Western Sahara and South Africa relations: Public lecture, with Deputy Minister

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International Relations

15 March 2017
Chairperson: Mr M Masango (ANC)
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Meeting Summary

The Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Cooperation hosted a public lecture around the role of South Africa and its role in mobilising the international community in pursuit of the independence of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Keynote speakers included the Deputy Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, the Ambassador of Western Sahara, the Ambassador of Algeria, the Chairperson of Friends of Western Sahara and international law experts. Contributions from guests and Members were also given. The Deputy Minister highlighted that Oliver Tambo, longest-serving President of the ANC, had shaped South Africa’s diplomatic international solidarity and international policy in many ways, and highlighted his statements in 1979 that the experiences of people in Western Sahara was a first  experience of colonisation. It was still trying to achieve liberation, and he hoped that it would be assisted by the dynamic changes in the international political environment, including increased awareness and movement  toward international solidarity and the right of self-determination. A brief history outlined that the Moroccan conflict with the Western Sahara dated back to 1956, because after it had gained independence from France in 1956, Morocco had started to expand its territory, and invaded parts of Western Sahara. The Polisario Front was set up as the liberation army, but had accepted a settlement proposed by the United Nations, leading to an end to armed conflict. Morocco was continuing to violate the rights of the Sahrawi people, and it was not observing basic principles of human rights, nor had it ceased to exploit the natural resources from occupied territories, stopped exploitation and plunder and it was also continuing to harass those who were attempting to protect the Western Sahara and its people. Although there was an agreement that EU and Moroccan agreements must exclude all resources gained from the occupied territories, it was suggested that further stricter sanctions were probably needed to properly enforce it.

South Africa had a history of solidarity with the Sahwari and was offering support in practical and financial terms to key elements such as arts and culture, assistance with building sports complexes, humanitarian aid and removal of landmines. Parliament would support the UN move to include monitoring, reporting of human rights violations and return of UN staff. One aspect that had caused considerable debate was that Morocco, having withdrawn from the EU, was admitted to the African Union in 2016. South Africa and other SADC countries had initially opposed that, until conditions were fulfilled, but were outvoted. If, however, South Africa were to align itself with Western Sahara it would be in a better position to resolve the conflict, and this was a tactical move. More input from the international Solidarity movement was needed and emphasis was placed on joint efforts by government and civil society. Several speakers, and the Committee, emphasised the need to increase awareness of the issues, the Polisario Front position, and to debate solutions that would counter present conditions.

Panel members outlined the 2014 Solidarity Conference, following the clear message in the State of the Nation address that inalienable rights to self-determination of SADR must be realised. The Western Sahara and South African parliaments would continue to engage. The view was expressed that South Africa should support an imposition of sanctions. SADR had been officially recognised. The Friends of Cuba in South Africa was supporting  South Africa’s mission against colonialisation, and memoranda of agreement on diplomatic consultation, youth sports and landmine removal were in place. The Ambassador from Western Sahara appreciated the support of South Africa but noted that the countries would have to be particularly vigilant in monitoring what Morocco would do, and some doubts were expressed as to whether there were not hidden agendas. South Africa remained an example and a practical inspiration to the Polisario Front, providing training and weapons. Four elements could be used to try to win the struggle against continued Moroccan occupation, including mass movements, underground cells, the armed struggle and international solidarity. An international expert gave a full history and suggested that greater awareness would go far with active attempts to educate those countries who were presently supporting Morocco. One Member suggested that South Africa should negotiate for at least one seat in the UN Security Council to follow up on resolutions and check that all conditions initially proposed would be adhered to, whilst another suggested the need for guidance to liberated nations so that they did not revert to former ideas, also suggesting some measures that could be needed for neighbouring states. International support for both sides was outlined. Members agreed on the need for public awareness and public diplomacy, and they agreed that a more inclusive agenda would be needed.

Meeting report

Public Lecture: Western Sahara and South African relations
The Chairperson welcomed the ambassadors from Western Sahara and Algeria, the Committee and the members of the various groups present at the public lecture.

Mr B Radebe (ANC) noted the importance of the issues in Western Sahara to the South African history. He said that 2017 was declared by the government as the year of Oliver Tambo, who was the  longest serving ANC President, who became an internationalist. He had pointed to the need for countries to come forward to take apart the last bastions of  apartheid. He commented that “one country colonised is one country too many”.  Morocco’s colonisation of Western Sahara is not acceptable to the Committee, nor to the African Union. South Africa’s democratic status is a product of international solidarity and for this reason the country should then do its part in liberating a nation in a similar position

Mr Radebe then officially declared the public lecture open.
 
Ms K Kekana (ANC) introduced herself to the Committee as the programme director and introduced the various participants. She noted that present today, apart from the panellists, were members of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO), members of Boycott. Divestment. Sanction (BDS) South Africa, representatives from the Centre of Conflict Resolution, members of COSATU in the Western Cape, Friends of Cuba Society, Friends of Western Sahara Society, members of the ANC youth league, the Young Communist League of South Africa, members of the South Africa Communist Party, and representatives of the Department of Arts and Culture (DAC) .

Mr Masango stated that this event was tied to South African history. One of the elements that led to the emancipation of South Africa was international mass mobilisation. Therefore, South Africans must support the de-colonialisation of West Sahara. Just as the ANC established the anti-apartheid movement internationally and were supported internationally, the Western Saharans similarly have friends all over the world, in both governments and civil society. The Committee supported West Sahara, on behalf of the people of South Africa. Even though most of Africa is free, there is one colony that is not, and he encouraged all to hear what could be done to make South Africa aware of the cause to support.

Deputy Minister's Keynote Address
Mr Luwellyn Landers, Deputy Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, repeated that Oliver Tambo had shaped South Africa’s diplomatic international solidarity and international policy. In an address in 1979, he had said that the experience of the people of Western Sahara was a first  experience of colonisation. This was then a familiar state in which South Africans found themselves. However, Mr Landers had no doubt that Western Sahara will be successful in its attempts towards liberation, given the dynamic changes in the international political environment, which had promoted movements toward international solidarity and in defence of the right of self-determination.

He reminded Members that the Moroccan conflictual relationship with the Western Sahara dated back to the 1950s. After gaining independence from France in 1956, Morocco expanded its territory in order to create the greater Morocco. As the Spanish were preparing to leave, Morocco turned its attention to Western Sahara. Since the mid-1960s the UN had denounced colonial domination of Western Sahara by the Moroccans and the refusal to allow the Western Saharan  people to exercise their right to self-determination. Eventually the Spanish withdrew, and Morocco provided an opportunity to invade parts of Western Sahara. Inevitably this provoked resistance by the people in Western Sahara and the Polisario Front. In 1975 the International Court of Justice of The Hague issued a ruling that neither Morocco nor Mauritania had any right to occupy territory in Western Sahara.  In 1983 the Organisation of Africa Unity (OAU) adopted the peace plan to end the conflict, as the Polisario Front continued to fight for self-determination. The Polisario Front accepted the settlement provided by the UN and ended the armed conflict.

Democratic South Africa has always supported the decisions of the UN and the referendum for self-determination. It is a known fact that Morocco continues to violate the rights of the Sahrawi people. Morocco's refusal to comply with the United Nations settlement for human rights has been condemned. This includes the continued exploitation of natural resources from the occupied territories. All those who protect Western Sahara from exploitation and plunder continue to face a particular pattern of harassment, political imprisonment and judicial abuse. This is in contravention of the December 2016 ruling by the Court of Justice of the EU which states that agreements between the EU and Morocco on trade liberalisation shall and must exclude resources gained from the occupied territories of Western Sahara.

South Africa’s solidarity with Western Sahara has dated back to the beginning of the liberation from apartheid. When addressing the 53rd UN General Assembly, Nelson Mandela himself stated that he looked forward to the resolution of the issues of the Western Sahara, to the point that they could be removed from the agenda, South Africa therefore supports the cause through various means, including technical, financial, or humanitarian assistance.

In 2015 the Department of Arts and Culture (DAC) contributed R1 million towards Western Saharan films. South Africa is building a youth sports complex, providing humanitarian aid, and supporting the land mine removal causes. R1.7 million of technical assistance is provided annually. In the years 2007 and 2010, the Africa Renaissance Fund donated R52 million to various assistance programmes. In June 2016, the African Renaissance Fund spared R10 million for humanitarian aid.

Earlier this year, President Jacob Zuma hosted the Western Saharan President, Brahim Ghali, and reaffirmed his unvarying support to Western Sahara. The ANC’s 2017 aid statement was unequivocal about the country’s future position of support towards a resolution in Western Sahara. The Committee supports the decision of the UN to include monitoring and reporting human rights violations in that area. The Committee also looks forward to the return of the UN civilian staff who were expelled from Morocco, since only 20 out of the 84 had been allowed to return. The Committee continues to utilise its relationship with Geneva to support Western Sahara internationally.

Mr Landers then drew the Committee’s attention to Morocco being admitted to the AU in 2016. South Africa, together with other Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, had opposed this, saying that firstly Morocco first needed to comply with articles 3 and 4 of the AU constitution, recognising that all nations have the right to self-determination. The majority of the AU supported Morocco’s joining and believed that it would be better to persuade Morocco against its continuing colonisation from within the AU. It remains to be seen if this will be effective.

He noted that it was a tactical move for South Africa to align itself to Western Sahara. Despite challenges, the admission of Morocco to the AU presented opportunities that can propel towards a resolution to the annexation. The decision on the part of South Africa to accept the decision that Morocco be part of the AU was not one to be taken lightly, for it was a tactical one. President Zuma stated, in his State of the Nation Address in February 2017, that the admission of Morocco to the AU should serve as a catalyst to resolve the Western Saharan issue. Currently the environment also needs the international solidarity movement. Governments and civil society must work together in this and invest in collective strategies to combat the annexation. For example, Western Sahara needed to drastically increase awareness of the claims of the Polisario Front internationally, and needs to learn from its successors about organisation and campaigns to be internationally supported.

In conclusion, Mr Landers stated that he looked forward to a debate that would aid the development of strategies to counter the conditions in Western Sahara. The recommendations of this lecture must strategically and practically assist the Sahrawi people in countering the Moroccan actions.

Panel address
The Chairperson wished to emunerate a few events that are linked to this public lecture. The 2013 State of Nation Address had emphasised that the inalienable right to self-determination of SADR must be realised. In 2014, the South African Parliament held a solidarity conference for Western Sahara, Cuba, and Palestine. It was indicated that there must be a constant engagement and exchange between the members of Parliaments from South Africa and Western Sahara. These debates and resolutions must happen at the same levels. Following up on this, on 3, 5 and 7 April 2015, the Congress of the Women of Western Sahara indicated that scholarships and training for women and youth of the SADR must take place so that would be ready to govern when they did gain the right to govern. He noted that South Africa must continue to pressurise the Security Council to impose sanctions on Morocco so that it could be held responsible.

A Western Saharan Embassy was opened in South Africa on 15 December 2004 and South Africa officially recognised the SADR. On 10 May 2009, the Friends of Cuba in South Africa was launched as part of South Africa’s mission against colonialisation. On 29 June 2013 three MOUs were concluded: on diplomatic consultation, on youth sports development complex, and on assistance in land mine removal.

The Committee would continue to run public lectures and aimed to make them more accessible to the greater public.

The Ambassador from the Western Sahara, HE Radhi Sghaiar Bachir, described South Africans as “part of his lost family” - he had been working for a long time with South Africa. The ANC had worked to represent the Polisario Front and so far, had representatives in South America and Eastern Europe.

In practical terms there was a prevalent issue; and that was that South Africa and Western Saharan needed to be very vigilant as to what Morocco will do. The fact of Morocco's departure from the EU left it isolated economically as it could not send stolen goods from Western Sahara to the EU and US.  The fact that Morocco had re-joined the AU meant that it wished to trade with Africa. Morocco left the AU in 1984, so it was now 30 years later that they had re-joined. SADR wished to honour the judgement of the AU, but he emphasised again the need to remain vigilant on what Morocco will do next. The next step is to involve the international community with trade embargoes, which had helped in the struggle against apartheid.

The Ambassador of Algeria, HE Mr Abd-EL-Naceur Belaid, expressed gratitude to the Committee in this very important time after the admission of Morocco to the AU. South Africa and Algeria had a very special relationship during the struggle. The existence of the last colony in Africa should offend any African.  In February 2004, it was decided that Algeria and South Africa have a political obligation in relation to colonisation of Africa. The two countries have a duty to ensure self-determination, as found in the Freedom Charter of the ANC. It is important to send out the message that there is not a single liberation movement in Africa that did not get the full support of Algeria. The former President of Algeria, Liamine Zeroual, stated in 2015 that it is within the doctrine out of collective history that these two countries cannot abandon their compatriots who find themselves in the same situation. On 27 February 2017, the former president further stated that he is convinced that the SADR will continue the struggle with international legality. The international community must assume their international responsibilities and place sanctions against those supporting unjust causes. Algeria continued with its support of the SADR and their right to self-determination. Thus, the presence of Morocco in the AU is problematic, as it could have many hidden agendas.

General Keith Mokwape, Chairperson, Friends of Western Sahara, stated that when political discourse was silenced in this country, the youth brought forward the struggle into the mainstream consciousness in the universities in the 1970s. This forum is a combination of different people, but it is united in the ideology that decolonialisation is not complete until the entire Continent is free, inspired by the joint history and liberation of Africa. Gen Mokwape recounted his experience of training in the Algerian camps with other freedom fighters. The revolution in Algeria and their victory remained an inspiration. South Africa acts as inspiration to the Polisario Front, providing training and weapons.

In 2013, during a Solidarity Conference in Algiers, South Africa pledged that the next conference will be held in South Africa at the end of 2017. There are four elements that can be utilised in the struggle against Moroccan occupation, namely mass movements in Morocco; coordination by underground cells; the armed struggle; as it must be remembered no country is freed without force; and international solidarity. However, this is not happening fast enough. The promises made need to be followed up.

Dr Jose Nascimento, International Law expert, thanked the Committee for the opportunity to address this house. He noted that his book, Western Sahara: The Last Colony of Africa, will be published soon, and it was essentially a reference book to create awareness in the world of this issue. Most South Africans do not know about this. He suggested that the South African government must go back to the drawing board about creating awareness, in order to create discussion. The Moroccans are inconsistent and will run rings around people who do not know the history. Their inconsistencies included their membership of the OAU. Morocco originally withdrew due to the presence of the SADR representatives, then requested to re-join the AU despite the fact that SADR representatives were still present. It had withdrawn its ambassador from South Africa because the Saudi Republic was recognised, but wanted now to re-join, but nothing has changed. Morocco had supported the initial UN movements for self-determination, yet after preliminary meetings, had backed out of the agreements. Morocco thus had a tendency to agree to decisions made and then sidestep those decisions. It had asked for an opinion from the International Court of Justice regarding the SADR issue, but, disagreeing with the verdict, then proceeded to invade Western Sahara. They had offered SADR autonomy but according to the latest statement from King Mohammed VI, there is no territory that includes Saudi Republic and this is not up to any negotiation. 23% of the GDP of Morocco comes from producing and distribution of drugs. This is the opponent that this Committee is facing. South Africa needs to raise awareness of this in its multi-lateral organisations, like BRICS. South Africa should convince the members of BRICS to have a clear position on the Saudi Republic. Brazil does not recognise it, and Russia and China are ambivalent. South Africa should also challenge those in Africa who had endorsed Morocco, and make it clear to those nations that they are wrong in doing so. Sanctions against Morocco need to be promoted, especially with France and Germany. Morocco also needs to be shown the economic advantages of recognising the SADR, and recognise that instead of wasting money on war, they should trade with SADR. Socio economic issues rather than political issues should be prioritised

Floor discussion

Mr L Masaba, Department of International Relations, commented on the fact that all humans have the right to independence and self-government, and this should form the basis of cooperation. He urged that the Committee should do everything within its power to ensure that the Solidarity Conference occurs in South Africa and that the public are made aware of this issue.  The solidarity movement internationally needs to be strengthened and the programmes in SADR need to be amplified. The labelling of goods from occupied territories is a good strategy that needs to be utilised, as the consumer based campaigns are very effective.

Mr Simpiwe Georgia, Member of SASCO Western Cape, stated that he has an issue with the concept of decolonisation, and maintained that South Africa itself is not decolonised, as remnants of the apartheid economy are still present. Parliament should not throw the term around lightly.  African countries should advocate for at least one seat in the UN Security Council and this will help for the following up for resolutions. Furthermore, he asked whether the conditions under which Morocco was being admitted to the AU were being adhered to, and why there are so many African countries supporting Morocco  - whether this was because of a particular political agenda. He pointed out that nations do not exist in isolation. In African countries there must be a guiding document so that they do not go back to their former colonisers. He asked whether South Africa should then discontinue  relations with Morocco in order to establish international solidarity? He made the point that the youth leads all revolutions, thus in pursuing the independence, the youth must be included in the revolution. Such discussions should not be ended here, they should be assimilated into the university culture, to discover how to unite the youth. The question that the Committee must ask itself was how authentic was the support for the SADR. South Africa has been supporting Palestine for years and Mr Georgia cannot see any noticeable change. There has been only rhetoric, no sincere support. Thus, South Africa should boycott Morocco through sanctions, to increase the pressure on that country. He also suggested that in order to achieve democracy, the media must publicise the violence in SADR. 

Ms C Constantinides, Environmental Activist, stated that the human rights violations in the camps and the occupation are immense. There are thousands of people whose human rights are being violated and there are generations of people being born in these camps with no hope of a life outside. The Polisario Front continues to do great work in peaceably opposing Morocco, but because of the peaceful approach to gaining independence, the plight is not represented on mainstream media. It is vitally important that South Africa delivers on promises such as assisting with the landmine clearance project, sports centres and the like. The information media and content share is still very important. The youth there are hungry for support and exchange and cooperation. If this Committee does not give priority to the issue, the SADR will be a scar on the collective conscience of the South African people.

Mr Landers responded to the questions from the public and said that it has come to his attention that before Morocco applied to join the AU, there had been a concerted effort from the Moroccan government to influence Western African countries and “chequebook promises” were made. When the AU admitted Morocco, the die was cast. South Africa is not being proactive enough in combating this.
The argument given by South Africa stated that Morocco needed to comply with the conditions given by the AU. The Western African countries disagreed and stated that the conditions were not important and thus they were ignored.

Addressing the issue of de-colonialism, he said that neo-colonialism is still very prevalent across the West African countries and France. Former President Mbeki had brought to light that phone calls between African states go through Paris first, and France was not doing this as a benevolent gesture, but was being paid. All African states agreed that Africa needs to have two seats on the UN Council, and this has not changed. The important thing in the EU court of Justice ruling was that the plundering of SADR by Morocco stands to be prosecuted criminally, in which case it could lose its assets. Once the EU made this statement, the Moroccans moved to the AU. Africa therefore need to engage with the Western African countries about this point.

The Committee would have no issue with boycotting Moroccan products, and the recommendation was that the sanctions go ahead.

Mr Landers was disappointed to hear that the student exchange programme is not moving forward as well as the sports centre, saying this was unacceptable and should be rectified.

Mr Bachir responded to the questions. He noted that the Sahrawis are warriors who have fought against the French and the Spanish, and had prevented the French from colonising all of West Africa. They had accepted the ceasefire in 1991, due to their respect of the UN, but the Western Saharan army is ready to fight. There is escalation on the ground and any spark from Morocco could result in war. It is thus vital to correct the past cooperation between South Africa and Western Sahara to make it last, which will hopefully lead to an international conference in South Africa

It must be remembered that Morocco is a weak state. It is poor, but it is supported by the Gulf States including Israel. The US and EU also appear to support it financially.  from time to time  France is active in Africa because it is defending its own interests - for example, France intervened many times in the war with Mauritania. France needs to be convinced to oppose Moroccan annexation of Western Sahara.

He said that the Sahrawi people have not been defeated; they are simply prevented from going back to war, waiting for this issue to be resolved by diplomacy.  Maybe Morocco is going to come to the AU and accept the referendum. Morocco may try to change the frame work of the solution, but he did not think that this would be acceptable. Morocco’s admission, in the AU, shows that the countries that support it are in a position of weakness. The SADR has many countries giving it support, such as Algeria, Nigeria, Uganda, and South Africa, with whose aid hopefully the Sahrawi people will prevail.

Mr Belaid stated that it is very important that the AU remains vigilant against Morocco. It is clear that there is a group of countries that disagreed with the admission of Morocco to the AU and Algeria will continue to work alongside them for dignity of the African human being.

Mr L Mpumlwana (ANC) commented that the effort to get the structure of the Friends of Sahara going is commendable because it activates civil societies on behalf of Western Sahara. The struggle requires material assistance from South Africa. This Committee needs to identify the material needs to coordinate the support. Members of this Committee understand what is going on, but this needs to be popularised. The possibility of scholarships needs to be identified so the student body can get involved.

Mr S Mokgalapa (DA) agreed that there needs to be more public awareness and that public diplomacy needs to be pushed. One issue of great concern is the issue of Morocco’s readmission to the AU without conditions. He hoped that the AU has better influence to come to a resolution to this issue. The Committee would need to pursue the promises made so that they are delivered. Mr Mokgalapa queried who the two African members are on the Security council.

Mr D Bergman (DA) commented that however informative this public lecture was, there needed to be a more inclusive agenda. As many people as possible would need to be invited to these kinds of lectures, perhaps even taking them to the universities to mobilise South Africans. The Committee must learn not to rush into situations, rather taking some time to firstly understand the issues and interrogate the positions and opportunities available. Furthermore it is vital that the Committee addresses the outstanding promises made to Western Sahara.

Ms D Raphuti (ANC), thanked the speakers and voiced particular concern regarding the landmine issue and the challenges this could raise if not urgently addressed. She urged that a strategy for their quick removal must be pursued.

Mr M Maila (ANC) stated that Morocco is not ready to heed the call to free Western Sahara and suggested strong action. Even though Mr Bashir never advocated violence, Mr Maila reiterated that if anything happens, it is Morocco’s responsibility.

Ms S Kaylan (DA) thanked the  panellists and stated that Western Sahara has the support of South Africa. The Committee would pursue the quest for more information on this issue.

The meeting was adjourned.

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