CHILDREN’S BILL: SUBMISSION ON CHILD PROTECTION,

INCORPORATING PREVENTION AND EARLY INTERVENTION AND CHILDREN IN ESPECIALLY DIFFICULT CIRCUMSTANCES

THIS SUBMISSION IS ENDORSED BY THE JOHANNESBURG CHILD WELFARE SOCIETY, RAPCAN, CHILDREN FIRST AND THE NETWORK AGAINST CHILD LABOUR, CHILD ACCIDENT PREVENTION FOUNDATION OF SA

1. INTRODUCTION

The extent and severity of the problems of child abuse, neglect and exploitation in South Africa have long been cause for deep public and official concern. In the year 2000 the SA Police Service dealt with 70 636 cases of crime against children, representing probably only a small minority of actual incidents of abuse. The SA Law Reform Commission (SALRC), in the draft Children’s Bill which it handed to the Department of Social Development in January 2003, incorporated a far-reaching set of measures to prevent child maltreatment and to address such maltreatment when it did occur. These measures were significantly weakened in the redraft of the Bill which appeared in June 2003. This weakening was greatly compounded in a subsequent draft which was released for public comment in August 2003. The improvements which remain are now piecemeal and are unlikely to take us far in confronting the pervasive and spiralling problem of child maltreatment in our country.

2. BROAD APPROACH ADOPTED BY THE SA LAW REFORM COMMISSION

In its Discussion Paper 103 on the Review of the Child Care Act, the SALRC noted that the right of children to protection from abuse, neglect and exploitation was assured in Section 29(1)(d) to (g) of the Constitution, and numerous international instruments to which South Africa is a party. The Commission recognised child maltreatment as a multifaceted problem in which multiple causative factors were apparent, and accordingly sought to include in the draft Children’s Bill a range of measures which would address this phenomenon from different angles and at different levels. The approach which the Commission is understood by the organisations making this submission to have taken, based on a close reading of the Discussion Paper, is examined in some depth in this paper, as it is believed that the extensive problems with the reworked Bill can best be understood in the light of such an examination.

2.1 A multi-level, multi-sectoral approach

The draft Bill prepared by the Commission made provision for:

The draft Bill further envisaged an intersectoral approach, involving collaboration between all government structures with core responsibilities towards children, along with civil society, at all three of these levels.

2.2 A balanced approach

The draft Bill reflected an effort to balance a number of elements in its overall approach to child maltreatment. The Commission in its Discussion Paper 103 on the Review of the Child Care Act grappled in some depth with this difficult task. It was recognised, on the one hand, that the formal child protection system, providing for intrusion by the state or its agents into the lives of individual children and families, and, where appropriate, for placement of such children in alternative care, was urgently in need of extensive improvement. This view was adopted because of the very large number of children in South Africa requiring this type of approach, the severity of the forms of abuse involved, and the widespread problem of secondary traumatisation of children by this system because of its fragmented, under-resourced and ill-coordinated state. The Commission took the view that the formal child protection system must be equipped to operate effectively and efficiently and be designed to provide effective protection and healing to children requiring this type of service. At the same time, this component should not be out of proportion with other forms of child and family service provision, as has tended to happen in some countries, with problematic results. The formal child protection system was seen as needing to be focussed on children in the most pressing need of such interventions, and the understanding was that the resources which would need to be set aside for this type of intervention should not be dissipated by being directed to children who would be more appropriately served on the other two levels, through promotive or preventive and early intervention services. It was further recognised that, while criminal legislation focussing on the identification, prosecution and sentencing of offenders was a crucial component of any nation’s approach to child abuse, such activities had to be balanced by measures to support and heal children and families, and to rehabilitate those offenders for whom such rehabilitation was possible. The Commission sought to build such measures into the draft Bill.

2.3 Attention to the needs of children in especially difficult circumstances

The Commission also recognised that certain children were not only subject to episodes of abuse, neglect and exploitation, but lived in conditions which created multiple daily violations of their basic human rights. Categories listed in the draft Bill include children who:

Such children are eligible for formal protective services, and the Commission recognised that the formal protective system, including the courts, should be able to respond to them in appropriate ways in specific instances. But their plight was seen as being rooted in socio-economic conditions and structural factors which could not be successfully addressed on the necessary scale by individualised protective interventions.

In all of the above categories, common factors affecting the children were considered to be (a) poverty, and (b) marginalisation from the mainstream of the community. This marginalisation was characterised inter alia by a lack of access to essential services such as health care and education, which in turn deepened the cycle of poverty The Commission therefore designed a range of measures in which the aims were:

In addition, a range of specific measures to address particular problems of each of these groups was provided for in chapter 26 of the draft Bill. A group which logically should have been addressed in this chapter were displaced foreign children. Some protection was provided for them in chapter 4 on the rights of children, by including measures to prevent discrimination against them and ensure their access to basic services.

3. SOME SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE SALRC APPROACH TO FORMAL CHILD

PROTECTIVE SERVICES

The formal child protection system is responsible for legally sanctioned interventions which are carried out on behalf of specific children who are alleged or confirmed to be in need of care and protection. They often involve an overriding by the state, or organisations delegated by the state, of the autonomy of caregivers and of the children themselves. While the families in question will sometimes themselves request the relevant services, and while those intervening must try to achieve some degree of mutuality of objectives and a cooperative relationship with them, the fact is that protective services are frequently imposed on people who do not want them. They are potentially intrusive measures which cross the normal boundaries of family privacy. Many of the children caught up in such processes become, for longer or shorter periods, wards of the state. Such measures have potential to harm as well as to protect, and they often have unpredicted outcomes. It is therefore of great importance that they are delivered competently, with the necessary level of intensity, and with the necessary follow-through at every stage of the child’s encounter with the system. Appropriate constraints have to be in place, both to ensure that protective actions are properly carried out where needed and are followed through, and to prevent abuses of power and the heightening of children’s vulnerability.

The Commission in its Discussion Paper 103 recognises that the formal child protection system as it currently exists is in disarray. It is noted that there has never been a proper analysis of the services required, or the costs of delivering such services effectively; in addition there is no clarity as to who is responsible for them or for their financing. For the system to operate properly there must be close coordination between the social services, the health sector, the police, the courts and the correctional services. Other sectors such as education, labour and local government also have key roles to play. In South Africa the protective service components of all these sectors are under-resourced and poorly coordinated. The state’s responsibility for the vital social service component of child protection has to an abnormal extent been delegated to NGOs, without a simultaneous transfer to these bodies of resources adequate for them to carry out this mandate. These organisations are very unevenly spread and resourced, and this unevenness is reflected in the patchy protective service infrastructure available for the protection of children. The rural areas in particular lack the means to ensure the protection of children from abuse and neglect; however, even in the better supplied urban areas, services are fragmented and all components are, generally speaking, in a more or less dysfunctional state. There is no system in place and no financing set aside to ensure that practitioners are properly trained for the job either at entry level or subsequently, and salaries and working conditions are such that the organisations concerned are unable to retain staff. As a result, children who require skilled and sensitive handling are normally served by new recruits without the necessary training and experience. Workload norms are absent, and most abused children are served on caseloads which make it impossible for them to receive effective protection or attention to their healing. While interdisciplinary protocols for the management of child maltreatment have in recent years been developed in all provinces, these cannot be properly implemented because of the lack of the necessary resources and management systems to put them into practice. There is also no framework or strategy in place either to calculate the costs of an effective service system or to ensure that the services in question are financed on a dependable basis. The Commission notes comments from practitioners to the effect that the problems of the formal child protection system are such that children referred into this system may find themselves worse off than before, given the secondary traumatisation which often accompanies inept, inadequate or excessively delayed services.

The Commission sought to improve the functioning of the formal child protection system by means of:

3.1 Provision for an intersectoral mechanism to coordinate and manage the child protection

system

This mechanism, intended to be an interdepartmental structure with NGO involvement, was provided for in section 113A of the draft Bill. It was envisaged as having a wide range of functions directed at bringing about and maintaining the effective functioning of the child protection system. It was to be tasked with commissioning appropriate research, with a view to conducting a needs analysis with regard to protective services, and preparing preliminary budget estimates for the operation of each department’s child protection responsibilities. It would also be responsible for developing a comprehensive plan for the financing of child protective services as a component of the National Programme of Action for Children. This structure was also intended to see to tasks such as the development of minimum standards for services, workload norms and guidelines for interdisciplinary protocol development, conditions of service for practitioners, and a system for contracting with NGOs to assist in carrying out the state’s protective mandate. It was further expected to liaise with educational institutions for curriculum development and the training of personnel in all the relevant sectors. The structure would also be responsible for monitoring the mandatory reporting system. It would in addition have an educative role, in developing awareness campaigns relating to practices such as corporal punishment, virginity testing and unsafe forms of male circumcision.

 

3.2 Provision for greater flexibility of and wider powers for the children’s court, and for a

more child-friendly court environment

The present Child Care Act provides the court with very few options with regard to children alleged to be "in need of care", these being, in essence, to order that a child be placed temporarily in a place of safety, to order a medical or psychological assessment of the child, and in the longer term to return the child to the custody of his or her caregiver subject to conditions, or to order that he or she be placed in foster care, a children’s home or a school of industries. The draft Bill provided for a vastly expanded range of options (s59). These included (in addition to the usual substitute care orders) a partial care order and a shared care order allowing for the responsibilities for a child’s care to be shared between family members and other care providers; an order for the delivery of early intervention services and/or involvement in family preservation programmes; the imposition of conditions for the return of a child to a caregiver or for contact with a child; an order for an abusive person to leave the home of a child; an order for the child and/or any other person connected with the matter to participate in a professional assessment of any kind – if necessary at state cost; an order for a family to participate in a specified programme, or a problem-solving forum including a family group conference or a mediation process; an order for a person to receive some form of treatment or undergo skills development; an order for a temporary emergency grant for a child who would otherwise have to be separated from his or her family due purely to poverty, and an order to an organ of state to assist a child to gain access to needed services, to name some of the innovations.

The draft Bill further provided for a court which would be considerably more sensitised to and skilled in dealing with children than is often the case at present. The measures provided for were chosen on the basis of extensive comments from a range of sources regarding problems currently experienced with the children’s courts.

3. Provision for thorough permanency planning for children coming into care, and for the

reliable implementation of permanency plans

The Commission recognised that large numbers for children were remaining in alternative care for long periods without security in their living arrangements or clarity as to their future, and that this was damaging to their development, and also placed them at risk of placement disruption and repeated moves to new forms of care. Particular risks were involved in the common practice of placing babies and very young children in institutional care, as such children can experience life-long damage to their development and their capacity to form normal relationships unless given opportunities to form close bonds with the minimum of delay.

The approach to permanency planning taken by the Commission included the following features:

3.4 Provision for a two-pronged approach to corporal punishment, virginity testing and male

circumcision as harmful or potentially harmful practices

There was no call from participants in the Commission’s consultative process for an end to male circumcision although there were concerns regarding coercion and unsafe practices. In the case of female virginity testing, and also with regard to corporal punishment, opinion was deeply divided. After in-depth consideration of a range of inputs and in the light of the broad socio-economic and multicultural context in South Africa, it was decided to adopt a phased approach to the issues of corporal punishment and virginity testing of children, and not to bring all instances of such practices within the ambit of mandatory reporting or formal child protection interventions at this stage. In the first place, the common law defence of "reasonable chastisement" would be removed in the case of corporal punishment, so that a court would be called on to adjudicate any case involving assault on a child on its own merits, with no reference to such a defence (s142). In the case of virginity testing and male circumcision a right was spelled out for children to be free from coerced participation in such rituals, irrespective of cultural considerations (s19). In regard to all these forms of conduct, a broad educational approach would be taken with a view to heightening awareness of their potential harmful consequences [s113A(2)(h)], and, in the case of corporal punishment, a campaign would be undertaken to promote appropriate forms of discipline in the home and school settings (s142). In contrast, female genital mutilation, which is not in common practice in this country, was not seen as requiring a phased approach and was prohibited outright in the draft Bill [s19(3)].

3.5 Provision for a limited and focussed system of reporting of child abuse

The Commission’s Discussion Paper deals in depth with the various debates regarding mandatory reporting and registration of child maltreatment, which has become increasingly controversial over the years. The Commission notes that a danger of mandatory reporting and registration systems, which arose in the 1970’s and have been adopted in a number of First World countries, is that they tend to entrench an imbalance in the overall child and family welfare system by disproportionately loading it towards reporting and investigation. In Britain and North America in particular, concerns have been raised to the effect that limited resources available for children’s services have been swallowed up by these processes, and that preventive and promotive services, as well as long-term care and treatment for abused children, have been disadvantaged in the process. Also, a system which was originally designed to identify vulnerable children with a view to mobilising support has increasingly become orientated towards criminal justice processes, which often do not meet the needs of the children involved and may merely serve to traumatise them further. An additional problem is that mandatory reporting can bring large numbers of families whose real need is for broader family support strategies into the protection system, leaving too few resources to address the needs of children who are in real danger. Further, mandatory reporting, especially where the range of reportable behaviours is very wide and where suspicions of abuse rather than known incidents must be reported, tends to produce large numbers of reports which are subsequently not substantiated. They nevertheless generate expensive investigative processes and cause harm to many families, given that social stigma, job losses and other negative consequences may arise. In 1993 two-thirds of all cases reported and investigated in the USA were unsubstantiated. Race, gender and other extraneous factors have been found to influence the probability that a particular instance of child maltreatment will or will not be reported. Compulsion to report cuts across the confidentiality ethics of a range of professions, and there is concern among practitioners that the compulsion to report is likely to prevent many people, including victims, from coming forward to ask for help. It is arguable that such inroads into professional ethical codes should be confined to cases in which the benefits of compulsory reporting are likely to outweigh the potential hazards. The point has been made that reporting and registration serve no useful purpose unless they are backed up by an effective service system and generate a response which meets the needs of the children concerned, and/or they are linked with a data-collection system which is used to plan and develop policy for services; also that mandatory reporting which is not linked to effective protection and associated services can in fact increase the vulnerability of children, setting them up for recriminations and secondary abuse. Mandatory reporting requirements have not been the choice of all countries which have explored this approach - New Zealand, for example, has opted for a system which relies on public education and voluntary reporting, as has at least one Australian territory.

In South Africa there has been strong support for the concept of mandatory reporting coupled with registration, perhaps in the mistaken belief that such systems automatically result in greater safety for children. Over the years there have been numerous additions to the list of persons required to report abuse or suspected abuse. The American approach of criminalising failure to report has been adopted. Reporting is compelled in the case of specified categories of personnel dealing with children in s42(1) of the Child Care Act, and more broadly for any person with a direct responsibility for the care of a child in s4 of the Prevention of Family Violence Act. The systems which have been put in place have been uncritically imported from countries in which the most basic needs of most children are met and a sophisticated social service infrastructure is in place. These systems have arguably not been designed to operate in a context in which a majority of children are severely disadvantaged.

The Commission sought to avoid going too much further down the road of mandatory reporting, but nevertheless broadened its scope by adding workers in all child and youth care centres and partial care centres, shelter workers and "any person involved with a child in a professional capacity" to the previous list in s41 of the Child Care Act, which included health workers, social workers, and staff and management members in children’s homes, places of care and shelters. It sought to limit the scope of the compulsion to report to cases involving physical injury, sexual abuse and severe, deliberate neglect, in keeping with the previously mentioned approach of focussing formal protective resources on those children in urgent need thereof. The requirement was also confined to cases involving a conclusion based on the personal observation of the professional concerned, thus excluding mere suspicions and making it clear at what point reporting is required – issues that have caused considerable confusion in the present system. Provision is also made for persons who do not fall in the category of mandatory reporters to make voluntary reports of instances of maltreatment. Reports in both categories could be made to a "designated child protection organisation, police officer or child and family court registrar [s167(1) and (2)] for investigation and, if necessary, protective action. They would thereafter be submitted, if the allegations are substantiated, to the Director General for Social Development for entry into the National Child Protection Registrar (s120-124).

This is of course not to suggest that cases where a lesser degree of certainty is involved should not be reported to an appropriate government department or organisation for services– merely that the compulsion to report and the compiling of the register would be focussed on cases clearly requiring protective intervention. Neglect due to poverty, and mild forms of corporal punishment, for example, are seen as needing to be dealt with via other approaches and therefore not targeted for registration. Information on the register is intended for use in ensuring protection of the children concerned and monitoring cases and services to these children [s121(b) and (c)], and also in identifying patterns and trends in child maltreatment, and "for planning and budgetary purposes to prevent the abuse and deliberate neglect of children and protect children on a national, provincial and municipal level" [s121(e)]. In this way the Commission provided for the mandatory reporting system to become, inter alia, a basis for the planning and provisioning of the formal child protection system.

3.6 Provision for a register of offenders against children so as to prevent the employment of

such persons in the children’s services.

Apart from examining the issue of reporting and registering children found to have been maltreated, the Commission examined the feasibility of registering offenders. It rejected models for such reporting and registering which were based on the idea of making the whereabouts of an offender known so that the local community could protect children against him or her, as such measures had been found to have many unintended damaging consequences for the victims of the abuse and other innocent people. However the Commission saw value in the British approach of developing a register of people deemed "unfit to work with children", as a means of preventing the serial abuse of children by offenders who move from one job or voluntary position in a children’s service to another. The Commission provided for a register, to comprise Part B of the National Child Protection Register, which would include the particulars not only of convicted offenders against children but of anyone who, through a statutorily recognised procedure such as a formal disciplinary enquiry conducted by an employer body with regard to an employee, was found to be unsuitable to work with children (s125-127). A requirement was created in the draft Bill for the management of any school, child and youth care centre, or facility serving children to check whether any prospective employee or volunteer has been entered on the register, and, if so, to refrain for engaging that person’s services. This register would be strictly confidential and accessible only by persons involved in implementing the Act, or for the purpose of legal proceedings or when so ordered by a court (s133).

4. COMMENTS ON THE REDRAFTED BILL AS AT 12 AUGUST 2003

4.1 Cross-cutting issues

Changes to the chapters specifically dealing with prevention, early intervention and protection cannot be seen in isolation. Even where provisions appear to have been left intact, they must now be understood in the light of changes in other chapters. The structural underpinnings and therefore the impact of much of what is contained in the chapters on protection and prevention have been done away with or badly damaged by some of these changes in other sections. For example:

Extensive NGO submissions on current problems experienced in the children’s courts and proposals for their improvement have in this manner been ignored, and would have been a key structure in an improved protective dispensation for children is no longer designed so that it can serve this purpose.

4.2 Directly applicable chapters

Chapter 8: Protection of Children

CHAPTER 9: PREVENTION AND EARLY INTERVENTION SERVICES

The following issues are of concern:

Chapter 10: The Child in Need of Care and Protection

The following changes have occurred:

Chapter 12: Children in Alternative Care

Most of this chapter has remained intact in the redrafting process. However, the removal of provision for free and subsidised state services for children in statutory care (s188 in the SALRC draft) undermines the financial viability of all forms of care and thus weakens the protective system as a whole. This is aside from the broader argument that all children require such access, and that fewer children would end up in the statutory care system if it were provided.

A minor technical change which would increase the options of the MEC for Social Development in dealing with a child who has absconded from alternative care, would be to add as clause (e) in s170(8) the following: "order the provisional transfer of the child to an alternative form of care in terms of s174 of this Act".

5. CONCLUSION

As discussed at length above and in other submissions on this Bill, the redrafting process has inflicted massive damage on the entire fabric of the proposed legislation. While much in the original version which dealt with formal measures for the statutory care and protection of children has remained intact, measures which were intended to ensure that formal child protection system would be properly resourced, coordinated and managed have disappeared. At the same time, a carefully crafted network of measures designed to prevent children coming into the formal care system if promotive, preventive and early intervention approaches would be more appropriate, and to address the needs of large identified categories of vulnerable and marginalised children, have been removed, thereby ensuring that the formal protection system will be the only resort for the broad mass of vulnerable children. The promise that the initial draft Bill held for the children of our country has been in large measure destroyed.

We appeal for a thorough reworking of the Bill based on the original vision, which was developed on the basis of the Constitution, the many international child rights instruments to which our nation is a party, a massive research process, and extensive consultation with state departments, organs of civil society and groups of vulnerable children, over a period of more than five years.

This appeal is made on the basis not only of the above concerns but also of the many others which are being voiced from many quarters about sections not covered in this submission. The children of South Africa will be done the gravest injustice if this Bill is rushed through in its present form.

 

 

SEPTEMBER 2003*

 

 

 

 

 

 

*With minor editing as at June 2004