Briefing to the Portfolio Committee for Safety and Security
14 November 2001
Cape Town
Organized Crime and
Drug Trafficking
BRIEFING TO THE PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE FOR SAFETY
AND SECURITY ON ORGANIZED CRIME AND
DRUG TRAFFICKING
INTRODUCTION There can be little doubt that, despite some local successes, the consumption of illicit drugs worldwide has reached alarming levels. Today, drug abuse is a global problem having broken out of well-defined localized addict communities. This is particularly true for developing countries where traditional use of drugs for therapeutic, ritual or religious reasons has been replaced by socially detrimental abuse and drug addiction. The increase in worldwide communication and the globalization of transport and trade also appear to have provided fertile ground for illicit drug trafficking and the spreading of narcotic habits around the world.
There are many examples of such spreading and shifting of drug abuse patterns and habits across national borders. This can be seen in South Africa, where the opening up of borders since the mid-1990's has brought with it an influx of imported drugs, most notably cocaine, "club" or "rave" drugs from Europe, and most recently, and perhaps most worryingly, heroin.
Illicit drugs are already making their mark on public health and public order in South Africa. Already the link between drugs and crime is apparent in South Africa, with the recently conducted "Three-Metros" study showing that approximately half of the arrestees surveyed tested positive for illicit drugs. Also, there is evidence of an increasing burden on health services, with more treatment admissions being related to cocaine and heroin.
"THREE-METROS" STUDY The Medical Research Council, the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, the Institute for Security Studies and the Human Sciences Research Council, in conjunction with the Crime Information Analysis Centre of the SAPS, have undertaken the first study of its kind in South Africa to test the link between drugs and crime. The multi-site study conducted in police holding cells yields information on police arrest patterns, arrestee's and use of illegal drugs.
The combined finding of the study, which was conducted in three phases, indicates that an average of 45.6%of the arrestees tested positive for at least one drug. An average of 70% of persons arrested in connection with housebreaking and 68.7% for drug and alcohol related offences were most likely to test positive for drugs. The largest variance was evident with regard to the category of theft of motor vehicles, ranging from 36% to 74% with an average of 56.3% over the phases. The use of drugs by persons arrested in connection with violent offences was also fairly consistent and present ground for serious concern, for instance an average of 45% of the persons arrested for rape, 50% for weapons related offences and 49.7% for murder (all attempts included) tested positive for at least one drug
During the 3rd Phase of the study 47.3% of persons in Durban arrested for violent offences tested positive for any drug compared to 46.8% in Cape Town and 36.7% in Gauteng. In Cape Town 66.2% of the persons who were arrested for property crime, 51.1% in Durban and 31.7% of persons in Gauteng, tested positive for at least one drug.
The wealth of information produced by the survey can be used to inform crime and drug prevention policy, as well as health policy. The relationships identified clearly warrant serious concern and may well provide one of the keys to addressing the crime problem in South Africa.
STRATEGY OF ILLICIT DRUG TRAFFICKING AND ILLICIT DRUG ABUSE
STRATEGY ON DRUGS The South African Police Service strategy on drugs emphasizes partnership approaches to tackling drug problems, and the need to target and disrupt drug dealing in South Africa. Hence the potential benefits - and potential difficulties - associated with situational initiatives are likely to receive increasing attention in South Africa.
When properly implemented situational strategies, have a beneficial impact on drug-related crime and disorder.
NATIONAL CRIME PREVENTION STRATEGY 2002/2003 Arising from the unprecedented levels of drug related crime being experienced in the country a strong operational drive over the period 2000 - 2003 to stabilize drug related crime and bring about normalization in drug related crime levels have been implemented. The National Crime Combating Strategy has two main approaches to address the Operational Priorities, namely:
- Organized Crime Approach; and
- Geographical Approach.
ESTABLISHMENT OF ORGANIZED CRIME COORDINATED INVESTIGATION TEAMS Coordinated investigation teams have been established to launch operations against the identified syndicates. These operations are intelligence - driven and aim at neutralizing the syndicates through investigation and prosecution, or disrupt the activities of the syndicate or disrupt the activities of the syndicate is such a way so as to render them ineffectual.
EMPLOYMENT OF A INTEGRATED APPROACH All coordinated investigation teams employ an integrated approach in their operations and include amongst others, the following:
PRIORITIZATION OF AREAS - ESTABLISHING CRIME COMBATING ZONES An intelligence analysis indicated that 141 police stations were the areas in which + 50% of all serious crime in the country was being committed. These 141 stations can be grouped into 32 crime- combating zones. The boundaries of these crime-combating zones do not necessarily correspond with the boundaries of police areas. In some instances a crime-combating zone falls within two I more areas. Crime combating zones also include station precinct adjacent to the identified hot spot areas to prevent crime from spilling over to neighbouring stations.
ESTABLISHMENT OF CRIME TASK GROUPS Crime combating task groups were established in each crime-combating zone for the purpose of intervention operations. These crime combating task groups are responsible for launching, controlling and coordinating crime-combating operations within their respective crime combating zones.
EMPLOYMENT OF AN INTEGRATED APPROACH Crime combating task groups employ an integrated approach in their operations and include the following components:
- Stability;
- Reaction Services;
- Intelligence Service;
- Investigation Service;
- Community Policing;
- Communication;
- Legal Service; and
- All operating under the command of the Joint Operations Commander (generally the deputy
area commissioner).
The commander of each of the above components will serve the Joint Operations Command to ensure coordination of effort.
IDENTIFYING AND ANALYSING DRUG HOT-SPOTS The identification and analysis of drug hot spots is a necessary first stage, of any operation. The implementation of situational initiatives is dependent upon thorough knowledge of the geographical locations and spread, and the major social and environmental features, of the markets that are being targeted. Strategist will also wish to find out about the nature and patterns of the activities conducted at the sites.
The data used for purposes of analysis can derive from many sources, including intelligence records, arrests and crime reports for example:
The Division: Crime Intelligence has enhanced the Crime Intelligence Operational role in the NCCS by operating as an integrated collective at all levels of the SA Police Service.
In terms of the SAPS National Crime Combating Strategy (NCC S), an emphasis has been placed on intelligence driven policing including Crime Intelligence executing an operational concept that is giving effect to not only 3 operational approaches (Geographical, Organized Crime and Cross Cutting Approach) of the NCCS, but also the JCPS cluster priorities for 2001/2. This is thus also directed at Drug related crimes, from the lowest to the highest and most sophisticated order. This Operational Concept utilizes the Crime Threat Analysis to determine focus and priorities. These threats are dealt with at the appropriate level of the three levels of policing, namely:
- Station Threats Policeable crime at station level. Not Organized Crime. - Cluster Threats Organized Crime threats dealt with at area and or provincial level through conventional investigation methodology by dedicated joint collection and investigation teams.
- Top Threats Threats emanating from cluster that requires addressing through non-conventional investigation techniques by dedicated project intelligence I investigation team.
Organized Crime Threat Analysis (OCTA) a product of the Crime Threat Analysis, which is a role-up process from station level of crime tendencies. Syndicates are identified and placed on the OCTA. The current top threats identified are:
- Drug related : 102 threats registered
- Theft of motor vehicle : 85 threats registered
- Fraud related : 71 threats registered
- Armed robbery : 69 threats registered
- Armed robbery of motor vehicles : 47 threats registered
- Corruption : 31 threats registered
A total of 311 threats are registered on the OCTA with 5 597 individuals identified.
A Breakdown Drug related threats are the number one (1) priority in the following provinces:
The remainder provinces have the following threats relating to drugs:
- Gauteng 11 threats
- Northern Province 1 threats
- North West 8 threats
- Mpumalanga 5 threats
PREVENTION PROGRAMME TO REDUCE DEMAND FOR ILLEGAL SUBSTANCES AND TO PREVENT ABUSE OF DRUGS AND ILLEGAL SUBSTANCES
Prevention programmes The Department of Social Development is the lead department focusing on demand reduction of drugs. This department was responsible for the establishment of the Central Drug Authority and the adoption of a Drug Master Plan for South Africa, both of which are now in place.
The central Drug Authority has been approached to from a partnership with the SAPS and the Department of Education in regard to preventing drug use in schools and the develop effective programmes to reduce the demand for drugs.
Through the implementation of the Drug master Plan it is expected that all departments will become involved in demand reduction.
The Department of Education is currently in the process of developing a National Drug Abuse Policy for schools that deal with drug use and abuse in schools, drug testing in schools and prevention programmes in this regard. This policy should be available in two months time. SANCA is also involved in various local programmes with the Department of Social Development dealing with both treatment and prevention of drug abuse.
In the SAPS, prevention programmes form part of social crime prevention programmes at station, area and provincial level. Informing and educating children, parents, teachers and communities about drug abuse and how to deal with and prevent it, is a major part of youth crime prevention programmes. Adopt-a-cop programmes that are implemented in secondary and primary schools focus on raising awareness and helping learners and schools how to identify problems relating to drugs and how to deal with it.
The Narcotics Bureau of the SAPS is frequently included in these awareness programmes. These programmes are linked to the Department of Education's Safer Schools Programme, which also focus on prevention of dealing with drug abuse in schools.
In the workbook for safer schools that was produced by the SAPS and Department of Education one section deals specifically with drugs and provides guidelines for schools on how to deal with this issue.
Some good examples exist where partnerships have been formed with professional institutions that deal with drug abuse to refer children for treatment where drug dependence already exists (Garsfontein, Mamelodi, Soweto Area).
Support groups like Tough Love and Inter-Trauma Nexus also involved to help communities deal with drug dependency. The focus is on both prevention and support.
The SAPS Crime Prevention units and SANAB also frequently participate in public events like shows, community awareness days and sporting events where information about drugs is distributed and awareness raised.
Youth crime prevention initiatives involving youth organizations like those established in Kwa Mashu in KwaZulu-Natal and in the Cape Peninsula also focus on making young people more resilient to the threat of drug abuse.
The SAPS operational strategy to deal with drugs focuses, amongst others on international and regional cooperation, control of the inflow of drugs across our borders, the identification and targeting of drug syndicates and disruption of their supply and various police actions in high crime areas. Criminal organizations operate easily across frontiers, exploiting the fact that government and law enforcement agencies still have to operate in a bordered world with porous borders.
The political transition in South Africa, for example, has been accompanied by an upsurge of indigenous criminal organizations and the influx of groups from outside the country, as well as an increase in the problems of drug abuse and trafficking.
The international drug-control system is governed by a series of UN treaties. These treaties require that governments exercise control over the production and distribution of narcotic and psychotropic substances, combat drug abuse and illicit trafficking, maintain the necessary administrative machinery and report to international organs on their actions.
South Africa is a signatory to a number of international conventions on drugs, as well as the Protocol on Combating Illicit Drug Trafficking in the SADC region.
Equally important are the other areas of international cooperation. Close operational ties exist between the SAPS and Interpol. South Africa also hosts drug liaison officers from a number of countries, the UK, USA, Germany and France. SAPS placed Drug Liaison Officers in the UK, Brazil, Nigeria, Swaziland, Mozambique and Namibia to enhance cooperation on intelligence sharing and joint operations.
Recently, several ministers of the Justice Crime Prevention and Security Cluster accompanied Deputy President Jacob Zuma to Mexico and Colombia. Cooperation agreements with regard to drug trafficking were signed between South Africa and these countries.
In terms of the regional agreements, the SAPS have conducted a number of cross border operations. Last year, in cooperation with the Mozambique police, a drug factory was closed down in Maputo.
The various policing agencies also share intelligence with regard to drug shipments, traffickers and new routes that are being used.
For the period January 2000 to November 2000 the South African Narcotics Bureau were also involved in 49 controlled deliveries of drugs in cooperation with various countries, including Germany, USA, Brazil and the United Kingdom.
The internal operational strategy of the SAPS to deal with drugs, which is part of the National Crime Combating Strategy (NCCS) and similar to the approach to combating illegal firearms, involves the cuffing off of smuggling routes, the interception of drugs at border posts and ports of entry, the destruction of dagga plantations, the dismantling of illicit laboratories and the targeting of syndicates. This is all being intensified as our knowledge increases.
In terms of the organized crime approach of the NCCS, organized crime task groups have been established to deal with, amongst others, drug syndicates.
We intend to further expand the task groups to specifically focus on drugs.
In terms of the geographical approach, the SAPS carries out searches cordon and search operations, roadblocks, as well as raids in the hot spot areas.
At South Africa's 96 official ports of entry, including 36 designated international airports that contribute to poor border control and easy access, strict measures have been adopted in an effort to tighten access and thereby stem the influx of drugs and arms.
In terms of these measures, bulk commercial traffic is to be cleared through only 19 of the 52 existing land border posts and cargo at only 10 of the 36 airports. This is part of the NCPS programme to generally tighten and improve border control. The SAPS has placed dedicated Harbour and Airport Interdiction Teams at different ports of entry.
SAPS Border Police has a presence at 53 border posts, seven international airports and seven sea harbours.
Various high-tech equipments have also been installed at these entry points:
- Static baggage x-ray scanners (for the scanning of smaller parcels and passenger baggage);
- Walk through metal detectors;
- Infra red telescope camera systems;
- Fibre scope inspection kits (tailgating)
- Handheld ammunitiorilexplosive detective systems;
- Handheld GPS's;
- Video and digital cameras; and
- IT equipment.
A body scanner for Johannesburg International Airport and a Pellet x-ray scanner for scanning of cargo at airport will also be installed.
There is no doubt that the problem of drugs and its impact on crime is a huge one. The SAPS has managed to score major successes, in terms of seizing vast quantities of drugs, closing down drug laboratories and neutralizing syndicates.
For example, the SAPS recently dealt a crushing blow against international drug trafficking syndicates. On 10 July a vessel, en route from Argentina to China, was intercepted and 116kg of cocaine with a street value of 250-million was seized. Just weeks later a vessel en route from Brazil to North China was discovered to have 155kg of cocaine on board with an estimated street value of R325-million.
In support of these measures, the implementation of the Automated Fingerprint Identification System, the DNA database, the decentralization of the forensics Science Laboratory to the provinces, the training of personnel, the restructuring of our detective units into Organized Crime and Serious Violent Crime Units, are all intended to increase our effectiveness in the fight against crime and drugs.
MANUFACTURE
After the Second World War, methaqualone, a depressant, also known as mandrax, emerged as another important psychoactive substance. Following the identification of its abuse potential, methaqualone was removed from the legal market and classified as a prohibited dependence-producing drug in part I of the schedule of the South African narcotics law (Act 41 of 1971). However, following its official withdrawal from the local market, methaqualone tablets were diverted from international distribution channels - mostly originating in India and China. In recent times, they have also been illicitly manufactured in neighbouring African countries as well as in South Africa itself.
Methaqualone is today the second most widely abused illicit substance in South Africa after cannabis. It started to become a general problem for South African society as of the late 1980's.
Although South Africa does not currently appear to be a major manufacturing site for illicit drugs, there is firm evidence that clandestine manufacturing of illicit drugs has been taking place in the country for more than a decade. Manufacture of illicit drugs was originally limited to methaqualone. The first clandestine methaqualone laboratory was seized in 1987, but domestic production of methaqualone is believed to have increased since and continues to gain in importance. Laboratories were originally identified primarily in Gauteng province. By 2001, lab seizures were taking place in major metropolitan areas. In recent years, the range of detected laboratories has also broadened to include facilities manufacturing ATS including ecstasy, methamphetamine as well as kitchen-type laboratories for the manufacture of crack-cocaine. Moreover, a laboratory manufacturing GHB (gamma hydroxy butyrate) was detected in 1998 (ARQ, 1998). GHB - used in a number of reported cases of date rape in South Africa - has since November 2000, come under strict control in South Africa.
About three laboratories per year were dismantled over the 1987-97 period. In 1998 the number of detected clandestine laboratories rose to eight, reflecting an underlying trend of increased domestic drug manufacture in recent years (ARQ, 1998). In 1999, eight labs were again dismantled (2 methaqualone, 3 MDMA (ecstasy), 2 methamphetarnine, 1 MDP2P - two of these were multiple labs). In 2000, another eight were seized (4 methaqualone, 2 MDMA (ecstasy), 2 'crack"). It is noteworthy that in February 2000, South African Police provided support to the Mozambican government in dismantling the largest methaqual one laboratory ever detected in the Southern Hemisphere. The operation took place in Maputo and resulted in the seizure of 292kg of methaqualone tablets as well as the confiscation of 30 tons of chemicals and precursors -sufficient to make 7.5 tons of methaqualone tablets. As of August 2001, a total of four labs has been seized (2 methaqualone, 2 MDMA (ecstasy) for the year.
[PMG Ed note: table not included, e-mail [email protected]]
DIVERSION OF PRECURSORS Clandestine manufacture of drugs in South Africa is also reflected in Seizures of precursor chemicals. Important seizures of anthranilic acid and ofN~acety1anthraIlIic acid, the two main precursors for methaqualone manufacture, were reported in 1995. Approximately 70% of all seizures of methaqualone precursors worldwide took place in South Africa in that year. In subsequent years, clandestine producers of methaqualone switched to a number of other chemicals which are not under international control. In particular, isatoic anhydride (INCB 1999) has been used in recent years to replace the traditional methaqual one precursors. Methaqualone precursors are usually sourced from the local market (ARQ 1998).
[PMG Ed note: table not included, e-mail [email protected]] In addition to the typical methaqualone precursors mentioned above, a number of other chemicals were also seized in South Africa, including acetic anhydride, hydrochloric acid, toluene, acetone, ethyl ether and sulphuric acid. All of these chemicals can be used in the manufacture of methaqualone, but they may be also used in the manufacture of other drugs. The volumes of seizures in these substances in South Africa, however, have not been particularly large compared with volumes seized at the global level.
There is only one exception, safrole, a key precursor forthe manufacture of ecstasy (MDMA). It was seized in both 1996 and 1997 in South Africa. South African seizures of safrole in 1996 accounted for 80% of global seizures in that year.
In addition, foreign drug trafficking groups have started to target South Africa's chemical industry as a supplier of precursors. The magnitudes involved in such attempts, as recent examples have shown, have been by considerably higher than domestic seizures of precursor chemicals in South Africa itself. The INCB has highlighted in its 1999 annual report on precursors that very large quantities (around 25 tonnes) of methyl ethyl ketone (MEK) originating in South Africa, were about to be shipped via Europe to Colombia. A number of deliveries had already taken place. This followed the tightening of chemical controls in the United States and in Europe. MEK is one of the key substances in the manufacture of cocaine hydrochloride; it is used to extract and purify the cocaine (INCB 1999). After the revelation of the true reason for the strong MEK demand in Colombia, South African industry, has started to operate more closely with the authorities to prevent such deliveries in the future.
There have been also some important attempts to import precursor chemicals into South Africa for illicit uses. In March1998, for instance, China stopped a suspicious shipment of the enormous amount of 20 tonnes of ephedrine, themain precursor for the manufacture of methamphetamine, to a South African company. These are huge quantities. Global seizures of ephedrine in 1997 amounted to a mere 8 tonnes. A quantity of 20 tons of ephedrine would have been sufficient to produce 13 tons of methamphetamine, equivalent to more than 430 million doses of methamphetamine.
In 1999, the SANAB established its Chemical Monitoring Programme. In the relatively short period since its inception, this unit has establish an effective relationship with the chemical industry and receives regular reports from the latter regarding irregularities and possible diversion. Since 1999 there have been no seizures of the listed chemicals in terms of Section 3 of the Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act and Article 12 of the UN Convention. DRUG SITUATION
CULTIVATION AND PRODUCTION There is large-scale cultivation of cannabis. Most of the illicit cannabis cultivation takes place in small, remote plots in the following provinces (by order of importance): Eastern Cape, KwaZulu Natal, Northern Province and Mpumalanga. Cannabis is usually cultivated in mountainous or otherwise inaccessible areas, and - on a smaller scale - on the fringes of large, historically white-owned farms.
In both the Eastern Cape (essentially the former "independent" Republic of Transkei) and in KwaZulu Natal, a large number of rural families make their living on cannabis production. A considerable amount of cannabis is also imported into South Africa from Lesotho (ARQ 1998; Strydom 2000; OGD 1998a). Smaller quantities are also brought in to satisfy domestic demand from Swaziland and Malawi. Major domestic consumer markets are the metropolises of Durban, Johannesburg and Cape Town.
Most South African-cultivated cannabis is consumed within the country. Authorities estimate that excess production enabled exports to grow from 15% of total production in 1991 to 70% of total production by 1996. Although the cultivation and wholesaling at domestic level is in the hands of black rural communities and middlemen, much of the international cannabis trafficking to Europe is reportedly in the hands of UK and Dutch expatriates living in South Africa, working in conjunction with mostly white South Africans. Western Europe in general, and the UK and the Netherlands in particular, are the main final destinations. For example, within the past two years, based on seizure and arrest data as well as other sources of information, the UK has reclassified South Africa upwards as the most significant source of herbal cannabis smuggled into that country, far outranking any other.
However, several neighbouring countries also report South Africa as the source country for cannabis they seize. Authorities in Namibia, for instance, claim that 80% of the cannabis consumed within that country is from South Africa (ARQ, 1996; ODCCP-FO March 2000).
[Brief history of cannabis in South Africa There has been a "tradition" of cannabis consumption in South Africa. The use of cannabis, known as dagga in South Africa, dates back to the 15thcentury CE. Arab as well as Persian and Indian merchants were, inter alia, responsible for its spread along the eastern coast of the African continent in the 13thcentury. By the 15thcentury Swahili merchants in eastern Africa and some Bantu tribes in central and southern Africa co-operated in bringing the plant to southern Africa where it was later also cultivated. Cannabis gained in popularity in the 18th and 19thcentury (OGD, 1996a). In 1928 authorities in South Africa introduced the first drug legislation concerning cannabis (Wright 1991). The use of cannabis was for a long time largely limited to the African population. Only over the last few decades, has cannabis gained popularity among the coloured and the white population.]
TRAFFICKING IN CANNABIS Seizures of cannabis herb in South Africa in volume terms, as reported to UNDCP, have been subject to major annual fluctuations over the last decade. Once the data are smoothed, the overall trend is downwards with a small increase over the past two years.
Despite lower levels in 1998 as compared with a decade earlier, South Africa's cannabis herb seizures nonetheless accounted for almost 55% of all cannabis herb seizures in Africa. At the global level, South Africa's cannabis herb seizures have been either the third (e.g. in 1997) or the fourth largest (e.g. in 1998) in recent years (usually behind those of Mexico and the USA).
It is unlikely that the above-mentioned decline in seizures reflects a reduction in the South African cannabis market. A number of other factors are probably more accurate explanations of the decline. Some of the large seizures in the past were actually due to cannabis seized in containers in ships transiting South Africa, including cannabis resin from Pakistan and cannabis herb from Colombia on the way to Europe (OGD 1997; OGD 1998).
Even more significantly, is the shift in enforcement priorities (Leggett 2000). The emergence of other highly dangerous drugs in South African market has clearly prompted the authorities to target the latter substances with more rigour. Police sources indicate that seizures of cannabis result in, many cases from the search for other substances. Thus the authorities, having stepped up controls at airports to prevent cocaine trafficking, reported an increase in cannabis courier activities of people departing on national airlines to Europe. Cannabis herb transported by air is either body carried of packed in suitcases (ARQ 1998).
Aside from courier-ferried product, containers smuggling cannabis herb continue to be shipped to Europe. The latter activities are usually organized by groups of white South Africans with good business links to Europe, sometimes by people owning legitimate companies (UNDCP Mission 1999). In a few cases, the emergence of a new form of drug barter business has been identified, such as South African cannabis being exchanged for European ecstasy and LSD (OGD 1997: OGD 1998). During the period 1999-2000, the UK reported the seizure of multi-ton consignments smuggled from South Africa by way of containers, indicating a preference for this manner of maritime trafficking.
Domestic trafficking in cannabis, by contrast, is mainly in the hands of black South Africans (Leggett 2000). The large black townships usually serve as storage and redistribution centres (such as Soweto and Alexandra in Johannesburg, Inanda and KwaMashu in Durban, or Gugulethu in Cape Town) (See also OGD 1997; OGD 1998). South Africa is not only an exporter of cannabis, but also an important importer. Cannabis is transported to South Africa from countries such as Malawi, Zambia, Lesotho and Swaziland (ODCCP-FO; SAMRC 1998; OGD 1997). In particular Swaziland and Malawi are specialized in the production of cannabis varieties with a reportedly high THC content, known as Swazi Gold or Malawi Gold. The available evidence is inconclusive regarding whether South Africa is a net importer or exporter of cannabis.
TRAFFICKING IN METHAOUALONE Methaqualone (Mandrax) is still mainly trafficked into South Africa from abroad through domestic production has also measurably increased over the last decade. Some estimates suggested that as much as 80% of worldwide clandestine production of methaqualone may be destined for the South African market (Venter 1998). Much of the methaqualone consumed in South Africa is known to come from India, either directly, or via Dubai (Oosthuysen 1998). The seizure and dismantling of the largest methaqual one lab in the southern hemisphere in Maputo in February 2000 (described above) indicates the extent to which South Africa is seen as a lucrative market of organized criminal groups operating in that country. Moreover, there have been reports of alleged production of methaqualone in Zambia (Grove 1994; van Aarde 1997; SAPS 1998) and Mozambique (ODCCP-FO 2001) for export to South Africa. Within the last three years, number of significant seizures originating in China has proven a source of concern for law enforcement officials.
The pattern of methaqualone seizures in South Africa has tended to reflect large busts followed by periods of sparse enforcement success between, as well as within, successive years.
Data suggest that methaqualone seizures rose in the late 1980's - with a record high reported in 1987 following the dismantling of the first largest methaqualone laboratory in the country. Following gradual increases over the 1982-92 period, seizures fell during 1992-96. Seizures started rising again over the 1996-98 period, reaching the levels of the early 1990's. Thus there was an uneven - though generally downward - trend of methaqualone related seizures (volumes confiscated) in the period 1993 to 2000.
Such patterns may reflect shifting enforcement priorities and the emergence of crack-cocaine on the market. But it also interesting to note that these patterns coincide with anecdotal reports of alleged involvement of some groups on the side of the apartheid government and some groups opposed to the government to use methaqualone manufacture and trafficking as a means to weaken the respective enemy, i.e. by either providing disadvantaged communities with mandrax in order to subdue them, or, on the other hand, to raise necessary finances for the fight against the apartheid regime (OGD 1996). The underlying reasons for these kinds of alleged illegal activities would arguably have faded away with the end of the apartheid regime, while this argument would explain the declining overall trend in seizures in the immediate post-apartheid years, it does not explain the overall significant rise in seizures during the past five.
Seizure statistics indicate a sharp rise in the quantity of tablets seized during 1999 as compared with 1998. The figure for 2000 dips slightly. The figure for 2001 will increase significantly following a seizure, during the second quarter, of 2.1 metric tonnes of powdered methaqualone inbound from China.
Until very recently informed opinion held that of the amount consumed within South Africa, slightly less than half was produced locally. Given the sizeable quantities being seized at South Africa's ports of entry, this assumption may have to be revisited. The overwhelming bulk of methaqualone is still seized in "units" (end-product) and not in weight terms (normally reflecting powder seizures at the site of clandestine laboratories). However, even here there is room for debate since the 2.lmt methaqualone seizure referred to above was evidently destined for pill presses located inside South Africa itself. It is possible to conclude with the two following points. Because of its political history, the origins of Mandrax in South Africa will perhaps always remain controversial, not to say mysterious. While Mandrax remains a highly profitable commodity as judged by the continued alarmingly high level of seizures, it has evidently been supplanted to some degree by the introduction of crack cocaine since the mid-1990's.
TRAFFICKING IN COCAINE There can be no doubt that trafficking in cocaine has shown strong increases in recent years. Whichever indicator is used, cocaine powder and crack cocaine are both rapidly making inroads into the South African drug markets scene. The upward trend is also reflected in seizures. There has been a strong increase in cocaine seizures in recent years, which is not just a reflection of increased law enforcement efforts. While in the past South Africa only served as atransshipment centre for cocaine from Latin America to Europe (and more recently to Australia (S AMC 1999), South Africa is increasingly establishing itself as an important market for cocaine, within Africa. More than 80% of all African cocaine seizures in 1998 took place in South Africa (ARQ 1998), up from a share of just 5% in 1993.
In the year 1993 more than 90% of all African cocaine seizures were taking place in Nigeria (ARQ 1993). But the shift from Nigeria to South Africa does not reflect a loss of influence of Nigerian drug trafficking groups (S haw 2001). Police information shows a strong correlation with between the migration of Nigerian nationals into South Africa starting in 1992 and the introduction of high quality cocaine into the country (Venter 1998a). The immediate result was a dramatic price fall within a short space of time. South African estimates out the percentage of that country's cocaine trade in the hands of West African trafficking organizations, notably Nigerians to be in the vicinity of 80% (Drug Advisory Board 1998; SAPS 2001; Leggett 2000). This estimate is also used by international drug liaison community based in South Africa (ODCCP-FO 2001). Traffickers from Nigeria, and, to a lesser extent from Ghana, have dominated Johannesburg's cocaine market since1993.
Recent SAPS reports from Cape Town claim that the cocaine and heroin trade is still largely in the hands of Nigerian syndicates, although the term "West African Nationals" appears increasingly to be a misnomer as reports emerge of extensive involvement in the heroin trade by Tanzanian nationals (ODCCP-FO April 2001). Nonetheless, much of the distribution to the final consumer is already in the hands of local South African gangs.
During 1999, trafficking in cocaine and the abuse of cocaine indicated as escalating trend. Although the quantity seized was less than the quantity seized for 1998, the latter was due to a single seizure of a container in which approximately 300kg of cocaine (suspended in liquor) was concealed. The escalating trend is noted in the arrest figures for 1999. During 1999,456 persons were arrested for trafficking in cocaine compared with 324 persons arrested in 1998 (SAPS 2000). Of significance is the fact that there appears to be a move to rather deal in crack cocaine as opposed to cocaine hydrochloride. This was noted in the arrests for dealing and the seizures of crack cocaine in 1999. During 1999, 11.731 crack rocks were seized compared to 3.689 seized in 1998 (SAPS 2000). This change in the pattern of consumption indicates that increasing numbers of users are choosing crack - probably because of its potency combined with its affordability. The price of cocaine has stabilized.
Originally, most of the cocaine was couriered into South Africa by the West African groups from Brazil directly into Johannesburg by air. However, following enforcement successes countering this smuggling route, a number of alternative routes emerged, including flights to Cape Town and flights to other African countries and then by land to South Africa, including from Mozambique, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Namibia (OGD 1997; OGD 1998). Currently, the main source countries are Venezuela, Brazil, Peru, Colombia and Bolivia. The preferred mode of transport for this high-value low-bulk commodity is still by air. South African Police statistics show that 65% of all cocaine seizures in South Africa in the year 2000 occurred at Johannesburg International Airport. The utilization of couriers is still the dominant mode of smuggling cocaine into South Africa, although smuggling via airfreight occurs regularly. A cocaine smuggling ring among employees of South African Airways was discovered in 2000. The predominant route is from Caracas, via Europe to South Africa (SAPS 2000). Seizure statistics for 2001 are likely to increase significantly owing primarily to two large seizures of cocaine by Cape Town enforcement officials (in July and August) of cocaine aboard ocean going vessels originating in Latin American ports and destined for China.
Ethnographic research within South Africa indicates that the growth in the cocaine market did not simply happen, but was actively developed by these same drug trafficking groups, often through free give-aways to sex workers in exchange for their assistance in promoting and distributing the cocaine (especially crack-cocaine) among their clients (Leggett 1998 and 1 999c). Foremost among these have been Nigerian groups which have thus "developed" the market. The expansion of the market is now maintained through a rather sophisticated system in which addicts do not have to pay in cash, but can also pay in kind. This means that they can "pay" with stolen goods, which are then again re-sold individuals in deprived communities at relatively low prices. (UNDCP Mission 1999; ODCCP-FO July 2001).
Some of the cocaine imports from Latin America for "white" clubs are allegedly controlled by individuals and groups associated with the Italian mafia (notably the Cosa Nostra). Following the crackdown on the mafia in Italy, a number of mafiosi have taken refuge in South Africa and started their new careers with both legal and illegal activities. Illegal activities include involvement in the cocaine trade and in money laundering operations (OGD 1998).
Some of the crime and violence in South Africa seems to be already linked to the need to pay for cocaine consumption as well as to the fights among gangs trying to increase their market shares. In particular, Cape Town has been affected by such gang wars. There are some 400 gangs in Cape Town's coloured townships, reportedly comprising some 80 000 members (OGD 1998). Cape Town and Gauteng (the province containing Johannesburg and Pretoria) are the largest cocaine markets in South Africa, but cocaine use is spreading to other areas as well.
HEROIN TRAFFICKING In marked contrast to South Africa's role as an important transshipment point and market for cocaine, the extent of heroin trafficking could be termed modest even up to three years ago. Recently, it has increased measurably. South Africa is being used as transshipment point for heroin form mainly South-West and South-East Asia to markets in Europe and recently, the United States. A growth of evidence both from sentinel surveillance sites and anecdotal sources, point to significant increases in heroin consumption predominantly among white suburban school-going youth. Even though the quantities involved are still rather small, and earlier significant seizures of transit traffic in 1990 and 1994 add incongruous blips to the trend line, seizure data for the past half decade depict a sustained and strong trend increase.
In South Africa seizures of heroin escalated in 2000 compared with seizures in previous years. In 1999, a total of 192 cases related to the abuse and trafficking of heroin was investigated by the SAPS. Seizures for possession and abuse outnumbered seizures for trafficking. Two significant seizures were made at Johannesburg International Airport. Increasing numbers of anecdotal reports speak of heroin entering overland South Africa via Mozambique originating in SW Asia. As is the case for cocaine trafficking, Nigerian nationals are heavily involved in trafficking heroin in South Africa (DEA 1996; Klein 1999; Leggett 2000; INSCR 2001). According to South African Police sources, most Nigerian migrant, including many of those who enter South Africa illegally, remain law-abiding citizens. Yet this diaspora has also attracted significant criminal elements who move from one country to another where the risk of law enforcement is perceived to be lower and opportunities for new forms of criminal entrepreneurship greater (SAPS 2001). The centre of cocaine and heroin smuggling operation is located in the residential hotels located in Hillbrow district of Johannesburg. More recently, largely due to enforcement activity by the South African Police Service, these operations have become more decentralized.
TRAFFICKING IN ECSTASY, LSD AND AMPHETAMINES Mirroring trends in Europe, ecstasy has gained strongly in popularity in recent years in South Africa. Similar also to the situation in Western Europe, use of ecstasy has been closely associated with rave parties and the club scene. Parallel with the increased popularity of these drugs, seizures also grew strongly. In 1997/98 South Africa had by far the highest number of ecstasy seizures of any African country and ranked 9th at the global level. Compared with Europe, however, the spread of ecstasy occurred rather late. Effectively it started only in 1994 following the opening up of South Africa to the outside world associated with the country's new democratic era. Rave parties can bring together an average of nearly 10 000 people at least twice a month in South Africa's largest cities (Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban). Authorities estimate that 70% of youths attending these parties may take synthetic drugs of which the preferred drug is ecstasy (MDMA)(OGD 1998). In the year 2000, a Rave Safe study in Gauteng found that 88% of respondents had tried ecstasy at least once, and of these 23% used it weekly (SACENDU 2001).
Although a few ecstasy laboratories have been seized in South Africa, the bulk of what is consumed in the country is imported from Europe, notably from the Netherlands and the UK (SAPS 2000). Both consumption and trafficking are in the hands of white groups of South Africans (the so-called "bouncer mafias") as well as some Europeans (notably from the UK and the Netherlands) (Leggett 1999d). For product coming into the country, the preferred mode of transport continues to be the postal system and fast courier services (SAPS 2000).
As noted above, another dimension in trafficking in ATS is their illicit manufacturing in South Africa. During 1999, five illicit laboratories were closed down. In 2000, the figure was four.
Like ecstasy, consumption and trafficking of LSD is largely in he hands of white South Africans. But the popularity of LSD, and thus trafficking in this substance, is generally less significant than ecstasy. Nonetheless, seizures of LSD were the largest in Africa, and the 15th largest worldwide in 1997.
Easy availability of speed (methamphetamine) has been reported from South Africa. Speed is frequently trafficked together with LSD (SAMC 1999). However, large-scale availability is not -as yet - reflected in South African seizure data reported to UNDCP. It is also important to note that what if often reported as "speed" in the South African context is not actually methamphetamine, but ephedrine. Thus, the seizure reports have to be treated with caution.
DIVERSION OF DRUGS In addition to trafficking of drugs from illicit sources, there is also some diversion from licit sources. Traditionally, diversions concerned mainly synthetic opiates such as Wellconal, morphine or pethidene. More recently, diversions were also reported for benzodiazepines, notably diazepam (Valium) (ARQ 1998 and previous years). There have been also cases of diversion of flunitrazepam (Rohypnol), another benzodiazepine. The overall extent of diversions, however, seems to be less significant if compared to many other African countries.
Between 2-4% of patients seen at specialist treatment centres in Cape Town, Durban, Port Elizabeth and in Gauteng and Mpumalanga provinces between July - December 2000 reported over the counter (OTC) medicines or prescription medicines as their primary substance of abuse (SACENDU 2001).
DRUG PRICES In line with reports of general availability of illicit drugs in South Africa, drug prices have remained relatively stable in rand terms. However, once they are translated into US-dollars, the impact of South Africa's currency depreciation confirms a strong downward trend over the last few years.
According to information provided by the authorities to UNDCP's Annual Reports Questionnaire and available to the ODCCP regional office in Pretoria, heroin prices - if expressed in US dollars terms at current exchange rates - fell by three quarters between 1992 and 2001. Cocaine prices fell by approximately the same margin over the same period. In rand terms the values have remained stable or declined somewhat. This reflects the "successful" marketing strategies of drug trafficking groups. Lower prices - especially for crack cocaine - have made cocaine affordable to a far broader range of people, including youth, than was the case before (UNDCP/WHO 1998). In other words, profits have grown due to lower prices and not despite lower prices. Both heroin and cocaine prices in South Africa are now substantially lower than in North America or Western Europe.