Sri Lanka & Uganda High Commissioners: briefing

FOREIGN AFFAIRS PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE
13 February 2002
SRI LANKAN & UGANDAN HIGH COMMISSIONERS: BRIEFING

Chairperson: Mr. Ebrahim (ANC)

Relevant Documents
Ugandan High Commission Presentation

SUMMARY
The Sri Lankan High Commissioner to South Africa briefed the Committee on the current political situation in Sri Lanka and peace initiatives concerning the Tamil conflict taken by the newly elected government.

The Ugandan High Commissioner to South Africa briefed the Committee on Uganda's unique one party 'movement' political system, and on Uganda's relations with the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Sudan, and its neighbours in the Great Lakes region. Concerning the DRC, the High Commissioner confirmed Uganda's commitment to the Lusaka Accords, and commended South Africa's role in bringing peace and stability to the region and the continent.

MINUTES
Sri Lanka
Mr. Munasinghe, the Sri Lankan High Commissioner briefed the Committee on the Sri Lankan government (elected last December) to resolve the Tamil conflict by briefly sketching the historical context. Formerly known as Ceylon, the island is 64,000 sq.km, lying just 16 miles from India's Tamil Nadu province, which has a population of 60 million, far greater than Sri Lanka's 18 million. Of the latter, 74% are Buddhist Sinhalese, 12% Hindu Tamils who have had a Lankan presence for nearly 2000 years, another 6% Tamils who were brought from India as labourers by the British in the late 19th century, and 8% Tamil speaking Muslims. The Sinhalese believe they are descended from north India, identifying their culture and language with Bengali, Bihari, and Gujurati antecedents, while the Tamils' roots are south Indian.

The 12% "native" Tamil community, rather than the descendants of relatively late arriving Tamil labourers, are the backers of the militant Tamil Tigers (LTTE), who have been fighting for a separate nation for over 20 years. While this minority group had assimilated into Lankan society over the centuries, they had been particularly favoured under British rule, and comprised nearly 70% of the civil service, with most English schools located in north Ceylon, where Tamils were concentrated. As with French favouritism of the Tutsi minority over the Hutu majority in Rwanda and Burundi, this preferential treatment was a main root of later problems, as the Sinhalese majority was left without jobs and administrative influence. At independence in 1948 the Tamils attempted to maintain their position with a demand for reservation of 50% of the legislative seats, but over time they perceived themselves to be increasingly marginalized politically and otherwise, particularly when Sinhalese was made the sole official language after the 1956 elections, and university admissions were seen to be skewed in favour of the majority. Conflict and political tension increased in the `60's and early `70's, with skirmishes then building into civil war later in the decade.

The centrifugal force of Indian politics also influenced Lankan events, and the right wing Lankan government of the day, which favoured open market economic policy, was encouraged when the leftist/socialist Gandhi government (allied with Mrs. Bandaranaike's Lankan party, which occasionally held power) was briefly replaced in 1977 by the right wing government led by Desai. However, when Mrs. Gandhi returned to power a few months later she was not keen on the Lankan government's economic policies, nor on its welcoming of foreign navies at its port at Trincolmalee, which under Royal Navy control had been an important Allied base during World War II. As a result India began a period of covertly aiding dissident Lankan Tamils, which exacerbated the local conflict, despite English having been added as an official language, and the university admission system having been reformed to address their grievances.

As the conflict escalated the LTTE's radical militants took control of northern areas and increased their political influence within the Tamil community, with an insistence on the creation of a separate nation which might eventually include India's Tamil Nadu state. Their military efforts over the last twenty years have been funded, in part, and supported by the Tamil "diaspora" (significant communities exist in Malaysia and elsewhere, including South Africa), who often noted that, with the Kurds, they are the largest ethnic group withoout their own country. Because of the designs on Tamil Nadu, and Tamil involvement in the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, India eventually reversed its support of the LTTE, and was the first country to ban it as "terrorist" group, preceding post- September 11 bans imposed by western nations.

Since its election in December, the new Lankan government has renewed efforts to find a negotiated settlement, looking to its predecessors' offers of giving limited autonomy (via constitutional amendment) to three Tamil dominated provinces, with defence and foreign affairs powers reserved to the national government. The LTTE announced a one month unilateral ceasefire in December, and though this has been observed by the government and extended three times by the parties, there have been LTTE breaches, which have fed mistrust that the LTTE is "buying time" to rearm for the next military offensive. Nonetheless, there is guarded optimism in the wake of the post-September 11 global anti-terror campaign, which may be responsible for the LTTE's new willingness to accept 3rd party facilitation of discussion, which Norway is now doing in London. It was also noted that there is current media speculation about a February 19 announcement concerning a "Memo of Understanding" between the parties, providing a framework for more extensive talks, and that the government has also formed a high level committee to examine the reasons for failure of prior discussions.

In conclusion, the High Commissioner noted that the situation is a very complicated one, and his hope that the briefing had shed light on its complexity. The Chair then thanked him for his presentation and opened the floor for questions and comments.

Mr. Ramgobin (ANC) observed that the LTTE must be seen in the geopolitical historical context of efforts by India, China, and the western powers to exert influence in the region. The High Commissioner agreed, though noted that China's influence had not been major.

Discussion
Replying to a question from Mr. Geldenhuys (NNP) as to the basis for new discussions and negotiations, the High Commissioner stated that, with the LTTE's apparent post-September 11 shift from insistence on a separate state, there is greater hope that past offers of devolution of powers and limited autonomy could be the basis for settlement. He added that while the current government has only a limited majority, the opposition (led by the immediate past president), seems amenable to the constitutional change which enable those steps to be taken.

The Chair then noted that there must be a basis of agreement that prevents a Cyprus-like partition of Sri Lanka, and that South Africa is encouraged that the LTTE appears less insistent on carving up the country. He added that South Africa's position is that rather than a military solution there should be a negotiated one, leading to a peaceful and pluralistic society, as has happened here. He then thanked the High Commissioner, who has served here for four years, and wished him well in his new assignment.

Uganda
Mr. Tomusange, the Ugandan High Commissioner presented a "vision of the Ugandan political system, and its relations with its neighbours". He briefly sketched the nation's history, from the multi-party political period following independence in 1962 through the 1971-79 Idi Amin dictatorship, his overthrow by the UNLF (aided by Tanzanian forces), and the resulting 1980 multi-party "rigged" election won by the Uganda People's Congress. With this unhappy history, the election of current President Musseveni in 1986 under his NRM "no party, movement system" was a national watershed, leading to the 1995 adoption of a new constitution, free and fair elections in 1996, a national referendum in 2000 which endorsed the "no party, movement" system, and further democratic elections and constitutional review in 2001.

Elaborating on these events, he stated that the evils of colonialism had left Uganda with a legacy of dictatorship. Nearly 20 years of post-independence multi-party rule had not redressed the problems, and had indeed exacerbated the people's suffering by heightening ethnic and religious differences. The NRM "movement system", with its "no party" as opposed to "one party" was a response to this background, and has minimized divisions while maintaining democracy, despite criticism for its lack of opposition parties. In this regard, he asserted that a multi-party structure is not the exclusive means of democratic rule, and that the movement system maintains the key tenets of democracy: free elections; an independent judiciary; respect of the rule of law and human rights; and an organized civil society, with multi-level grass roots mass public political participation.

As such, the movement system is an appropriate response to Uganda's historical context, and can serve as model for other similarly situated nations, with its many successes. In this regard, the prevailing peace in most of the country and successful implementation of the government's "10 Point Program" was cited, along with 6.3% annual economic growth over the last 15 years, reduction of poverty from 60% to 30%, and reduction of the HIV-AIDS infection rate from 30% to 8%. Given these achievements it is unsurprising that the voters overwhelmingly endorsed the system in the 2000 referendum.

Moving to regional matters, it was noted that while most Ugandans had welcomed the NRM, and its call for peace and prosperity, certain groups had rejected this policy and a proposed amnesty, and with the help of neighbouring nations have pursued for their own political purposes a terrorist programme, with rampant human rights violations (including mass murder, rape, and kidnapping), to destabilize the government. This led Uganda to act against Zaire, and then the DRC, to address its security needs (not to plunder the eastern Congo's resources, as has been alleged), and to resist Sudanese-backed efforts to "Islamize" Uganda, which has also supported Rwandan efforts to resist the militant Hutu Interhamwe, and redress the Hutu conducted genocide.

However, it was emphasised that Uganda has now withdrawn most of its troops from the DRC, with a small number remaining at the behest of the UN, all of whose resolutions Uganda has complied with. Further, Uganda remains committed to implementation of the Lusaka Accords, has aided the new DRC government under Joseph Kabila, and is prepared to support the SA-coordinated Inter Congolese Dialogue (ICD).

Regarding Rwanda, a recent "family argument" was acknowledged, but with the assertion that through dialogue at the highest levels, and the "intervention of friends", Uganda is confident of a friendly resolution.

On Burundi, Uganda is cooperating with former President Mandela's international efforts to bring peace and democracy.

Concerning Sudan, Uganda supports international efforts to bring peace and stability, but Sudan's Islamic government, with its implicit attacks on African culture, religion, and people in its southern areas, and attempts to "Islamize" these communities both inside and outside its borders, remains an obstacle to such efforts. Uganda looks to South Africa, as head of the AU, for leadership and assistance in achieving stability in this area, and for facilitating, via NEPAD, further continental and regional economic, trade, and investment cooperation with Kenya and Tanzania, Uganda has taken the lead in supporting regional organisations, such as the reborn East African Commission, and is committed to working with its regional and continental neighbors.

In conclusion, it was noted that the Ugandan experience teaches that each country must find its own solution while respecting basic human rights and democratic tenets, and that each country's democratic system ultimately belongs to its own people. Having good leaders, like President Musseveni, is critical to the process, as is recognition of nations' interdependence. In this regard, South Africa's continued leadership role, and acting as a bridge between South and North on the global stage, is welcome and necessary.

Discussion
An ANC member asked if a multi-party democracy should come to Uganda, whether the constitution makes provision for it, and what were the "basic tenets of democracy".

The High Commissioner stated that the constitution provided for the 2000 referendum which endorsed the movement system, and that there were mechanisms for constitutional modification that would allow the people to bring change when they are ready for it. He identified "respect for human rights, government accountability and transparency, and free and fair elections" as some of the basic democratic tenets.

Ms. Hajaij (ANC) asked about the extent of Ugandan consideration of NEPAD, and the fate of 200 schoolgirls who had been abducted in a notorious terrorist incident several years ago.

It was noted that discussion of NEPAD in Ugandan civil society was just starting, and that some of the schoolgirls had returned to Uganda, but that many had not.

Dr. Jordan (ANC) inquired why it was so difficult for Uganda and Rwanda to withdraw from the DRC after the Interhamwe had been neutralized, and whether there was a timetable for complete withdrawal. In reply it was stated that until Uganda's borders are secure, the remaining troops, who are there at the behest of the UN, would remain, and that Uganda remains hopeful that implementation of the Lusaka Accords would bring regional peace, stability, growth, and betterment of people's lives.

The Chair thanked the High Commissioner, and noted that South Africa is committed to regional peace.

The meeting was adjourned.