South African Foreign Policy: Minister’s briefing

Meeting report

FOREIGN AFFAIRS PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE
10 November 2004
SOUTH AFRICAN FOREIGN POLICY: MINISTER’S BRIEFING

Chairperson: Mr D Sithole (ANC)

Relevant documents:
None

SUMMARY
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr N Dlamini-Zuma, briefed the Committee on key foreign policy developments. South Africa envisaged a prominent role in the African Union (AU), with a key focus on the self-financing of NEPAD (New Partnership for African Development), and Free Trade agreements. The AU continued to advocate democracy as a preventative instrument against conflicts in Africa and gender equality at all levels of decision-making in public institutions and in business.

A staunch advocate of multilateral bargaining, South Africa would strive to support peace processes in the Middle East and Africa. The Minister felt that the United Nations (UN) ought to assist more with AU-led peacekeeping operations, particularly in Darfur. South Africa had recommended broad reform of the UN, with revisions of the Charter, and improved financial systems in support of regional institutions. The Minister remarked on plans to appoint a Department DDG (Deputy Director-General) for Multilateral and Bilateral relations.

Members asked searching questions about the Israeli/Palestine conflict; American aid to Africa; the conflict in the Ivory Coast, the creation of a new state (Somaliland) and America’s so-called War on Terror.

MINUTES
The Chairperson welcomed Dr Dlamini-Zuma and explained the purpose of her speech to the Committee, which was having its final session for the year. Dr Dlamini-Zuma would summarise the achievements and challenges of South African foreign policy for 2004 and beyond, and then field questions from the Committee.

The Minister announced that her briefing would be broad and would deal separately with foreign policy in Africa and in the rest of the world. She said that our foreign policy was anchored by our national policy; what South Africa wanted for itself it wanted for the world.

Foreign Policy in Africa
The African Union (AU) was the principal operating instrument for South Africa on the continent. In 2002, the Peace and Security Council and Pan African Courts of the AU were launched with a rotating chair commencing with South Africa. Various financial institutions of the AU were still in progress. Subcommittees of the Peace and Security Council had to be installed, as well as a comprehensive early warning system to detect potential conflicts. The AU had proposed a Council of The Wise, comprising respected African statesmen who could defuse political tensions in crisis regions. A standby force of 5 Battalions had been envisaged for the AU, with each Battalion representing an African region. South Africa’s work in the AU was divided into two sections: peace and security, and development, with success of the former a necessary condition for achieving the latter.

The Minister described the condition of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as fragile. A Transitional Government was proceeding with plans to hold a general election in June or July next year. It was hoped that this deadline would not be missed by too much. Because of the lack of transport and communications infrastructure in the country the elections could not aspire to be sophisticated, but she was optimistic that primitively held elections might still represent the will of the people. Election success depended more on the strength of the supporting agencies of the Transitional Government. A unified Defence Force and Police Services, drawn together from various armed forces representing constituencies of the Transitional Government was imperative for stabilising security and order. A challenge existed for censors whose job it was to identify eligible voters. Such a programme had not visited the DRC for many years.

The pace of peaceful reform was slow in Burundi. It was due to have a referendum on its constitution. Election deadlines would not be met, but have appeared to be extended to April 2005. South Africa was concerned that the United Nations (UN) inquiry into human rights atrocities may deter people from welcoming change. An amnesty facility should be offered by the UN to encourage citizens to reconcile the past and embrace democratic institutions.

The aggressive situation in Ivory Coast had not abated; a full-scale war in the country would affect the whole surrounding region. President Mbeki had arrived there this morning to conduct talks. At the centre of the protracted crisis was the question of citizenship that affected voter’s rights and property ownership.

In Sudan negotiations between North and South factions were proceeding under the Chairpersonship of Nigeria. The Darfur catastrophe had been stemmed, with groups of international soldiers entering the area. The AU reckoned another 3-4000 troops was needed, with monitors and observers, to maintain peace. It could not shoulder this burden alone and required financial assistance from the UN.

The President and Government of Somalia were currently not safe in the country as police and security facilities were disfunctional. They required support from the AU Security Council.

Although South Africa did not approve of it, it would not openly criticise Swaziland’s Constitution until their Government was ready to admit flaws. Talks were in process to encourage restoration of their judiciary system.

The Minister stressed that the success of NEPAD depended on financial support from Africa. If the international community observed local investment in NEPAD, procured from taxes on the middle class perhaps, or special duties on import and exports, they too would invest and would conduct trade relations more seriously with NEPAD. The Committee was welcome to relate suggestions.

Gender equality was a very important issue at the AU. It had decided on gender parity in every level of decision- making, especially in public institutions and in business. Every year each member state had to report to the AU on gender parity.

The Minister reported that the Department of Foreign Affairs was investigating the possibility of a DDG (Deputy Director General) in charge of Multi-lateral relations in Africa, and one in charge of Bi-lateral relations. The focus over the last five years had switched to the latter, because South Africa’s general relationships in Africa were mostly sound.

Foreign Policy beyond Africa
The Secretary General of the United Nations was engaging a report whose subject was the reform of the UN Security Council. South Africa supported this reform, and advocated a wider reform of the whole UN. The P5 membership of the Security Council could be extended to represent more regions perhaps rotationally. South Africa would keenly participate. The judicial powers of the UN were under-strength, and ECOSOC (Economic and Social Council of the United Nations) was weak because of inadequate support from the world’s financial institutions whose response to nascent democracies could be instrumental for preventing conflict. Both the peacekeeping office and the Secretariat’s office of the UN could be stronger, and the views of Governments had to be clearer in Chapter 8 of the UN Charter. The Chapter deals with regional peacekeeping institutions, which are permitted to lead missions into local crisis zones, such as the AU in Darfur, but does not specify what financial aid the UN might back these missions with.

The Secretary General’s report would be forthcoming in December, and would investigate threats to the world at large. South Africa felt that poverty and environmental threats should be treated on an equal scale with terror threats. South Africa supported disarmament, but was concerned that nuclear states were monopolising trade in nuclear technology and taking advantage of non-nuclear states that sought such technology for non-militaristic programmes and who abided by the regulations of the NPT (Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty).

The Minister was confident that South Africa would reach its Millennium Development Goals by 2015, and hoped that, in future, developed nations would play a greater role in the economies of developing nations. South Africa had been expanding trade and diplomatic relations with developing nations such as India, Brazil, and was consulting the example of Asian economies with regards to development.

Discussion
Mr D Gibson (DA) noted the unique political climate in the Middle East considering Yasser Arafat’s imminent death. Considering other global developments like President Bush’s re-election and British interests in a Palestine-Israeli accord was it not a good time for South Africa to get involved in achieving peace in Palestine and forging diplomatic and business relations in the Middle East? He reminded the Committee that President Bush had provided more foreign aid to Africa than any other American president. Was the time ripe for South Africa to press America to deregulate foreign markets and support free trade in the interests of Africa?

The Minister appreciated the magnitude of peace in Israel/Palestine, which would contribute enormously to world peace. South Africa could encourage Israel to demonstrate its political will for peace. The amiable relations between Presidents Mbeki and Bush could spearhead free trade agreements, which were crucial for economic development on the continent. Developing nations were investing renewed hope in the next round of WTO (World Trade Organisation) negotiations.

Dr S Pheko (PAC) asked what type of conflict persisted in the Ivory Coast. Was there a solution reached with the Southern factions of Sudan, regarding Darfur? Finally, was a Somaliland likely to separate from Somalia?

The Minister replied that the issue of citizenship was central to the conflict in Ivory Coast, which affected voter’s rights and property ownership. The North and South of Sudan were engaged in talks. Whether this would impact on Darfur was yet to be seen. If the North, South and East could be pacified, then perhaps Darfur might follow suit. The split in Somali was unofficial. The Somali Government had not authorised a Somaliland. Neither the AU nor the UN recognised Somaliland.

M Gibson asked what our Government could do for Roy Bennett, the Zimbabwean MP jailed for fifteen months over a punch up in his Parliament with the Minister of Justice. Would he be able to campaign in the forthcoming elections?

While she acknowledged that it seemed harsh, the Minister could not attack Zimbabwe’s Parliament for the decision it had reached on Roy Bennett.

Mr B Holomisa (UDM) asked if French troops would be replaced in the Ivory Coast as it seemed the citizens were losing confidence in them. South Africa supported the War on Terror, but did it follow the same definition of a terrorist as the United States of America, or the UN?

The Minister recalled that France had always had troops in the Ivory Coast. They had protected the President and the Capital from rebel incursions. If they were to be replaced, the AU troop presence there had to be strengthened. Regarding terrorism, South Africa felt the UN ought to be united on an appropriate definition. The USA could not be relied upon; it still registered various South Africans, such as Tokyo Sexwale, as terrorists. 

Ms D Motubatse (ANC) noted that the Ivory Coast was peaceful under President Houphouet-Boigny who ruled until his death in 1993. Was there still a preference shown by African voters for big personalities rather than espousers of democracy? Did the Minister feel confident that civil societies in Africa were moving toward participative governance and away from authoritarianism?

The Minister agreed that President Houphouet-Boigny inspired the confidence of his people. Under his leadership the country was prosperous, and Ivorians shunned certain lower ranked jobs, which were thus taken by immigrants. After the President died, the economy deteriorated, and employment opportunities eroded. Competition for all manner of jobs excited hostilities in the country. Constitutional changes in 1999 confined citizenship to Ivorians whose parents were both Ivorian. Thousands of voters were disenfranchised; Prime Minister Ouattara was dismissed on the sketchy grounds of false citizenship. At the moment debates were ongoing between African leaders and President Gbagbo over whether he could change the Constitutional requirements for citizenship without holding a referendum.

The Minister added that the AU had completed its civil society component comprising civil society organisations from various regions. Recently, President Mbeki had emphasised the role of South Africa’s Trade Unions in mobilising the financial resources of African nations for injection into the AU and NEPAD.

The Chairperson concluded that a closed Committee meeting might be held to hear various matters with the Minister that she did not wish to disclose to the Media. Also, a workshop on NEPAD could take place during the holidays if the Committee was up to it.

The meeting was adjourned.