the African Caribbean and Pacific Ministerial Meeting, in
December 2007.
26.
At the Africa-EU Summit and at the ACP Ministerial meeting,
it became clear that many African and ACP countries were extremely concerned
with the outcome of the EPA negotiations. ACP Ministers called for a re-opening
of the Interim Agreement. While the Summit Declaration did not specifically
mention the Interim Agreement, there is some recognition by the EU that the
Agreement will need to be revisited. The
AU Summit in Addis Ababa
also called for the re-opening of contentious provisions. The extent to which
the EC and, indeed, those Members that have initialled the IEPA, will agree to
this proposal needs to be clarified.